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학위논문 (박사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 공과대학 기계항공공학부, 2020. 8. 민경덕. ; Abstract The Effect of Turbulent Flow on the Combustion Cyclic Variation in a Spark Ignition Engine using Large-Eddy Simulation Insuk Ko Department of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering The Graduate School Seoul National University At the present, the problem of worldwide air pollution has emerged as an important issue and many countries are trying to solve the problem. Emission regulations have been tightened around the world in an effort to reduce emissions from internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles. From 2014, Tier 3 emissions standards in the United States (U.S.) and EURO6 regulations in the European Union (EU) are adopted. Currently, CO2 is also being strongly enforced annually. To meet the tightened CO2 regulations, the development of high efficiency engines is actively being carried out by each vehicle manufacturer. In the development of high efficiency engines, the key point is the increase in thermal efficiency. Many technologies have been developed to increase thermal efficiency and are being applied to mass-production engines. However, there is currently a cycle-to-cycle variation (CCV) of combustion as the biggest obstacle to engine development. Therefore, research on the CCV is also being actively carried out. Because the causes that affect the cycle deviation are various and complex, it is difficult to conduct detailed research on the source of the CCV through experimental studies. Therefore, the 3D simulation is actively carried out as an alternative. In the present study, the CCV phenomenon of combustion was reproduced using large-eddy simulation (LES) approach and the investigation on the source of CCV are conducted. Currently, the engine simulation using LES is immature. Therefore, it is necessary to consider each sub-model for accurate simulation. First, three Sub-grid scale (SGS) turbulence models were evaluated with particle image velocimetry (PIV) data from the single-cylinder transparent combustion chamber (TCC-III) engine. The dynamic structure model (DSM) was adopted for this study, based on the analysis of the flow field and the predicted SGS turbulent velocity compared to the PIV data. Secondly, the G-equation was employed as a combustion model. The model can be used in the corrugated flamelets regime and the thin reaction flamelets regime. The turbulent burning velocity of the model is quite complicated to simulate the turbulent flame included in the two regimes. Therefore, in this study, the combustion regime of the target engine operating condition was found by using Reynolds averaged navier-stokes equation (RANS) approach and was identified to the corrugated flamelets regime. Thus, the G-equation was modified for the corrugated flamelets regime. Thirdly, an ignition model reflecting the characteristics of LES was developed. The lagrangian particles were employed to realize the ignition channel and the secondary electric circuit model was implemented to predict the spark energy, restrikes phenomena and the end of ignition time. The one of the key features of the ignition model developed in this study is that a simplified empirical function is implemented to realize the thermal diffusion during arc phase. After ignition phase, the channel grows by chemical reaction and the flame propagation progresses. The turbulent flame brush thickness term is introduced to predict the transition state between the laminar flame propagation and the turbulent flame propagation. Finally, when the channel is grown sufficiently, flame is propagated in the 3D field by the G-equation Finally, 30 LES cycles were performed to identify the cause of the CCV and validated against the experimental data. The sources of the CCV are mainly from the small scale turbulent flow and the large scale turbulent flow. The small scale turbulent flow effect was investigated and the fact that the small scale turbulent flow is related to the tumble motion is identified. In terms of the large scale turbulent flow, the effect of the local vortex on the flame propagation was found through the detailed analysis of the flow field. In particular, the vortex produced by wall flow on the secondary tumble plane is an important factor. A new piston shape was designed to strengthen the vortex formation by wall flow. The result of new piston case shows the reduced combustion CCV than the base case. This research provides the guide how to investigate the sources of the combustion CCV and how to reduce the combustion CCV for the future engine development Keywords: SI engine, LES, CFD (Computational Fluid Dynamics), CCV (Cycle-to-cycle variation), Ignition model, SGS model Student Number: 2013-20641 ; 국 문 초 록 현재 전 세계 대기오염 문제가 중요한 이슈로 떠오르고 많은 나라들이 이 문제를 해결하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 내연기관 차량의 배기 가스 배출량을 줄이기 위해 전 세계적으로 배출가스 규제가 강화되었다. 2014년부터 미국은 Tier 3 배기배출물 규정을 유럽연합은 EURO 6 규정을 채택하고 있다. 현재 연비 규제인 CO2도 매년 강력하게 강화되고 있다. 강화된 CO2 규정을 충족시키기 위해, 고효율 엔진의 개발은 각 차량 제조사에 의해 활발하게 이루어지고 있다. 고효율 엔진 개발에서 핵심은 열효율 증가이다. 열효율을 높이기 위해 많은 기술이 개발되어 양산 엔진에 적용되고 있다. 그러나 현재 엔진 개발에 가장 큰 장애물로 연소 사이클 간 편차가 있다. 따라서 사이클 편차에 대한 연구도 활발히 진행되고 있다. 사이클 편차에 영향을 미치는 원인은 다양하고 복잡하기 때문에, 실험 연구를 통해 사이클 편차의 근본 원인에 대한 상세한 연구를 실시하기 어렵다. 따라서 대안으로 3D 시뮬레이션을 활용한 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있다. 본 연구에서는, 연소의 사이클 편차 현상을 Large-Eddy Simulation (LES) 유동 해석 방법을 이용하여 재현하고 사이클 편차의 원인에 대한 연구를 진행한다. 현재 LES를 이용한 엔진 시뮬레이션은 아직까지 미숙한 단계이다. 따라서 정확한 시뮬레이션을 위해 각 물리적 현상을 구현할 수 있는 모델을 구현해야 한다. 먼저, 3개의 sub-grid scale (SGS) 난류 모델을 단기통 광학 엔진의 (TCC-III) particle image velocimetry (PIV) 측정 결과로 평가하였다. PIV 데이터와 비교한 유동장 및 예측된 SGS 난류속도에 대한 분석을 바탕으로 본 연구에서는 dynamic structure model (DSM)이 채택되었다. 둘째로, G-equation 모델을 연소 모델로 선택하였다. G-equation 모델은 Pitsch[1]에 의해 LES 적용 가능 하도록 개발되었다. 이 모델은 corrugated flamelets regime과 thin reaction flamelets regime에서 사용될 수 있다. 연소 속도 모델은 두 연소 환경에 포함된 난류 연소를 모사하기 위해 상당히 복잡하다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 RANS 를 이용하여 대상 엔진 작동 조건의 연소 환경을 찾아 내었고, 연소 환경은 corrugated flamelets regime에 속한 것을 확인 하였다. 따라서 기존의 G-equation 연소 모델을 corrugated flamelets regime에 맞도록 변경 하였다. 셋째로, LES의 특성을 반영한 점화 모델이 개발되었다. Lagrangian 개념을 이용하여 점화 채널을 구현하고, 2차 전기 회로 모델을 이용하여 점화 에너지, 리스트라이크, 점화 시간 종료 등을 예측하였다. 본 연구에서 개발된 점화 모델의 주요 특징 중 하나는 아크 페이즈 중 열 팽창 현상을 구현을 위해 간단한 경험 함수를 이용한다는 것이다. 아크 페이즈 후, 점화 해널은 화학 반응에 성장하고 화염 전파가 진행된다. 난류 화염 두께는 층류 화염 전파와 난류 화염 전파 사이의 천이 상태를 예측하기 위해 도입되었다. 마지막으로 점화 채널이 충분히 커지면 G-equation 의해 3D 계산 영역에서 화염 전파가 구현된다. 마지막으로 30개의 LES 사이클을 수행하여 연소의 사이클 편차 원인을 분석하고 실험 데이터를 이용하여 시뮬레이션의 정확도를 검증하였다. 연소의 사이클 편차의 원인은 주로 작은 규모의 난류 유동과 큰 규모의 난류 유동에서 나온다. 난류 모델로 구현된 작은 규모의 난류 유동과 큰 규모의 난류 유동에 속한 텀블 값을 같이 분석 하였다. 작은 규모의 난류 유동은 텀블 값과 관계가 있다는 사실을 파악 하였다. 큰 규모 난류 유동 측면에서는 국부적인 유동의 소용돌이가 화염 전파에 미치는 영향을 유동장을 상세히 분석하여 확인되었다. 특히 2차 텀블면에서 벽면 유동에 의해 생성되는 소용돌이가 연소의 사이클 편차에 미치는 중요한 요인임을 밝혀 내었다. 벽면 유동에 의한 소용돌이 형성을 강화하기 위해 새로운 피스톤 현상을 설계 하였다. 새로운 피스톤 형상의 결과는 베이스 피스톤보다 연소의 CCV가 줄어들었다. 본 연구는 향후 엔진 개발을 위해 연소 CCV의 원인을 조사하는 방법과 연소 CCV를 줄이는 방법에 대한 방법론을 제시한다. 주요어: 전기점화 엔진, LES, 전산유체역학, 사이클 편차, 점화모델, 난류모델 학 번: 2013-20641 ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Background and Motivation 1 1.2 Literature Review 10 1.2.2 Turbulence Modeling 12 1.2.3 Combustion Modeling 16 1.3 Research Objective 20 1.4 Structure of the Thesis 22 Chapter 2. Sub-grid Scale Turbulence Model 24 2.1 The Fundamentals of Turbulent Flow 23 2.1.1 The Energy Cascade 23 2.1.2 The Energy Spectrum 27 2.2 Sub-grid Scale Turbulence Model 29 2.2.1 Zero-equation Model 31 2.2.1.1 Smagorinsky Model 31 2.2.1.2 Dynamic Smagorinsky Model 32 2.2.2 One-equation and Non-viscosity Model 34 2.2.2.1 Dynamic Structure Model 34 2.3 Evaluation of Turbulence Models 37 2.3.1 Numerical Configuration 40 2.3.2 Comparison of Sub-grid Scale Model 45 Chapter 3. Modeling of Gasoline Surrogate Fuel 59 3.1 Literature Review 55 3.2 Determination of Surrogate Component 56 Chapter 4. Combustion Model for LES 63 4.1 The Laminar Burning Velocity 59 4.1.1 Literature Review 59 4.1.2 The Correlation for the Laminar Flame Speed 62 4.2 G-equation Model for LES 69 4.3 Sub-filter Turbulent Burning Velocity 73 Chapter 5. Lagrangian Ignition Model 82 5.1 Literature Review 77 5.2 Modeling of Ignition 81 5.2.1 Initialization of Particles 82 5.2.2 Channel elongation 83 5.2.3 Electric circuit model 83 5.2.4 Plasma channel expansion. 88 5.2.5 Ignition channel development 94 5.2.6 Restrike 95 5.2.7 Transition between ignition and flame propagation 96 Chapter 6. Experimental and Numerical Setup 106 6.1 Experimental Setup 99 6.2 Numerical Setup 104 Chapter 7. Simulation Results of Combustion CCV 116 7.1 Validation of Simulation Results 109 7.2 Correlation between Combustion Phase and Peak Pressure 115 7.3 Investigation of turbulent flow effect on CCV 121 7.3.1 Small Scale Turbulent Flow Effect on CCV 121 7.3.2 Large Scale Turbulent Flow Effect on CCV 127 7.4 Method for Reduction of CCV 156 7.4.1 Investigation of the Controllable Source of CCV 156 7.4.2 Result of New Designed Piston 166 Chapter 8. Conclusions 182 Chapter 9. Bibliography 186 국 문 초 록 201 ; Doctor

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Full list of authors: Janssen, Michael; Falcke, Heino; Kadler, Matthias; Ros, Eduardo; Wielgus, Maciek; Akiyama, Kazunori; Baloković, Mislav; Blackburn, Lindy; Bouman, Katherine L.; Chael, Andrew; Chan, Chi-kwan; Chatterjee, Koushik; Davelaar, Jordy; Edwards, Philip G.; Fromm, Christian M.; Gómez, José L.; Goddi, Ciriaco; Issaoun, Sara; Johnson, Michael D.; Kim, Junhan; Koay, Jun Yi; Krichbaum, Thomas P.; Liu, Jun; Liuzzo, Elisabetta; Markoff, Sera; Markowitz, Alex; Marrone, Daniel P.; Mizuno, Yosuke; Müller, Cornelia; Ni, Chunchong; Pesce, Dominic W.; Ramakrishnan, Venkatessh; Roelofs, Freek; Rygl, Kazi L. J.; van Bemmel, Ilse; Event Horizon Telescope Collaboration.--This Open Access article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons license and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. ; Very-long-baseline interferometry (VLBI) observations of active galactic nuclei at millimetre wavelengths have the power to reveal the launching and initial collimation region of extragalactic radio jets, down to 10–100 gravitational radii (rg ≡ GM/c2) scales in nearby sources1. Centaurus A is the closest radio-loud source to Earth2. It bridges the gap in mass and accretion rate between the supermassive black holes (SMBHs) in Messier 87 and our Galactic Centre. A large southern declination of −43° has, however, prevented VLBI imaging of Centaurus A below a wavelength of 1 cm thus far. Here we show the millimetre VLBI image of the source, which we obtained with the Event Horizon Telescope at 228 GHz. Compared with previous observations3, we image the jet of Centaurus A at a tenfold higher frequency and sixteen times sharper resolution and thereby probe sub-lightday structures. We reveal a highly collimated, asymmetrically edge-brightened jet as well as the fainter counterjet. We find that the source structure of Centaurus A resembles the jet in Messier 87 on ~500 rg scales remarkably well. Furthermore, we identify the location of Centaurus A's SMBH with respect to its resolved jet core at a wavelength of 1.3 mm and conclude that the source's event horizon shadow4 should be visible at terahertz frequencies. This location further supports the universal scale invariance of black holes over a wide range of masses5,6. © 2021, The Author(s). ; A.C. is an Einstein Fellow of the NASA Hubble Fellowship Program. J.P is an EACOA fellow. Z.Y. is a UKRI Stephen Hawking Fellow. We thank the following organizations and programmes: the Academy of Finland (projects 274477, 284495, 312496, 315721); the Agencia Nacional de Investigacion y Desarrollo (ANID), Chile via NCN19_058 (TITANs) and Fondecyt 3190878; the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung; an Alfred P. Sloan Research Fellowship; Allegro, the European ALMA Regional Centre node in the Netherlands, the NL astronomy research network NOVA and the astronomy institutes of the University of Amsterdam, Leiden University and Radboud University; the Black Hole Initiative at Harvard University, through a grant (60477) from the John Templeton Foundation; the China Scholarship Council; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT, Mexico, projects U0004-246083, U0004-259839, F0003-272050, M0037-279006, F0003-281692, 104497, 275201, 263356, 57265507); the Delaney Family via the Delaney Family John A. Wheeler Chair at Perimeter Institute; Direccion General de Asuntos del Personal Academico-Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (DGAPA-UNAM, projects IN112417 and IN112820); the EACOA Fellowship of the East Asia Core Observatories Association; the European Research Council Synergy Grant "BlackHoleCam: Imaging the Event Horizon of Black Holes" (grant 610058); the Generalitat Valenciana postdoctoral grant APOSTD/2018/177 and GenT Program (project CIDEGENT/2018/021); MICINN Research Project PID2019-108995GB-C22; the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (grants GBMF-3561, GBMF-5278); the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) sezione di Napoli, iniziative specifiche TEONGRAV; the International Max Planck Research School for Astronomy and Astrophysics at the Universities of Bonn and Cologne; Joint Princeton/Flatiron and Joint Columbia/Flatiron Postdoctoral Fellowships, research at the Flatiron Institute is supported by the Simons Foundation; the Japanese Government (Monbukagakusho: MEXT) Scholarship; the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) Grant-in-Aid for JSPS Research Fellowship (JP17J08829); the Key Research Program of Frontier Sciences, Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS, grants QYZDJ-SSW-SLH057, QYZDJSSW-SYS008, ZDBS-LY-SLH011). We further thank the Leverhulme Trust Early Career Research Fellowship; the Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (MPG); the Max Planck Partner Group of the MPG and the CAS; the MEXT/JSPS KAKENHI (grants 18KK0090, JP18K13594, JP18K03656, JP18H03721, 18K03709, 18H01245, JP19H01943, 25120007); the Malaysian Fundamental Research Grant Scheme (FRGS) FRGS/1/2019/STG02/UM/02/6; the MIT International Science and Technology Initiatives (MISTI) Funds; the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) of Taiwan (105-2112-M-001-025-MY3, 106-2112-M-001-011, 106-2119-M-001-027, 107-2119-M-001-017, 107-2119-M-001020, 107-2119-M-110-005, 108-2112-M-001-048, and 109-2124-M-001-005); the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA, Fermi Guest Investigator grant 80NSSC20K1567, NASA Astrophysics Theory Program grant 80NSSC20K0527, NASA grant NNX17AL82G, and Hubble Fellowship grant HST-HF2-51431.001-A awarded by the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy, Inc., for NASA, under contract NAS5-26555, and NASA NuSTAR award 80NSSC20K0645); the National Institute of Natural Sciences (NINS) of Japan; the National Key Research and Development Program of China (grant 2016YFA0400704, 2016YFA0400702); the National Science Foundation (NSF, grants AST-0096454, AST-0352953, AST-0521233, AST-0705062, AST-0905844, AST-0922984, AST-1126433, AST-1140030, DGE-1144085, AST-1207704, AST1207730, AST-1207752, MRI-1228509, OPP-1248097, AST-1310896, AST-1337663, AST-1440254, AST-1555365, AST-1615796, AST-1715061, AST-1716327, AST1716536, OISE-1743747, AST-1816420, AST-1903847, AST-1935980, AST-2034306); the Natural Science Foundation of China (grants 11573051, 11633006, 11650110427, 10625314, 11721303, 11725312, 11933007, 11991052, 11991053); a fellowship of China Postdoctoral Science Foundation (2020M671266); the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC, including a Discovery Grant and the NSERC Alexander Graham Bell Canada Graduate Scholarships-Doctoral Program); the National Research Foundation of Korea (the Global PhD Fellowship Grant: grants 2014H1A2A1018695, NRF-2015H1A2A1033752, 2015-R1D1A1A01056807, the Korea Research Fellowship Program: NRF-2015H1D3A1066561, Basic Research Support Grant 2019R1F1A1059721); the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) VICI award (grant 639.043. 513) and Spinoza Prize SPI 78-409; the New Scientific Frontiers with Precision Radio Interferometry Fellowship awarded by the South African Radio Astronomy Observatory (SARAO), which is a facility of the National Research Foundation (NRF), an agency of the Department of Science and Innovation (DSI) of South Africa; the South African Research Chairs Initiative of the Department of Science and Innovation and National Research Foundation; the Onsala Space Observatory (OSO) national infrastructure, for the provisioning of its facilities/observational support (OSO receives funding through the Swedish Research Council under grant 2017-00648) the Perimeter Institute for Theoretical Physics (research at Perimeter Institute is supported by the Government of Canada through the Department of Innovation, Science and Economic Development and by the Province of Ontario through the Ministry of Research, Innovation and Science); the Spanish Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (grants PGC2018-098915-B-C21, AYA2016-80889-P, PID2019-108995GB-C21); the State Agency for Research of the Spanish MCIU through the 'Center of Excellence Severo Ochoa' award for the Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (SEV-2017-0709); the Toray Science Foundation; the Consejeria de Economia, Conocimiento, Empresas y Universidad of the Junta de Andalucia (grant P18-FR-1769), the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas (grant 2019AEP112); the US Department of Energy (US DOE) through the Los Alamos National Laboratory (operated by Triad National Security, LLC, for the National Nuclear Security Administration of the US DOE (Contract 89233218CNA000001); the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 730562 RadioNet; ALMA North America Development Fund; the Academia Sinica; Chandra TM6-17006X and DD7-18089X; the GenT Program (Generalitat Valenciana) Project CIDEGENT/2018/021. This work used the Extreme Science and Engineering Discovery Environment (XSEDE), supported by NSF grant ACI-1548562, and CyVerse, supported by NSF grants DBI-0735191, DBI-1265383, and DBI-1743442. XSEDE Stampede2 resource at TACC was allocated through TG-AST170024 and TG-AST080026N. XSEDE JetStream resource at PTI and TACC was allocated through AST170028. The simulations were performed in part on the SuperMUC cluster at the LRZ in Garching, on the LOEWE cluster in CSC in Frankfurt, and on the HazelHen cluster at the HLRS in Stuttgart. This research was enabled in part by support provided by Compute Ontario (http://computeontario.ca), Calcul Quebec (http://www.calculquebec.ca) and Compute Canada (http://www.computecanada.ca).We thank the staff at the participating observatories, correlation centres, and institutions for their enthusiastic support. This paper makes use of the following ALMA data: ADS/JAO. ALMA#2016.1.01198.V. ALMA is a partnership of the European Southern Observatory (ESO; Europe, representing its member states), NSF, and National Institutes of Natural Sciences of Japan, together with National Research Council (Canada), Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST; Taiwan), Academia Sinica Institute of Astronomy and Astrophysics (ASIAA; Taiwan), and Korea Astronomy and Space Science Institute (KASI; Republic of Korea), in cooperation with the Republic of Chile. The Joint ALMA Observatory is operated by ESO, Associated Universities, Inc. (AUI)/NRAO, and the National Astronomical Observatory of Japan (NAOJ). The NRAO is a facility of the NSF operated under cooperative agreement by AUI. APEX is a collaboration between the Max-Planck-Institut fur Radioastronomie (Germany), ESO, and the Onsala Space Observatory (Sweden). The SMA is a joint project between the SAO and ASIAA and is funded by the Smithsonian Institution and the Academia Sinica. The JCMT is operated by the East Asian Observatory on behalf of the NAOJ, ASIAA, and KASI, as well as the Ministry of Finance of China, Chinese Academy of Sciences, and the National Key R&D Program (No. 2017YFA0402700) of China. Additional funding support for the JCMT is provided by the Science and Technologies Facility Council (UK) and participating universities in the UK and Canada. The LMT is a project operated by the Instituto Nacional de Astrofisica, Optica, y Electronica (Mexico) and the University of Massachusetts at Amherst (USA), with financial support from the Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia and the National Science Foundation. The IRAM 30-m telescope on Pico Veleta, Spain is operated by IRAM and supported by CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France), MPG (Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, Germany) and IGN (Instituto Geografico Nacional, Spain). The SMT is operated by the Arizona Radio Observatory, a part of the Steward Observatory of the University of Arizona, with financial support of operations from the State of Arizona and financial support for instrumentation development from the NSF. The SPT is supported by the National Science Foundation through grant PLR-1248097. Partial support is also provided by the NSF Physics Frontier Center grant PHY-1125897 to the Kavli Institute of Cosmological Physics at the University of Chicago, the Kavli Foundation and the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation grant GBMF 947. The SPT hydrogen maser was provided on loan from the GLT, courtesy of ASIAA. The EHTC has received generous donations of FPGA chips from Xilinx Inc., under the Xilinx University Program. The EHTC has benefited from technology shared under open-source license by the Collaboration for Astronomy Signal Processing and Electronics Research (CASPER). The EHT project is grateful to T4Science and Microsemi for their assistance with Hydrogen Masers. This research has made use of NASA's Astrophysics Data System. We gratefully acknowledge the support provided by the extended staff of the ALMA, both from the inception of the ALMA Phasing Project through the observational campaigns of 2017 and 2018. The grants listed above collectively fund the Event Horizon Telescope project. ; Peer reviewed

Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; Week 11 Final Paper Wilsonianism in the First World War: Progressivism, American Exceptionalism, and the AEF Doughboy Brian P. Bailes A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Military History Norwich University MH 562B Dr. John Broom August 16, 2020 Bailes 2 While the duration of American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) involvement in First World War combat operations remained short compared to the armies of the European powers, the experience had a lasting impact on the United States' status as a global power. President Woodrow Wilson's mediation in the European affair throughout American neutrality, his integration of the AEF into Allied operations, and his contribution to the post-war peace process cast him as a central figure of the conflict as well as a harbinger of United States interventionist foreign policy. Through the more than a century since the end of the war, historians have analyzed and debated various facets of United States belligerency. Historians have explored President Wilson's ideologies and the decision making that ultimately led to him making his April 1917 appeal to Congress for American belligerency. Additionally, historians have expanded on AEF actions in Europe and argued how General Pershing's adamancy on maintaining an independent American command created tension with the Allied leaders. Historians have not connected these two topics to analyze how a reader can conceptually link Wilson's ideas and doughboy exploits in Europe. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Throughout the historiography of United States involvement in the First World War, specific themes reoccur as significant areas of consensus. The historiography presents two primary arguments in which historians agree. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives drastically differed from those of the Allies, and historians agree that these differences motivated Wilson's decisions regarding how the United States would enter the war. Historians also agree that friction existed between General Pershing and the Allied Commanders once the AEF arrived in Europe and began combat operations. These two commonalities in the historiography remain Bailes 3 relatively constant throughout the past 50 years of historical research, and even when portraying more positive sentiments expressed between AEF and Allied soldiers, historians still note some tension between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives differed significantly from those of the Allies. David Woodford argues that the gap between British imperial interests and Wilson's peace objectives affected the alliance between the United States and England throughout the war.1 William Widenor argues that Wilson failed in achieving his goals during the Versailles Peace Settlement because he attempted to make too many concessions for enduring peace, and he claims that Wilson grew at odds with the Allied leaders at the peace conference.2 George Egerton argues that British policymakers were closely monitoring the dispute within the United States Senate during the Treaty of Versailles conference, and he suggests that British leadership remained skeptical of Wilson's League of Nations.3 Historians capture Wilson's opposing peace aims throughout the European conflict, and they seemingly agree on how these aims influenced Wilson's policies and actions. Some historians cite the most significant gap in peace aims as existing between the United States and France. David Stevenson argues that French leaders were continually at odds with Wilson throughout the war as the French war aims focused much more on their national security, which they saw as requiring the destruction of Imperial Germany.4 Stevenson points out that while Wilson's peace aims differed from England as well as France, many French objectives 1 David R. Woodward, Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993), 7-25, 35-43, 77-80, 125-9, 208-20. 2 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," Modern American Diplomacy, eds. John M. Carroll and George C. Herring (Lanham: SR Books, 1996), 46-59. 3 George W. Egerton, "Britain and the 'Great Betrayal': Anglo-American Relations and the Struggle for United States Ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919-1920," The Historical Journal 21, no. 4 (December 1978): 885-911, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638973. 4 David Stevenson, "French War Aims and the American Challenge, 1914-1918," The Historical Journal 22, no. 4 (December 1979): 877-894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638691. Bailes 4 were more aggressive against Germany as they involved reclaiming land lost to Germany in previous wars, specifically the 1870 Franco-Prussian War.5 Stevenson highlights the fact that Wilson could not get French officials to see the "two Germanys" concept that prevailed in American thinking at the time. While the American public generally saw two Germanys – the autocratic ruling party dominated by the Prussian elite and the German people living under that oppressive regime – Stevenson argues that France only saw Imperial Germany as a total enemy.6 Robert Bruce explains that during the post-war occupation period, the American doughboys perceived Frenchmen as distrustful and hateful toward German soldiers, and this sullied the alliance between France and the United States.7 In line with Wilson's ideology, historians cite Wilson's desire for Europe to achieve a "peace without victory" as he attempted to serve as a mediator during the United States period of neutrality. These historians ultimately conclude that Wilson believed any of the European powers achieving their aims through victory would lead to a continuation of balance of power politics in Europe. They argue that Wilson thought merely putting an end to the fighting would be the only way to achieve lasting peace. Ross Gregory argues that Wilson acted as a persistent mediator throughout the war as he strove for a "peace without victory."8 Arthur Link explains that Wilson believed a "peace without victory" and a "draw in Europe" proved the best solution for establishing a new system to replace the broken power structure in Europe.9 Ross Kennedy portrays Wilson as advocating the United States as a neutral mediator striving for a "peace 5 Stevenson, 884, 892-4. 6 Stevenson, 885. 7 Robert B. Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms: America & France in the Great War (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2003), 286-95. 8 Ross Gregory, The Origins of American Intervention in the First World War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1971), 115-6. 9 Arthur Link, "Entry into World War I," Progress, War, and Reaction: 1900-1933, eds. Davis R.B. Ross, Alden T. Vaughan, and John B. Duff (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Inc., 1970), 141. Bailes 5 without victory" before the U.S. entered the war, then as an advocate of "just peace" after they entered the war.10 Kennedy argues that Wilson blamed the international system that led to power politics and wanted to have a separate voice in the peace process to shape a new diplomatic and global political order.11 Historians point to Wilson's ideology as a reason for his differing peace objectives, and historians point to Wilson's Christian faith as a significant motivation for his progressive philosophy. Lloyd Ambrosius highlights Wilson's four tenets of national self-determination, open-door economic globalization, collective security, and progressive history as the framework in which he envisioned a global order shaped by American democratic ideals that would bring the world to peace.12 Ambrosius examines Wilson's embrace of "American Exceptionalism" and looks at how his Anglo-American bias clouded his vision and prevented him from seeing the various cultural factors throughout the world.13 Ronald Pestritto examines Wilson's progressive form of history while arguing that Wilson saw democracy emerging within society as a phenomenon only natural to specific groups of people, and he only saw a few civilizations as "progressed."14 Pestritto notes Wilson's Christian inspiration, referencing early manuscripts written by Wilson titled "Christ's Army" and "Christian Progress."15 William Appleman Williams argues that Wilson maintained a Calvinist idealism that intensified the existing doctrine 10 Ross A. Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (Winter 2001): 15, 29, https://doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00247. 11 Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," 2-3. 12 Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 2-47. 13 Ambrosius, Wilsonianism, 125-34; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 33-49; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism," The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17 (2018): 5-22, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781417000548. 14 Ronald J. Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005), 6-61. 15 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 23, 40. Bailes 6 based on God's supposed ordination of American influence and expansion in the world.16 Richard Gamble explains that Wilson's vision and rhetoric nested with many of the Christian messages of progressive religious leaders in the United States during the First World War who saw the war as a Christian crusade to spread American ideals.17 Historians seem in unanimous agreement that Wilson's separate peace aims formed the primary impetus for him seeking an independent American presence in the war effort. David Esposito argues that Wilson wanted to have an American presence in the war because he realized that to establish a dominant American voice in the post-war peace talks, the United States needed to make a significant contribution to Allied victory.18 Edward Coffman details the United States' experiences in the First World War by explaining Wilson's desire to gain an independent voice in the peace process.19 David Trask maintains that Wilson wanted to "remain somewhat detached from the Allies" in defeating Imperial Germany to provide Wilson leverage so that he could directly influence the post-war peace process.20 Arthur Link explains that Wilson did see the benefit of not joining the Entente but keeping the United States independent of "any political commitments" with the Allies as providing a chance to ensure an American presence at the peace conference.21 Thomas Knock argues that Wilson faulted the "balance of power" politics of Europe and saw the United States as the actor to save Europe and create a new system of 16 William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1959; New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009), 67-112. Page references are to the 2009 edition. 17 Richard M. Gamble, The War for Righteousness: Progressive Christianity, the Great War, and the Rise of the Messianic Nation (Wilmington: ISI Books, 2003), 22-3, 86-208, 254-5. 18 David M. Esposito, "Woodrow Wilson and the Origins of the AEF," Presidential Studies Quarterly 19 no. 1 (Winter 1989): 127-38, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40574570. 19 Edward M. Coffman, The War to End All Wars: The American Military Experience in World War I (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1968), 5-8. 20 David F. Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 1917-1918 (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1993), 2-6. 21 Link, "Entry into World War I," 141. Bailes 7 diplomacy.22 Overall, historians agree that President Wilson desired very different peace outcomes for a post-war Europe, and this influenced him as he made decisions regarding United States actions throughout the war. In addition to the agreement that Wilson's peace aims differed from the Allies, historians also agree that once the United States did enter the war and the AEF arrived in Europe, friction quickly developed between General Pershing and the Allied commanders. David Trask argues many instances of "increasing friction" existed between Pershing and the French and British command. Trask includes a case where the Allies "attempted to bypass Pershing" by working directly with Wilson even though Wilson had appointed Pershing as Commander in Chief of the AEF.23 Trask argues that Pershing believed that the preceding few years of trench warfare had "deprived the French and even the British of offensive spirit," and he maintains that with Pershing's "open warfare" tactics, his methods of training drastically differed from the Allies.24 Michael Adas cites disagreement between Pershing and the Allied commanders immediately after Pershing arrived in France due to Pershing's unwillingness to listen to the experienced French and British leaders as they tried to suggest ways to employ the AEF.25 Adas argues that Pershing's desire to pursue "open warfare" did not take into account the realities of trench warfare and resulted in costly casualties.26 Russell Weigley cites frequent tensions between Pershing and the Allied commanders, including an example in September of 1918 in which AEF 22 Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest For a New World Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 30-69. 23 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 38-9. 24 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 25 Michael Adas, "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I," Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 705-7, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. 26 Adas, "Ambivalent Ally," 710. Bailes 8 "traffic congestion" caused a significant disturbance in a visit from Georges Clemenceau.27 Weigley explains that Pershing's belief in "open warfare" would not work due to the enormous American divisions built for the trenches, arguing that Pershing would need "smaller, maneuverable divisions" if he wanted his open warfare to work.28 All historians agree that the issue of AEF amalgamation with the French and British forces served as the primary reason for the friction between the military leaders. David Woodford cites the notion that AEF amalgamation would "undermin[e] the significance of the American military role." Hence, Pershing remained adamant in his stance not to let the Allies use American soldiers to fight under French or British flags.29 Woodward notes that Pershing felt his AEF superior to the Allies as he "believed that the Americans had almost nothing to learn from French and British officers."30 Woodford explains that war aims and peace objectives formed the basis of a fractured Anglo-American relationship that finally crumbled during the peace conference.31 Mitchell Yockelson argues that despite tension between Pershing and the Allied leaders regarding the question of amalgamation, the 27th and 30th Divisions contributed significantly to the Allied effort under British command. Yockelson highlights a fascinating illustration of Pershing's stubbornness in noting that Pershing did not follow the exploits of these divisions even though they proved instrumental in the offensive against the Hindenburg Line.32 As an enduring theme throughout the amalgamation debate, historians point to Pershing's desire for the United States to deliver the decisive blow against Germany with an independent 27 Russell F. Weigley, "Strategy and Total War in the United States: Pershing and the American Military Tradition," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 333. 28 Weigley, "Pershing and the American Military Tradition," 341-2. 29 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 57-8. 30 Woodward, 88. 31 Woodward, 7-80, 112-220. 32 Mitchell A. Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 92-228. Bailes 9 American army. Allan Millett argues that Wilson gave Pershing the explicit directive to keep the AEF separate from the Allies and allowed Pershing the freedom to make decisions on how to integrate the AEF.33 Millett cites Pershing's initial plan to use an AEF offensive on Metz as the critical blow that would decide the war and establish an American contribution to defeating Imperial Germany. Pershing would not have his AEF ready to carry out this offensive until 1919, and his stubbornness in dealing with the requests for amalgamation in the interim "frustrated the Allies."34 Bullitt Lowry narrates Pershing's attempt to shape the post-war peace terms by arguing that Pershing wanted to force Germany into an "unconditional surrender." While Lowry concludes that Pershing's effort to influence the political realm failed, he believed that the only way to "guarantee victory" would be to crush Germany in battle.35 David Woodward argues that Pershing believed that the AEF would decide the war by becoming "the dominant role in the war against Germany."36 Woodward cites Pershing's ideas regarding "the aggressive American rifleman, whose tradition of marksmanship and frontier warfare" could rid the Western Front of trench warfare and execute a great offensive against Germany.37 Historians cite the notion throughout the ranks of the AEF that the United States should remain independent from the Allies, and historians point to the fact that many doughboys saw themselves as superior soldiers to the Allies. Robert H. Zieger argues that "virtually the entire military establishment" agreed with Pershing's desire to have an independent American 33 Allan R. Millett, "Over Where? The AEF and the American Strategy for Victory, 1917-1918," Against All Enemies: Interpretations of American Military History from Colonial Times to the Present, eds. Kenneth J. Hagan and William R. Roberts (Westport: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1986), 237. 34 Millett, "Over Where?," 239. 35 Bullitt Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," The Journal of American History 55 no. 2, (September 1968): 281-291, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1899558. 36 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 81. 37 Woodward, 89, 207. Bailes 10 command.38 Still, Zieger does note that this separate American command relied heavily on the Allies for logistics support, and the AEF "misunderstood the military dynamics of the Western Front."39 Richard Faulkner argues that Pershing's doctrine rested on his belief that the "superior American rifle marksmanship, aggressiveness, and skilled maneuvering" could win the fight for the Allies.40 Faulkner argues that American soldiers saw themselves as intervening in the war effort to help the failing French and British, taunting their British partners by claiming AEF stands for "After England Failed." He devotes a chapter named as such to explain the AEF belief in the superiority of the American fighting man.41 Harold Winton argues that Pershing believed that the United States soldier was superior to his European counterpart.42 Jennifer Keene argues that issues such as the treatment of African-American soldiers and disagreements about which nation contributed the most to the Allied victory created rifts between the two allies.43 In her full text, Keene narrates AEF interactions with their French Allies, and she claims that doughboys saw themselves as superior fighters who could help turn the tide of war.44 Michael Neiberg explains that United States citizens and soldiers came away from the conflict with the belief in the "inherent superiority" of the American system over that of Europe.45 38 Robert H. Zieger, America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000), 92-102. 39 Zieger, America's Great War, 96. 40 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders: The American Soldier in World War I (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017), 285. 41 Faulkner, 281-304. 42 Harold Winton, "Toward an American Philosophy of Command," The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1059, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. 43 Jennifer D. Keene, "Uneasy Alliances: French Military Intelligence and the American Army During the First World War," Intelligence and National Security 13, no. 1 (January 2008): 18-36, https://doi.org/10.1080/02684529808432461. 44 Jennifer D. Keene, Doughboys, the Great War, and the Remaking of America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 105-11. 45 Michael S. Neiberg, The Path to War: How The First World War Created Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 23. Bailes 11 Even when historians convey a more positive relationship between the AEF and their Allied counterparts, they still address the tension between Pershing and Allied leadership. Robert Bruce portrays a much more positive partnership between the doughboy and his French ally. Bruce documents Marshal Joseph Joffre's visit to the United States after Congress declared war against Germany to muster American support for the French. By comparing France's visit to Britain's, Bruce argues that Joffre established the framework for an intimate Franco-American partnership.46 Bruce maintains that the French respected the American soldier and viewed the entry of the AEF into the war as the saving grace of the Allies. Bruce narrates a bond between doughboys and French troops that increased as they trained and fought together.47 Despite this positive portrayal by Bruce of the French and AEF bond, Bruce still highlights the tension in Pershing's interactions with French commanders as well as noting the general perception amongst French commanders that Pershing thought "he knew everything there was to know about modern warfare."48 Bruce adds that different peace aims and post-war sentiments towards Germany created disagreements amongst American and French soldiers that fractured the relationship built during the war.49 Of note, Bruce suggests that the doughboys harbored what they saw as a "perceived lack of aggressiveness in the French."50 After synthesizing the historiography, the question remains regarding how these two arguments can be linked. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale 46 Robert B. Bruce, "America Embraces France: Marshal Joseph Joffre and the French Mission to the United States, April-May 1917," Journal of Military History 66 no. 2 (April 2002): 407-441, http://doi.org/10.2307/3093066; Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 32-59. 47 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 86-121. 48 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 128, 143. 49 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 286-95. 50 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 122. Bailes 12 coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. Perhaps a reader will identify that the AEF demonstrated trends in Europe that highlight an "American way of war" that still resonates in United States coalition operations today. When President Wilson brought the United States into the First World War in April of 1917, he sold it as an effort to make the world safe for democracy. In Wilson's war address to Congress, Wilson called Imperial Germany's resumption of their unrestricted submarine campaign "warfare against mankind."51 Wilson maintained that Imperial Germany had given the United States no other choice but to declare war when they resumed their submarine attacks on merchant ships in the early spring of 1917. Still, Wilson furthered his justification for war by appealing to the broader ideal of fighting to defeat the Imperial German autocracy. Wilson described the "selfish and autocratic power" against which a free people needed to wage war.52 Later in his address, Wilson stated that he found hope in what he saw as the restoration of power to the people demonstrated in the Russian Revolution. Wilson saw a pre-Lenin revolution as 51 Woodrow Wilson, "Address to a Joint Session of Congress Calling for a Declaration of War" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, ed. Mario R. DiNunzio (New York: NYU Press, 2006): 399, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.15. 52 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 400. Bailes 13 bringing democracy to the people of Russia, and it opened the door for the realization that the Allies fought because "the world must be made safe for democracy."53 Arthur Link comments on Wilson's initial optimism on hearing of the Russian Revolution overthrowing Czar rule.54 While the Russian Revolution took a different turn in the following years, the initial news of the Russian people revolting against the Czar gave Wilson confidence that democracy could spread in Europe since now the Allies truly represented a democratic system. Wilson had spent the first years of the war trying to mediate peace in Europe through United States neutrality, and he tried to negotiate an end to the fighting without a victory for any of the imperial belligerents. Wilson did not see a lasting peace coming to Europe if any of the imperial powers achieved their peace objectives, so he attempted to mediate a truce. Kendrick Clements narrates how Wilson's desire to keep the United States neutral grew at odds with his economic support for the Allies. War for the United States rose to be more likely as Imperial Germany became increasingly aggravated with the United States for supplying aid to France and Britain while professing neutrality.55 Fraser Harbutt argues that at the initial outbreak of war in Europe, leaders as well as citizens of the United States concerned themselves with the economic impacts of the war primarily, and the United States benefited economically by supporting the Allies, specifically in the steel trade.56 Imperial Germany's resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare, as well as the capture of Germany's Zimmerman Telegram in January 1917, soliciting an alliance with Mexico, prompted Wilson to support waging war on Imperial Germany. Now American entry into the conflict presented Wilson with some new options for shaping the post- 53 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401-2. 54 Link, "Entry into World War I," 122-3. 55 Kendrick A. Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 1 (March 2004: 62-82, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27552564. 56 Fraser J. Harbutt, "War, Peace, and Commerce: The American Reaction to the Outbreak of World War I in Europe 1914," An Improbable War? The Outbreak of World War I and European Political Culture Before 1914, eds. Holger Afflerbach and David Stevenson (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 320-1. Bailes 14 war world. Thomas Knock describes how even though the United States entry into the war meant the essential failure of Wilson's "Peace Without Victory," the international community had seemingly bought into Wilson's concept of "collective security."57 In the previous few years of American neutrality, Wilson had advocated for creating a collection of democratic nation-states to band together to prevent war, and by 1917 the international community seemed interested. Wilson would use American belligerency to shape his new world order for peace. Russia's withdrawal from the war in March of 1918 made the need for a United States presence all the more significant for the Allies. The American soldier would be a crusader of sorts, attempting to cure Europe of the diplomacy of old that had brought her to destruction. The European July crisis of 1914 that erupted in a full-scale war the following month proved to be the culmination of decades of the European balance of power diplomacy that led to rival alliances and an armament race between the feuding dynasties.58 European power politics had dominated the continent for centuries, which inevitably escalated into a world war, and the United States soldier would have the opportunity to save the nations from which most of their ancestors had descended. Michael Neiberg argues that by 1917, the American people felt an obligation to enter the war to save Europe. While the people of the United States supported neutrality initially, Neiberg explains that public opinion swayed over time toward a desire to save Europe from the terror of Imperial Germany.59 The United States Secretary of War from 1916-1921, Newton Baker, published a text almost two decades after the armistice in which he maintained that the United States went to war to stop Imperial Germany and make the world safe for democracy. Baker took issue with the 57 Knock, To End All Wars, 115. 58 James Joll and Gordon Martel, The Origins of the First World War, 3rd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 9-291. 59 Neiberg, The Path to War, 7-8, 31-3, 235. Bailes 15 historians of the 20s and 30s who claimed that economic interest influenced the United States entry into the war, and he argued they ignored the necessity of U.S. involvement to stop Germany. Baker explained that the American public remained overwhelmingly critical of the German autocracy and desired to intervene to save the European people.60 Private Alexander Clay of the AEF's 33rd Division demonstrated this sense of duty as he wrote regarding his 1918 deployment to France. As Clay's ship passed the Statue of Liberty while leaving the New York harbor, he thought to himself of the French leader Lafayette's role in securing United States victory during the American Revolution. He wrote that the AEF went to France to "repay the debt of our gratitude to your country for your country's alliance with our country in obtaining liberty from an oppressor England."61 For the United States to effectively reshape the world, there needed to be an independent American command that would ensure the United States contributed to the victory over Imperial Germany, which would give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks. In a January 22, 1917 address to the Senate in which he articulated his vision for peace in Europe, Wilson claimed that the warring European nations could not shape a lasting peace. While Wilson still did not advocate for United States intervention at this point, he did state that to achieve peace "[i]t will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations could face or withstand it."62 In this speech, Wilson advocated for a "peace without victory" because he did not envision a peaceful 60 Newton D. Baker, Why We Went to War (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936), 4-10, 20, 160-3. 61 Private Alexander Clay in American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents, 1917-1920, ed. Martic Marix Evans (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 2001; New York: Routledge, 2013), 19, Kindle. 62 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 393. Bailes 16 outcome if any of the imperial powers achieved victorious peace terms.63 Wilson reiterated his stance that the United States should play a decisive role in shaping post-war Europe and ensuring that "American principles" guided the rest of the world.64 When the United States declared war against Imperial Germany a few months after this speech, it essentially put Wilson's vision into motion. Diplomatic historian William Widenor argues that Wilson realized that the United States needed to participate in the war "rather than as an onlooker" to achieve his visions for peace.65 Widenor notes Wilson's desire for the United States to enter the war as an "associate" to the Entente as opposed to an "ally," and Widenor maintains that Wilson desired to change the world and "democratize and also, unfortunately, to Americanize it."66 The late international historian Elisabeth Glaser captures the Wilson administration's balancing between maintaining an economic relationship with the Entente powers while attempting to remain "an independent arbiter in the conflict."67 Wilson appointed General Pershing to lead the American effort, and Wilson gave him the simple instruction to keep the American Expeditionary Forces as a command separate from the Allies. In 1928, the Army War College published The Genesis of the American First Army, which documented the details surrounding how the War Department created an independent army of the United States. The text includes a caption from Secretary of War Baker's memorandum to Pershing. Baker informed Pershing of Wilson's order to "cooperate with the forces of the other countries employed against the enemy; but in so doing the underlying idea must be kept in view that the forces of the United States are a separate and distinct component of 63 Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 394. 64 Wilson, 396-7. 65 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," 42. 66 Widenor, 42-3. 67 Elisabeth Glaser, "Better Late than Never: The American Economic War Effort, 1917-1918," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 390. Bailes 17 the combined forces, the identity of which must be preserved."68 The President did give Pershing the authority to decide how the AEF would integrate into Allied operations. Upon Pershing's June 13, 1917 arrival in Paris, he began making decisions regarding AEF employment as it pertained to logistics, training, and an initial American area of operations on the Western Front. With a plan of achieving a force of 1,328,448 men in France by the end of 1918, Pershing needed to ensure his troops were able to build combat power and prepare for war while simultaneously ensuring that he maintained a distinct American command.69 The following 17 months of conflict with American boots on the ground in Europe saw significant political and diplomatic friction between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Pershing attempted to keep his AEF intact while satisfying Allied requests for American soldiers to replace French and British casualties, especially when Germany launched their Spring 1918 offensives. Pershing described in his memoirs that the French and British requested American soldiers to fill their gaps on the front lines when they had each sent diplomatic missions to America shortly after the United States entered the war. Pershing maintained his adamancy against the United States "becoming a recruiting agency for either the French or British," and he recounted that the War Department retained his position as well.70 While Allied leaders ostensibly supported having an independent American army participate in the war effort, the need to replace casualties in the trenches proved to be their immediate concern. Russia withdrawing from the conflict allowed Germany to reinforce their strength on the Western Front and mount a series of offensives. Germany knew they had a limited window of time for victory 68 Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section, The Genesis of the American First Army (Army War College, 1928), Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library (Coppell, TX, 2020), 2. 69 The Genesis of the American First Army, 2-9. 70 John J. Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1 (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931), 30-3. Bailes 18 with the United States continuing to build combat power, so they surged in the early months of 1918. Pershing faced a strategic dilemma of trying to support the Allies and get his troops in the fight while simultaneously attempting to build an independent American army. Ultimately, Pershing gave the Allies some of his army divisions as much needed replacements, and he made an effort to ensure that these divisions remained as intact as possible. Pershing endeavored to organize these divisions under a U.S. corps level command, but this corps command proved mostly administrative rather than tactical.71 By the time Pershing activated his independent American First Army, it only spent a few months in combat. The temporarily amalgamated doughboys Pershing gave to the Allies to meet their requests had contributed more to the defeat of Imperial Germany than Pershing's independent army. Mostly because Pershing had interspersed his divisions throughout the French and British fronts to meet the Allied requests for replacements, the American First Army did not activate until August of 1918. The September 20-25 Meuse-Argonne offensive would be the first significant operation for Pershing's independent army.72 David Trask concludes his critique of Pershing by recognizing the contribution that the American soldier played in providing manpower to the Allies. Trask commends the bravery of the American doughboy, but he argues that the amalgamated U.S. divisions contributed more to victory than the American First Army.73 In a similar vein, Mitchell Yockelson contends that the 27th and 30th Divisions who remained under British command throughout the war benefited over the rest of the AEF from extensive training led by the experienced British troops, and they contributed significantly to the Allied 71 The Genesis of the American First Army, 9-46. 72 John J. Pershing, Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919), 37-8; The Genesis of the American First Army, 45-58. 73 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174-7. Bailes 19 victory.74 Pershing detailed his plans to capitalize on the initiative gained with his Meuse-Argonne offensive to deliver his decisive blow against Germany. The November 11 armistice came before he could achieve his grand vision.75 While the American doughboy played a critical role in providing an Allied victory over Imperial Germany, Pershing never realized his concept of an independent American command autonomously crushing the German army. The American soldier contributed most significantly to the Allied victory by taking part in offensives planned and conducted under the control of French and British Generals. Understanding American motivation during the war effort requires understanding the Progressive Movement taking place in the early-twentieth-century United States. Michael McGerr writes a detailed account of the cause and effect of the Progressive Movement. McGerr describes the wealth disparity brought about by Victorian society and the Gilded Age, and the class conflict emerging from this gave birth to a social and political movement that attempted to enact massive change in the American system.76 McGerr claims that the Progressive Movement attempted such major reform that no social or political action since has tried "anything as ambitious" due to the adverse reactions of such massive change.77 The Progressive Movement engulfed American society and brought about changes in family structures, race relations, and governmental powers. Herbert Croly illustrated the drive for monumental change rooted in the Progressive Movement with his text Progressive Democracy. In his narrative, Croly advocated for a complete overhaul of the American system to achieve freedom and alleviate wealth disparity. Croly saw governmental reform as the method for spreading democracy to all 74 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 213-23. 75 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 355-87. 76 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 3-146. 77 McGerr, 315-9. Bailes 20 citizens.78 In describing American public opinion during the time of United States entry into World War I, David Kennedy argues that for those Americans who championed progressive ideals, "the war's opportunities were not to be pursued in the kingdom of commerce but in the realm of the spirit."79 While the United States maintained a formidable economic link with the Allies throughout American neutrality, Wilson appealed to American ideals to garner public support for the war. United States entry into the war did not come as the natural development of the Progressive Movement. Still, the American public's reason for supporting the war certainly borrowed progressive sentiments. Wilson championed progressive initiatives that had ingrained themselves in the national mood of early-twentieth-century America. Wilson ran for President in 1912 on the principles he codified the following year in his text The New Freedom. Wilson argued that the Jefferson era of United States democracy had long ended. Wilson maintained that because of the new complexities found in American society, a "reconstruction in the United States" needed to occur to achieve real economic and social freedom.80 Ronald Pestritto articulates Wilson's vision for a governmental system as it relates to a society's history and progress. According to Wilson, the method of government that works for people depends on how far that population has progressed. In that manner, the government should always change to reflect the progression of its people best.81 Pestritto argues that a major theme found in Wilson's 1908 text Constitutional Government in the United States rests in the idea that: [T]here are four stages through which all governments pass: (1) government is the master and people are its subjects; (2) government remains the master, not through 78 Herbert Croly, Progressive Democracy (New York: Macmillan, 1914; New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers; Second printing 2006), 25, 103-18. 79 David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980; New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 39. 80 Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913), www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf. 81 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 34-42. Bailes 21 force but by its fitness to lead; (3) a stage of agitation, when leaders of the people rise up to challenge the government for power; and (4) the final stage, where the people become fully self-conscious and have leaders of their own choosing.82 Wilson epitomized the Progressive Movement's ideals regarding the government adapting to the changes of the people to create a more representative system of government. He would appeal to these principles in advocating for United States intervention in Europe. An underlying sentiment existed within the Progressive Movement that sought to bring about massive change, and this energy extended into the war effort. Lloyd Ambrosius explains the rise of the United States as an imperial power during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The outcome of the American Civil War created a more powerful central government, and economic growth during the following decades allowed more opportunity for global expansion.83 As the United States extended its global presence, the ideals that formed the nation began to influence foreign policy. David Kennedy writes about the shift in prominent progressives toward support of the war effort. Kennedy references John Dewey as a significant advocate for utilizing the war to satisfy progressive initiatives. According to Kennedy, progressives found appeal in Wilson's reasons for American belligerency in Europe as "a war for democracy, a war to end war, a war to protect liberalism, a war against militarism, a war to redeem barbarous Europe, a crusade."84 Michael McGerr states that the First World War "brought the extraordinary culmination of the Progressive Movement."85 Regardless of the typical progressive view of war, progressives could find merit in Wilson's justification for United States involvement. 82 Pestritto, 37. 83 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 26-32. 84 Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society, 50-3. 85 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 280. Bailes 22 Even though a vast segment of the United States population did not support going to war in Europe, the notion of saving Europe still permeated throughout American society. In a series of essays published in the July 1917 edition of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, multiple thinkers of the time expressed the necessity of the United States entering the war to save Europe. Miles Dawson argued the importance of the United States' mission in the war by documenting the five "fundamentals" that made the United States unique, and he explained the importance of spreading those principles globally. Dawson advocated for the spreading of American ideals throughout the rest of the world.86 George Kirchwey argued that the United States must go to war to defeat Imperial Germany and secure peace. Kirchwey suggested that the war was a fight against an autocratic empire and a crusade to make the world safe for democracy. Kirchwey maintained that the United States needed to lead the effort in creating a world order for peace.87 Samuel Dutton saw the purpose of the United States as transcending party lines. Dutton suggested that the aim of defeating autocratic Imperial Germany needed to be a united American mission.88 Emily Greene Balch wrote that the United States "enters the war on grounds of the highest idealism, as the champion of democracy and world order."89 Walter Lippman argued that once the United States entered the war, they were obligated to fight to make the world safe for democracy. Lippman placed the blame for the war squarely on Germany and their aggression in Belgium and unrestricted submarine warfare. Similar to Wilson in his war address, Lippman drew parallels to the Russian Revolution and the 86 Miles M. Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 10-13, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013639. 87 George W. Kirchwey, "Pax Americana," Annals, 40-48, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. 88 Samuel Dutton, "The United States and the War," Annals, 13-19, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013640. 89 Emily Greene Balch, "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order," Annals, 28-31, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013643 Bailes 23 importance of it signaling that the Allies truly represented democracy.90 Wilson's reasons for war had found a voice in the academic circles of the United States, and they nested well with the progressive message. Wilson's goals for peace illustrate how Progressive initiatives manifested into the global sphere. In his August 18, 1914 address advocating for the American population to remain neutral during the European conflict, Wilson maintained that the United States held a responsibility "to play a part of impartial mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but as a friend."91 Similarly, when addressing the Senate over two years later communicating his persistent intent of mediating peace in Europe through American neutrality, Wilson criticized the demands for peace submitted by the Entente that sought revenge over Imperial Germany rather than a lasting peace. Wilson instructed that "peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again."92 In line with his progressive ideology, Wilson believed in United States intervention in the European conflict that would fundamentally improve their diplomatic system entirely. The United States would intervene in Europe to not only end the conflict but restructure the political climate in a more peaceful, progressive manner. Kendrick Clements argues that Wilson's economic and diplomatic decisions throughout United States neutrality drew him into the war gradually as he continued to side with the Allies. Wilson attempted to maintain his ideals for peace as the United States continued to get closer to belligerency.93 When the United States entry into the war proved virtually inevitable, Wilson 90 Walter Lippman, "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy," Annals, 1-10, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. 91 Woodrow Wilson, "An Appeal for Neutrality in World War I," 390. 92 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 392. 93 Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," 63-81. Bailes 24 ensured that the reasons for fighting aligned with the progressive energy that moved within American society. A religious vigor inspired military action that can be seen as a product of the Progressive Movement as well. Richard Gamble narrates the origin of the opinion that the United States represented a light for the rest of the world, and he describes how this concept brought the nation into the war. Gamble argues that these Christian ideals drove the political climate as Wilson's vision echoed the religious sentiment, and they prompted men to fight.94 Gamble describes the "social gospel" movement that had energized progressive Christians in the United States as extending into the international realm. The same energy that had influenced Christians to enact domestic change had transcended into a desire to improve the world, and Wilson ensured these sentiments carried over into United States foreign policy.95 Ronald Pestritto argues Wilson's religious conviction and explains that Wilson linked his faith with his duty to help shape the rest of the world. Pestritto explains the belief that "America was a key battleground in the victory of good over evil."96 Richard Gamble's mention of literature such as Washington Gladden's 1886 "Applied Christianity" highlights the popular message of progressive faith that nests with Pestritto's argument.97 Wilson illustrated the linkage of religion and progressive reform when he spoke in Denver, Colorado, in a 1911 build-up to his run for the Presidency. Wilson commented that "liberty is a spiritual conception, and when men take up arms to set other men free, there is something sacred and holy in the warfare."98 Wilson went on to champion the necessity of finding truth in the Bible's message, and he concluded by warning against believing "that 94 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 5-87. 95 Gamble, 69-87. 96 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 40-3. 97 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 49-67. 98 Woodrow Wilson, "The Bible and Progress" in "On Religion," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.7, 54. Bailes 25 progress can be divorced from religion."99 To Wilson, Christianity taught the spiritual duty of working toward social progress, and most progressive men of faith believed in these same sentiments which carried over toward United States actions in France. At the core of this Progressive energy and Wilson's peace aims were the sentiments surrounding an idea of American Exceptionalism. Many of the same ideas found in the religious aspect of the need to work for social progression catered to a sense of American Exceptionalism. In the same May 7, 1911 address in Denver, Colorado, Wilson spoke of the greatness of the United States as a direct correlation to the religious zeal and Biblical principles with which the founders had established the nation. According to Wilson, "America has all along claimed the distinction of setting this example to the civilized world."100 Wilson believed that the United States should serve as the model of Christian values for the rest of the world as "America was born to exemplify that devotion to the elements of righteousness which are derived from the revelations of Holy Scripture."101 In his text In Search of the City on a Hill, Richard Gamble describes how the United States narrative utilized an interpretation of divine providence to create an image of a nation built on religious principles that should serve as an example for the rest of the world.102 Lloyd Ambrosius describes the prevalent belief in the early twentieth-century United States that considered the United States a "providential nation" as citizens attempted to justify global expansion.103 If the United States existed as a providential manifestation of God's will, then that could rationalize the spread of the American system into the international realm. 99 Wilson, "The Bible and Progress," 53-9. 100 Wilson, 56. 101 Wilson, 59. 102 Richard M. Gamble, In Search of the City on a Hill: The Making and Unmakng of an American Myth (London: Continuum International Publishng Group, 2012), 6-119. 103 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and Ameriam Internationalism, 33. Bailes 26 Men of faith found a divine message in the need for the United States to intercede in the global sphere to mold the world in her image. Wilson's brand of progressive history nested well with his idea of American Exceptionalism. Lloyd Ambrosius explains Wilson's fundamental belief that "primitive peoples moved toward greater maturity over the generations."104 Wilson applied this to the history of the United States. As Ronald Perstritto describes, Wilson believed that "the history of human progress is the history of the progress of freedom."105 As people progressed, they, in turn, developed a governmental system that allowed for more representation for its citizens. According to Ambrosius, Wilson believed that "the United States represented the culmination of progressive historical development."106 The American people had achieved real progression in Wilson's historical model, and democracy achieved through the American Revolution solidified his theory. Wilson certainly made this point evident in his writings regarding history. Wilson suggests that "the history of the United States demonstrates the spiritual aspects of political development."107 The United States embodied the ideal form of Wilson's progressive history. Wilson saw it as the responsibility of the United States to spread its exceptional personification of progressive history with the rest of the world. Wilson acknowledged his views on the uniqueness of the United States in his New Freedom. While arguing for progressive reform in the states, Wilson stated that "[t]he reason that America was set up was that she might be different from all the nations of the world."108 Indeed, Wilson believed in the providential nature of the United States, and he desired to shape the rest of the world. 104 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 105 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 37. 106 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 107 Woodrow Wilson, "The Historian," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 216, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.10. 108 Wilson, The New Freedom, 16. Bailes 27 Early in the war during the period of United States neutrality, Wilson's reasons for remaining neutral stemmed from his belief in the exceptional nature of the American system and his desire for the United States to stay clear of European affairs. Even in American neutrality, Wilson still sought to mediate a peace in Europe because he perceived a chance to spread the democracy of the United States to Europe. Wilson believed that he needed to mediate in the European conflict because "mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves," and he questioned whether the Entente and Central powers fought "for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power."109 Wilson's peace aims were in sharp contrast to the Allied leaders, which illustrated his emphasis that the United States should mold a post-war Europe, and this tied directly to American Exceptionalism. While the British leadership concerned themselves with imperial interests, the French sought revenge on Germany from the 1870 Franco-Prussian War. Wilson made it clear in his war address that the United States had "no quarrel with the German people."110 Wilson's vision for a post-war world remained focused on a lasting peace rather than what he perceived as selfish imperial gains or senseless revenge. American Exceptionalism formed the foundation for the interventionist foreign policy of the Progressive Era, and it profoundly motivated Wilson as well as the bulk of American society. Diplomatic historian William Appleman Williams details the rise of the United States as a global power. Williams argues that most Americans in the early twentieth-century United States agreed not only with "Wilson's nationalistic outlook," but they also agreed that the nation should serve as an example for the rest of the world.111 As mentioned previously, Miles Dawson contributed 109 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 393. 110 Woodrow Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401. 111 Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, 86. Bailes 28 to the July 1917 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science to voice the justification of United States intervention in France. In his text, Dawson defined the five uniquely American fundamentals as: 1. The inalienable right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness – not as a mere dead saying, but as a living reality. 2. The right of local self-government, within territories possessing or entitled to claim such right, embracing every power of government not expressly granted to the union. 3. The guaranty to each state of a forum for the redress of grievances of one state against another with full power to enforce the verdict of that forum. 4. The guaranty of a republican form of government to each constituent state. 5. The right and duty to maintain the union.112 To thinkers like Dawson, this unique set of traits not only provided United States citizens with a system of government that separated them from the rest of the world, but it inherently gave them a duty to spread the American ideology to the rest of the world. Fundamentally, the idea that the world should take the lead from the United States exemplified the broad theme of American Exceptionalism inspiring AEF actions in the war. With Progressivism and American Exceptionalism at the root of the war effort, the citizen-soldier of the AEF found inspiration in the same rhetoric. Nelson Lloyd described the "melting-pots" of the army cantonment areas in which soldiers who were born outside of the United States "have become true Americans. They have learned the language of America and the ideals of America and have turned willing soldiers in her cause."113 Michael Neiberg argues that a lasting legacy of United States involvement in the war became a unified American mission superseding any cultural allegiance, and "disagreements would no longer be based on ethnicity 112 Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," 11. 113 Newson Lloyd, How We Went to War (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922), 58, https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Bailes 29 or religion."114 United States entry into the war gave the American citizen-soldier a reason for fighting to preserve a democratic system in Europe, and Wilson's belief that the United States would play a central role became widespread amongst the ranks of the AEF. Lieutenant Willard Hill of the Transport Division and 94th Aero Pursuit Squadron claimed when hearing of the United States entry into the war "that this war is not over yet and that the U.S. troops will play a very decisive factor."115 The purpose of United States entry into the war inspired an idealism that would unify soldiers and champion a belief that the AEF would save Europe from the autocracy of Imperial Germany. Private Willard Newton of the 105th Engineers, 30th Division, exclaimed his joy during the September offensives by stating, "[a]t last we are at the beginning of a real battle between Prussianism and Democracy! And we are to fight on the side of Democracy that the world may forever be free from the Prussian peril!"116 The sentiments of these soldiers expressed a voice that echoed Wilson's desire to utilize an American army to bring peace to Europe, and Pershing dutifully followed his instructions. Pershing's stubbornness in not giving in to the Allies' request to amalgamate troops remained the most significant source of friction between him and the Allied military leaders. Still, Pershing's belief that the doughboy remained a superior warrior to the French and British soldier intensified Pershing's negative feelings toward his Allied counterparts. Pershing did not hide his views regarding coalitions when he wrote early in his memoirs that "[h]istory is replete with the failures of coalitions and seemed to be repeating itself in the World War."117 Russell Weigley argues that Pershing believed "that only by fighting under American command would 114 Michael S. Neiberg, "Blinking Eyes Began to Open: Legacies from America's Road to the Great War, 1914-1917," Diplomatic History 38, no. 4 (2014): 812, https://doi:10.1093/dh/dhu023. 115 Lieutenant Willard D. Hill (Cleburne, Texas) in American Voices of World War I, 47. 116 Private Willard Newton (Gibson, North Carolina) in American Voices of World War I, 140. 117 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1, 34. Bailes 30 American soldiers retain the morale they needed to fight well."118 This assertion proved incorrect as those American doughboys who fought under French and British command performed extraordinarily.119 David Trask maintains that Pershing's "presumption that the American troops were superior to others in the war helps explain his stubborn insistence on an independent army even during the greatest crisis of the war."120 Although the German Spring Offensives of 1918 put the Allies in desperate need of replacements, Pershing held his ground in resisting amalgamation. He only agreed to temporary amalgamation after much deliberation. Pershing's plan required maintaining a separate and distinct American force if the United States was to play a critical role in defeating Imperial Germany. This plan did not always synchronize with General Foch's overall plan for the Allied strategy for defeating Imperial Germany. Mitchell Yockelson describes an instance in late September 1918 in which a newly established AEF officers' school near Pershing's headquarters pulled a bulk of American officers from the front lines, which "affected the AEF First Army divisions that were about to attack in the Meuse-Argonne operation."121 United States political leadership back home undoubtedly noticed the friction between Pershing and the Allied leaders. David Woodward mentioned that at one point, Wilson and Secretary Baker intervened to plead with Pershing to be more accommodating to the Allies. According to Woodward, "Pershing proved as immovable as ever when it came to wholesale amalgamation and introducing Americans to trench warfare before he deemed them ready for combat."122 118 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 335. 119 Weigley, 335. 120 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 61. 121 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 127. 122 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 168-9. Bailes 31 Pershing's doctrine of "open warfare" proved predicated on a firm belief in the exceptional quality of the American fighting man. In his memoirs, Pershing documented his view that the results of the Battle of the Marne had placed the opposing forces in a trench defensive that had taken away their aggression and ability to fight an offensive battle. Pershing maintained that "victory could not be won by the costly process of attrition, but it must be won by driving the enemy out into the open and engaging him in a war of movement."123 Sergeant-major James Block of the 59th Infantry, 4th Division, wrote after an offensive near Belleau Wood that his troops "had proven to ourselves that we were the Hun's master, even in our present untrained condition. The Hun could not stand before us and battle man to man."124 David Trask argues that Pershing's reliance on the rifle and bayonet under his open warfare doctrine limited the AEF's ability to adapt to the combined arms fight as quickly as did the French and British.125 In his Final Report, Pershing praised the Allied training system that prepared his inexperienced troops for combat on the Western Front. Although he admitted that his soldiers needed to learn from the experiences of the combat tested French and British, he stated that "[t]he long period of trench warfare had so impressed itself upon the French and British that they had almost entirely dispensed with training for open warfare."126 Pershing relied heavily on his infantrymen, and he saw the rifle and the bayonet as the superior weapon. He did not factor advances in the machine gun, tanks, and artillery to integrate all lethal assets onto the battlefield. According to Richard Faulkner, Pershing planned on using his troops – who he believed were 123 Pershing, 151-4. 124 Sergeant-major James W. Block (Marquette, Michigan) in American Voices of World War I, 108. 125 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 126 Pershing, Final Report, 13-5. Bailes 32 better suited for offensive warfare – to "force the Germans from their trenches into open terrain where the Allies' greater resources would then destroy the unprotected enemy army."127 Perhaps nothing exhibited Pershing's obtuse attitude toward his Allied counterparts more than his desire to beat the French in seizing Sedan from the Germans. Pershing outlined his wishes that his "troops should capture Sedan, which the French had lost in a decisive battle in 1870."128 Russell Weigley comments on Pershing's intent "to try to snatch from the French army the honor of recapturing the historic fortress city of Sedan, where the Emperor Napoleon III had surrendered to the Prussians on September 1-2, 1870."129 Sergeant-major Block described the fierce German resistance during the late September Allied offensives. Still, he claimed that "[o]nce the Americans penetrated that line, their advance northward would be comparatively easy. Sedan would fall next."130 The AEF performed well during the offensives in early November, and the crumbling Imperial German army made Sedan easily attainable for either Pershing's Second Army or the Franco-American armies.131 David Trask points out the diplomatic issue that would ensue if Pershing were to "deprive the French army of this honor."132 The new commander of the American First Army, General Liggett, ultimately did not carry out the attack, which undoubtably prevented a political and diplomatic disaster.133 Russell Weigley maintains that Liggett changed plans after "the offended French" updated him of Pershing's plans on November 7.134 The idea that Pershing wished to take away French retribution by giving 127 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 285. 128 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 381. 129 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 342. 130 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 135. 131 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 282-3. 132 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174. 133 Trask, 174, 134 Weigley, 343. Bailes 33 his troops a decisive victory and morale boost demonstrated his disconnect from the sentiments of his Allied counterparts. Pershing's belief in the superiority of the American soldier to his French and British counterpart extended to the lower ranks of the AEF. While perhaps sensationalizing his account, Scout Corporal Edward Radcliffe of the 109th Infantry, 28th Division wrote regarding actions around St Agnon "that the French of the 10th or 6th army had fallen back, their officers being shot by our men when they ordered them to retreat."135 In a post-World War I survey, Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler of the 16th Infantry, 1st Division answered a question about what he learned about America and Americans from the war. Sergeant Kyler stated that "Americans are inclined to brag about their systems and accomplishments which may or not be superior to those of other peoples or cultures."136 In many of the accounts of AEF actions in Europe, General Pershing and his doughboys showcased American Exceptionalism. Richard Faulkner devotes a chapter of his text to argue that most of the AEF doughboys perceived inferiority in the French way of life compared to the United States. The majority of white AEF soldiers came away from the war, believing that, in terms of technology as well as general health and welfare, American society remained superior to that of France and England.137 Faulkner makes note that "with the notable exception of the African Americans, the soldiers generally believed that their society was markedly superior to anything they encountered in Europe."138 Sergeant-major Block wrote a letter home to his parents during the post-war occupation period. He wrote of the perception that "Paris makes up for the backwardness of the rest of France."139 135 Corporal Edward Radcliffe in American Voices of World War I, 94. 136 Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler (Fort Thomas, Kentucky) in American Voices of World War I, 196. 137 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 188-93. 138 Faulkner, 189. 139 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 191. Bailes 34 While the bond formed between the French and British soldiers and the AEF doughboy proved strong, there still seemed to be a sentiment of American superiority amongst the AEF ranks. Tasker H. Bliss, who served as Army Chief of Staff from September 1917 to May 1918, documented the challenge of absent unified Allied command in a 1922 essay. Bliss wrote a detailed piece in which he criticized the lack of a unified Allied mission while praising General Foch and championing his eventual selection as "Allied Commander-in-Chief."140 Bliss condemned the Allied leaders for waiting so long before establishing any sort of unified command, and he argued that for the first years of the war, they fought for their national goals only. Bliss maintained that this hindered United States integration into the war effort as well.141 Charles Pettit wrote an account of his time on the Western Front. Initially serving in the British army, Pettit joined the AEF once they arrived and concluded his 42 months of combat with the Rainbow Division. Pettit commented that "[w]e know why the French and English didn't win the War. They was waiting for us."142 Robert Bruce expands on the relationship between the American and French soldiers during the post-war occupation period. The doughboys believed that the Allied victory had eliminated the threat of autocratic Imperial Germany. At the same time, the French soldiers still demonstrated distrust of the German for fear of a future war. According to Bruce, "Americans did not want to hear about the need to prepare for a future war with Germany. They believed that victory in the Great War and the conversion of Germany to a democracy was enough to end the menace; Americans were unwilling to do more."143 For the AEF doughboy, the United States' actions in the war had saved Europe from the threat of the 140 Tasker H. Bliss, "The Evolution of the Unified Command," Foreign Affairs 1, no. 2 (December 1922): 1-30, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20028211. 141 Bliss, 7-30. 142 Charles A. Pettit in Echoes From Over There: By the Men of the Army and Marine Corps who Fought in France, eds. Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin (New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919), 107-9. 143 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 289. Bailes 35 Imperial German autocracy. United States' involvement in its first large-scale coalition operation had solidified the dominance of the American soldier and the system for which he fought. The American doughboy contributed significantly to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany. Without American boots on the ground in France, Imperial Germany may have defeated the Allies. Allan Millett argues that Pershing's independent army did not achieve all that Pershing had hoped. Still, Millett maintains that an accurate assessment of the war would be that the "Allies might have lost the war without the American Expeditionary Forces."144 With the Russian withdrawal from the war and Germany's surge in the Western Front in the Spring of 1918, the Allies desperately needed more boots on the ground. AEF actions in Cantigny, Belleau Wood, and the attack on the Hindenburg line proved the value of the doughboys to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany and the Central Powers. Acknowledging the contribution of the American soldier to the Allied victory should remain a critical focus of any study of United States involvement in the war. While the presence of American troops on the ground benefited the Allies and did give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks, Pershing did not realize his grand vision of an independent American army crushing Imperial Germany. Bullitt Lowry documents Pershing's desire to capitalize on increasing the United States combat power to continue pressing a weakening German army and deliver a crushing blow.145 The Germans signed the armistice before Pershing could make this happen. While Wilson gained his seat at the peace conference and Pershing did not get his chance to win a tactical victory, the French and British still received their original desires and delivered Germany "harsh armistice terms."146 144 Millett, "Over Where?," 251. 145 Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," 286-91. 146 Lowry, 291. Bailes 36 With the eventual collapse of the League of Nations, Wilson never achieved his vision of a new world order for peace. Still, the United States government had established its importance and commenced its entry into the realm of global powers. United States involvement in the First World War helped solidify a national identity as well as establish an American presence on the international stage. Theodore Roosevelt Jr. wrote a letter on May 15, 1919, in which he documented the benefit of the war and what he saw as "Americanizing and democratizing" the soldiers through military service.147 Roosevelt commented that through service in support of the war effort, "love of the men for their country has been deepened, that their sense of real democracy has been sharpened and steadied and that insofar as any possible bad effect goes, the men are more than ever ready and determined to see order and fair play for all."148 In a similar vein, Italian born AEF Sergeant Morini wrote that the war provided him a chance "to make good on my Americanism."149 To Morini, fighting in the war provided him with "the right to the name Yankee all right."150 While the United States' efforts in the war were in support of the Allies, the war became a chance for the nation to claim its identity. A country that had been torn apart by civil war half a century before utilized the war effort to continue to unify and recover its self-proclaimed providence. The war ostensibly became an effort to Americanize its own citizens. The historiography of United States involvement in the First World War presents various arguments. Some historians such as David Trask and Russell Weigley remain critical of General Pershing and his decision making. While some scholarly history shows a narrative less scathing of Pershing, most of the description found in popular history showcases valiant actions of 147 Theodore Roosevelt in Echoes From Over There, 95. 148 Roosevelt, 95. 149 Sergeant Morini in Echoes From Over There, 115. 150 Morini, 115. Bailes 37 Pershing and his efforts in maneuvering the American Expeditionary Forces to achieve victory for the Allies against Imperial Germany. The fact remains that while the doughboys contributed significantly to the Allied victory, they helped the most when they were not fighting Pershing's fight. In his Final Report, Pershing highlights the benefit that the Allies provided to the American forces. In terms of training as well as logistics, the Allies provided the doughboys with the resources they needed to defeat Imperial Germany and the Central Powers effectively.151 Pershing recognized what the Allies had supplied him and his men, but his stubbornness and arrogance still clouded his vision to a degree. While Pershing did build a trusting relationship with the Allied commanders, and his troops were efficient, he did not always operate per their same vision. At times, Pershing's desire to maintain an independent American army superseded his desire to enable the Allied strategy. Pershing strived to meet Wilson's intent of keeping a distinct American command. The question remains if, in carrying out his President's instructions, Pershing prolonged the war and delayed the defeat of the Central Powers. Secondary and primary source literature from the First World War showcases both Wilson's peace aims – which were shaped by his ideology – as well as General Pershing and AEF actions while attempting to remain an independent command in the war. When war broke out in August 1914 in Europe, Wilson tried to mediate a peace while maintaining United States neutrality. When continued trade with the Allies brought the United States into the war in April of 1917, he seized the chance to shape a new world order by establishing an independent American command to defeat Imperial Germany. Primarily because of the Progressive Movement in the United States and the concepts surrounding American Exceptionalism, the American soldier embraced Wilson's ideologies for fighting and fought valiantly to defeat the 151 Pershing, Final Report, 90. Bailes 38 Imperial German autocracy. The Progressive Movement had established itself in American society by the time the citizen-soldier went to war in France, and the principles of American Exceptionalism permeated in virtually every facet of American culture. The American doughboy carried both of these concepts with him to France. Despite Pershing not attaining his decisive blow against the German army, and Wilson not achieving his vision for a new world order, the United States still met a significant amount of Wilson's original intent for entering the war. Wilson's ideologies influenced how the AEF fought in France. As the First World War shaped the United States standing as a global power, it also demonstrated the critical nature of maintaining relationships with coalition partners. Hew Strachan begins the conclusion to his history of the war by stating that "[t]he First World War was a coalition war."152 The American doughboy established a positive relationship with his French and British counterparts. The ability of the American soldier to learn from the experiences of the combat tested Allies, to adapt to the rigors of trench warfare, and to perform well in battle fighting beside his international partners shows the success of the AEF's performance in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. Despite these successes, the AEF doughboy exhibited American Exceptionalism in the First World War. As the United States built its presence in the international realm over the following century, and the need for maintaining partnerships with allied nations continued to increase, the precedent set by the AEF in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation would be essential. 152 Hew Strachan, The First World War (New York: Viking Penguin, a member of Penguin Group, 2004; New York: Penguin Group, 2013), 303. Bailes 39 Bibliography Secondary Sources Adas, Michael. "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I." Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 700-712, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism." 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[spa] En la presente investigación se analiza la posibilidad de incorporar el procedimiento de mediación como medio de gestión de los conflictos interpersonales que nacen de forma inherente a la condición humana y se producen de una forma inevitable entre el personal de una misma organización. A través de un análisis jurídico, legislativo y jurisprudencial desde la óptica del derecho del trabajo, por ser la principal disciplina jurídica que detenta la protección integral de todo tipo de personal, tanto en el ámbito laboral como en el ámbito público, y el estudio de todas aquellas disciplinas afines, se pretende establecer los principios, la metodología y la finalidad que debe regular este procedimiento. Para ello, se ha elegido como modelo de análisis el personal de la Universidad de Barcelona, organización que ya dispone de un Servicio de Mediación y cuyas intervenciones en los últimos siete años han sido dirigidas y realizadas por el mismo autor de esta obra. La universidad pública es un modelo ideal de organización compleja, debido a que incorpora una alta diversidad funcional y estructural mediante los órganos que la componen, así como una alta heterogeneidad de sus elementos humanos. El personal docente e investigador y el personal de administración y servicios trabajan y conviven con una misma finalidad, la de ofrecer un servicio de calidad en el marco de una educación superior, dirigida a formar a los futuros ciudadanos. Al mismo tiempo, el alumnado, como colectivo, también participa de esa convivencia, produciéndose una multiplicidad de interacciones humanas que se efectúan desde distintos grados de poder y bajo las que subyacen unas posiciones, unos intereses y unas necesidades diferentes que deben ser cubiertas. De entre las distintas escuelas o estilos de negociación, la transformativa se ha alzado como un método ideal que permite la gestión de aquellos conflictos que afectan a la convivencia, dado que prioriza la transformación de la relación entre los afectados y su relación posterior, a la obtención de acuerdos en el marco de un procedimiento de mediación. Esta gestión de la convivencia queda incluida dentro del poder de dirección del empresario, a quien, independientemente de su naturaleza pública o privada, se le pueden imputar responsabilidades por la omisión en su gestión. ; [cat] A la present investigació s'analitza la possibilitat d'incorporar el procediment de mediació com a mitjà de gestió dels conflictes interpersonals que neixen d'una manera inherent a la condició humana y es produeixen inevitablement entre el personal d'una mateixa organització. A través d'un anàlisis jurídic, legislatiu i jurisprudencial des de l'òptica del dret del treball, per ser la principal disciplina jurídica que ostenta la protecció integral de tot tipus de personal, tant en l'àmbit laboral com en l'àmbit públic, i el estudi de totes aquelles disciplines afins, es pretén establir els principis, la metodologia i la finalitat que ha de regular aquest procediment. Per aquesta raó, s'ha escollit com a model d'anàlisi el personal de la Universitat de Barcelona, organització que ja disposa d'un Servei de Mediació i les intervencions del qual han estat dirigides i realitzades en els últims set anys per el mateix autor d'aquesta obra. La universitat pública es un model ideal d'organització complexa, donat que incorpora una alta diversitat funcional i estructural a través dels òrgans que la componen, així com una alta heterogeneïtat dels seus elements humans. El personal docent i investigador i el personal d'administració i serveis treballen i conviuen amb una mateixa finalitat, la d'oferir un servei de qualitat en el marc d'una educació superior, dirigida a formar als futurs ciutadans. Al mateix temps, l'alumnat, com a col·lectiu, també participa d'aquesta convivència, produint-se una multiplicitat d'interaccions humanes que s'efectuen des de diferents graus de poder i sota la que subjauen unes posicions, uns interessos i unes necessitats diferents que han de ser cobertes. D'entre les distintes escoles o estils de negociació, la transformativa s'alça com un mètode ideal que permet la gestió d'aquells conflictes que afecten a la convivència, donat que prioritza la transformació de la relació entre els afectats i la seva relació posterior, a l'obtenció d'acords en el marc d'un procediment de mediació. Aquesta gestió de la convivència queda inclosa dintre del poder de direcció de l'empresari, a qui, independentment de la seva naturalesa pública o privada, se li poden imputar responsabilitats per l'omissió en la seva gestió. ; [eng] This research analyzes the possibility of incorporating the mediation procedure as a means of managing interpersonal conflicts that arises inherently to be the human condition and inevitably occurs among the personnel of the same organization. Through a legal, legislative and jurisprudential analysis form the labor law perspective, as it is the main legal discipline that provides comprehensive protection for all types of personnel, both in the workplace and in the public sphere, and the study of all those related disciplines, it is intended to establish the principles, the methodology and the purpose that this procedure should regulate. For this, the staff of the University of Barcelona has been chosen as the analysis model, an organization that already has a Mediation Service and whose interventions in the last seven years have been directed and carried out by the same author of this work. The public university is an ideal model of complex organization, because it incorporates a high functional and structural diversity through the organs that compose it, as well as a high heterogeneity of its human elements. The teaching and the research staff and the service administration staff works and coexist with the same purpose, that of offering a quality service within the framework of higher education, aimed at training future citizens. At the same time, the students, as a group, also participate in this coexistence, producing a multiplicity of human interactions that are carried out from different degrees of power and under which there are different positions, interests and needs that must be covered. Among the different schools or styles of negotiation, the transformative one as an ideal method that allows the management of those conflicts that affect coexistence, since it prioritizes the transformation of the relationship between those affected and their subsequent relationship, to the obtaining agreements in the framework of a mediation procedure. This management of coexistence is included within the managerial power of the employer, who, regardless of its public or private nature, can be held responsible for the omission in its management.

RésuméMeaning by its genealogy evolution, change or even growth, the expression development will know the popularization after the Second World War. The positioning struggle embodied by the speech of President Harry S. Truman, who wants to protect the so-called underdeveloped countries to which the transfer of funds, technique and technology is proposed to eradicate poverty in the territories concerned, will mark the long spirits. The appearance of words and expressions such as underdevelopment, zero growth, degrowth, ecodevelopment or even sustainable development aim to understand the complexity of the evolution of the world, from the expression development, which is built and deconstructed in function of paradigms. For Missè Missè, "the approaches used all tend to make development a simple synonym of expressions such as modernization, growth, progress, industrialization, terms which are otherwise never defined. For this author, the term development appears like a complex ideology. When, on the other hand, a definition of this word is claimed, experts, since Alfred Sauvy, remain very embarrassed and ambiguous. They then try to respond with formulas which some-times express what development is not like underdevelopment, sometimes a group of Third World countries, developing, little, less or not industrialized and more recently poor". Criticized or rejected, modernist ideology breathes new life into it when it calls upon communication as a powerful tool that can fill the gaps to which changes in vocabulary correspond. Since it is about harnessing communication to achieve development goals, the media are called upon to play a leading role. With this new burst of hope brought to the media in general and the radio in particular for social change, the promise of development for French-speaking African countries seems to be renewed in the speeches given in favor of the democratic opening of states. In Mali, the new promise for the emancipation of the peoples resulted in a democratic regime in 1992. This democratic openness has allowed the proliferation of radio stations. Today, the country has more than 300 radio stations broadcasting with the authorization of the High Authority for Communication (HAC), for some 20 million inhabitants. Favorably received by populations thirsty for a democratic promise, which would lead to the improvement of their living environment, this proliferation of the media quickly came up against the problem of the lack of preparation of the presenters and the questioning of the real will of the public authorities to grant the actors autonomy in the management of the sector through self-regulation. Following the many shortcomings observed in this field and after decades of operation and experimentation, it is time to question the role that radio stations could play, especially in rural areas, for a change that is beneficial to audiences in a landscape where the rules are poorly defined and their application seems to be gaining ground. However, research in information and communication sciences warns us against any technological determinism, which, in this case, would establish radio as a factor, in itself, of social change. In fact, the usefulness of communication techniques or devices depends on their appropriation by the communities that these devices are supposed to represent. Our quantitative field studies have enabled us to understand the question of the appropriation of radio broadcasts by rural communities. ; Signifiant de par sa généalogie l'évolution, le changement ou encore la croissance, l'expression développement connaîtra la popularisation après la deuxième guerre mondiale. La lutte de positionnement incarnée par le discours du président Harry S. Truman, qui se veut protecteur des pays dits sous-développés auxquels il est proposé le transfert de fonds, de technique et de technologie pour éradiquer la pauvreté dans les territoires concernées, marquera les esprits longtemps. L'apparition des mots et expressions tels que sous-développement, croissance zéro, décroissance, écodéveloppement ou encore développement durable visent à comprendre la complexité de l'évolution du monde, à partir de l'expression développement, qui se construit et se déconstruit en fonction des paradigmes. Pour Missè Missè, « les approches utilisées tendent, toutes, à faire du "développement" un simple synonyme d'expressions comme la "modernisation", la "croissance", le "progrès", "l'industrialisation", termes par ailleurs jamais définis. » Pour cet auteur, le terme développement apparaît telle une idéologie complexe. « Lorsque par contre l'on revendique une définition de ce mot, les experts, depuis Alfred Sauvy, restent très embarrassés et ambigus. Ils tentent alors de répondre par des formules qui expriment tantôt ce que le "développement" n'est pas comme le "sous-développement", tantôt un groupe de pays du "Tiers-monde ", "en voie de développement", peu, moins ou non industrialisés et depuis peu, "pauvres". » Critiquée ou rejetée, l'idéologie moderniste se donne un second souffle lorsqu'elle convoque la communication comme un outil puissant pouvant combler les manques auxquels correspondent les changements de vocabulaire. Puisqu'il s'agit de mettre la communication en contribution pour atteindre les objectifs du développement, les médias sont appelés à jouer un rôle prépondérant. Avec ce nouvel élan d'espoir porté sur les médias d'une manière générale et la radio en particulier pour le changement social, la promesse de développement pour les pays d'Afrique francophone semble être renouvelée dans les discours prononcés en faveur de l'ouverture démocratique des États. Au Mali, la nouvelle promesse pour l'émancipation des peuples abouti en 1992 à un régime démocratique. Cette ouverture démocratique a permis la prolifération des radios. Aujourd'hui, le pays compte plus de 300 radios émettant avec l'autorisation de la Haute autorité de la communication (HAC), pour une vingtaine de million d'habitants. Favorablement accueillie par les populations en soif de promesse démocratique, qui aboutirait à l'amélioration de leur cadre de vie, cette prolifération des médias s'est vite confrontée à la problématique de l'impréparation des animateurs et au questionnement de la volonté réelle des pouvoirs publics d'accorder aux acteurs une autonomie de gestion du secteur par l'autorégulation. Suite aux nombreux manquements constatés sur ce terrain et après des décennies de fonctionnement et d'expérimentations, l'heure est au questionnement du rôle que pourraient jouer les radios, surtout en milieu rural, pour un changement profitable aux populations dans un paysage où les règles sont mal définies et leur application semble prendre du plomb dans l'aile. Pour autant, la recherche en sciences de l'information et de la communication nous prévient contre tout déterminisme technologique, lequel, en l'occurrence, érigerait la radio comme facteur, en soi, du changement social. De fait, l'utilité des techniques ou dispositifs de communication dépend de leur appropriation par les communautés que ces dispositifs sont censés représentés. Nos études quantitatives de terrain nous ont permis de comprendre la question d'appropriation des émissions radiophoniques par les communautés rurales.

Key words: copyright, jewelry, bijouterie, unfair competition, trademark, litigation Fedorova N. Foreing and domestic experience in protecting intellectual property right to jewelry and jewelry. The article focuses on studying the issue of protecting the design of artistic jewelry and bijouterie. The concept of "functionality" for jewelry is analyzed, namely, it is determined that the «functionality» notion is the quality of servicing the useful purpose. For example, a chair manufacturer cannot claim the four legs of a chair as a copyright. These four legs are a useful and functional aspect of this chair. If a competitor also manufactures a chair with 4 legs, it does not infringe any manufacturer's right, since these legs are for functional purposes only. The concept of«functionality» in jewelry means that the last cannot be protected as a normal work, since it is purely utilitarian. For example, the hands or numbers on the dial of a watch are considered as functional because the exclusive use of these aspects seriously impedes healthy competition in the watch industry. On the other hand, unique jewelry design cannot be considered functional as it has the exclusive use of its particular elements' combination.The analysis of European legislation and US judicial practice is carried out. Under applicable US copyright law, jewelry is a subject to copyright. Under normal circumstances, the law does not require prior registration of jewelry copyright. However, in order to protect jewelry or bijouterie under the US Law on Copyright, it must meet certain conditions. The complaining party must provide evidence of illegal copying of the work and prove copyright infringement. In case of violation of copyright for jewelry, the author or the jewelry house must prove:•the originality of design;•the uniqueness in the elements combination in the process of jewelry design development.The object of an industrial design can be a shape, pattern, color, or their combination that determines the appearance of an industrial product. The main criterion for the industrial design patentability is its novelty. However, in practice, an examination for novelty when registering a designation as an industrial design, according to Alexandra Odinets, is not carried out, and the patent is issued «under the responsibility of the applicant».With regard to unfair competition in the jewelry market, according to the US jurisprudence, it is more often an offense in this context than a violation of trademark rights or copyright infringement. It is unfair competition that misleads a consumer. A competitor, by assigning a good name and an reputation established, is trying to get profit. The definition of unfair competition is carried out in a comprehensive manner, here the court will not focus on one feature of a piece of jewelry but would consider all its inherent features. In particular, it is a combination of unique elements that provide the originality of the product.The article provides recommendations for jewelry and bijouterie authors on copyright protection. 1. Pro avtorski i sumizhni prava : Zakon Ukrainy. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3792-12#Text. 2. Tomarov I. Fashion Law: kopiiuvaty ne mozhna zaboronyty! Yurydychna hazeta Online. 2017. № 25(575). URL:https://yur-gazeta.com/publications/practice/zahist-intelektualnoyi-vlasnosti-avtorske-pravo/fashion-law-kopiyuvati-ne-mozhna-zaboroniti.html. 3. Herbert Rosenthal Jewelry Corp. v. Kalpakian, 446 F.2d 738 (9th Cir. 1971). 4. Dyrektyva Yevropeiskoho Soiuzu № 98/71. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/994_a88#Text. 5. "Designer" Jewelry vs. "Inspired-by" Jewelry: Intellectual Property Infringement and Unfair Competition Considerations, 34. 6. Davis v. Gap, Inc. - 246 F.3d 152 (2d Cir. 2001). 7. Trifari, Krussman & Fishel, Inc. v Charel Co., 134 F Supp 551 (1955, DC NY). 8. Copyright Law of the United States §102, at 68 (2000). 9. Cprava Vacheron I Constantin-LeCoultreWatches, Inc. proty Benrus Watch Co., Inc. URL: http://saperlaw.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2007/09/cba-fashion-presentation-final.pdf (last visited April 19th, 2008). 10. Cosmetic Ideas, Inc. v. IAC/Interactivecorp, CV08-02074 R (C.D. California); Los Angeles Copyright Attorneys File Jewelry Copyright Infringement Lawsuit Over Copying Protected Jewelry Design, available at: http://www.iptrademarkattorney.com/2008/04/copyright-attorneys-jewelry-los-angeles-protected-jewelry-design-lawsuit-copying-copyrights-la.html (last visited April 19th, 2008). 11. Saper Law. "Designer" Jewelry vs. "Inspired-by" Jewelry: Intellectual Property Infringement and Unfair Competition Considerations. 2008. ; Ключові слова: авторське право, ювелірні вироби, біжутерія, недобросовісна конкуренція, торгова марка, судова практика Стаття присвячена дослідженню питань щодо охорони дизайну авторських ювелірних виробів та біжутерії. Проаналізовано поняття «Функціональності», щодо ювелірних виробів а саме, визначено, що ювелірні вироби не можуть охоронятися як звичайний твір, оскільки є винятково утилітарними. Наприклад, стрілки або цифри на циферблаті годинника вважаються функціональними, оскільки ексклюзивне використання цих аспектів серйозно перешкоджатиме здоровій конкуренції в годинниковій галузі. З іншого боку, унікальний дизайн ювелірних виробів не може вважатися функціональним, оскільки має ексклюзивне використання його особливої комбінації елементів. Здійснено аналіз Європейського законодавства та судової практики США. 1. Про авторські і суміжні права : Закон України. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3792-12#Text. 2. Томаров І. Fashion Law: копіювати не можна заборонити! Юридична газета Online. 2017. № 25(575). URL:https://yur-gazeta.com/publications/practice/zahist-intelektualnoyi-vlasnosti-avtorske-pravo/fashion-law-kopiyuvati-ne-mozhna-zaboroniti.html. 3. Herbert Rosenthal Jewelry Corp. v. Kalpakian, 446 F.2d 738 (9th Cir. 1971). 4. Директива Європейського Союзу № 98/71. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/994_a88#Text. 5. «Designer» Jewelry vs. «Inspired-by» Jewelry: Intellectual Property Infringement and Unfair Competition Considerations, 34. 6. Davis v. Gap, Inc. - 246 F.3d 152 (2d Cir. 2001). 7. Trifari, Krussman & Fishel, Inc. v Charel Co., 134 F Supp 551 (1955, DC NY). 8. Copyright Law of the United States §102, at 68 (2000). 9. Cправa Vacheron I Constantin-LeCoultreWatches, Inc. проти Benrus Watch Co., Inc. URL: http://saperlaw.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2007/09/cba-fashion-presentation-final.pdf (last visited April 19th, 2008). 10. Cosmetic Ideas, Inc. v. IAC/Interactivecorp, CV08-02074 R (C.D. California); Los Angeles Copyright Attorneys File Jewelry Copyright Infringement Lawsuit Over Copying Protected Jewelry Design, available at: http://www.iptrademarkattorney.com/2008/04/copyright-attorneys-jewelry-los-angeles-protected-jewelry-design-lawsuit-copying-copyrights-la.html (last visited April 19th, 2008). 11. Saper Law. "Designer" Jewelry vs. "Inspired-by" Jewelry: Intellectual Property Infringement and Unfair Competition Considerations. 2008.

Retrospective and the modern financial support for domestic agricultural land resource sector are analyzed. It is noted that market economic principles radically changed the funding mechanism for landowners and land users. Participation of the state in the provision of financial processes, conservation, improvement and protection of farmland are analyzed. The removal of state and local governments to participate in the processes of land management AIC are critically evaluated. The new financial principles for land fund in the agricultural sector are suggested and the development of adequate national program of land management should precede them. We give a new direction for financial provision aimed at reproduction of land resources based on a performance to preserve and improve the environment, solving social problems, rural development criteria. Attention is drawn to the current asymmetry concerning the formation of agricultural crop and livestock sectors, violation of balance between them. It is stated that the agricultural sector, including the renewal of land resources, will be successful if the balance is achieved in the development of crop and livestock production in Ukraine. The need for intensification of rural development as the foundation, which will ensure solving demographic problems, is justified in the article. The existing principles of small private ownership are critically evaluated. It is stated that it led to problems related to the deterioration of soils, increasing contamination and pollution of land, the dominance of personal interests of owners and users of public land over social ones. The study says that the information on the quality of the land in Ukraine is still missing, and it makes it impossible to carry out works on their evaluation. It is proposed to organize the agricultural land fund in accordance with the requirements of modernity. This important role is assigned to the state, which guarantees the equal right of all citizens to use land resources. Official statistics firmly convince and point to shortcomings in their organization. We investigate the government support of farms based on outdated principles and directed to increase the production of agricultural products. The survey ends with conclusions and proposals where the author suggests to change the mechanism and criteria for public funding of land plots of agricultural enterprises and farms. It is proposed to introduce a paradigm financing approaches that have been used successfully in many EU countries. Carrying out activities of de-privatization and reprivatization of land which is in private property are among the main measures. ; Проанализирована ретроспектива и современное состояние финансового обеспечения земельных ресурсов отечественного аграрного сектора. Отмечено, что рыночные принципы хозяйствования радикально изменили механизм финансирования землевладельцев и землепользователей. Проанализированы участие государства в финансовом обеспечении процессов использования, хранения, улучшения и охраны сельскохозяйственных угодий. Критически оценено отстранения государства и местных органов самоуправления от участия в процессах управления земельными ресурсами АПК. Предложены новые принципы финансирования земельного фонда аграрного сектора, которым должны предшествовать разработка адекватной программы развития отечественного земельного хозяйства. Приведен качественно новый перечень направлений финансового обеспечения воспроизводства земельных ресурсов, в основу которых положены показатели сохранения и улучшения экологии, решение социальных задач, развитие сельских территорий. Обращено внимание на действующую асимметричность формирования в сельском хозяйстве растениеводческой и животноводческой сфер, нарушение между ними сбалансированности. Акцентировано внимание, что аграрная сфера, в частности воспроизводство земельных ресурсов, будет успешным тогда, когда в Украине будет достигнута сбалансированность в развитии растениеводства и животноводства. Обоснована необходимость интенсификации развития сельских территорий как фундамента, который будет обеспечивать решения демографических проблем. Критически оцениваются действующие основы мелкого частного землевладения, которое привело к неурядицам, связанным с ухудшением состава почв, роста загрязненности и засоренности земель, доминированию личных интересов владельцев и пользователей земельных участков над социальными. Отмечено, что в Украине по сей день отсутствует информация качественного состава земель, указанного на чрезмерное мелкоземелье, что делает невозможным проведение работ по их оценке. Предложено упорядочить аграрный земельный фонд в соответствии с требованиями современности. При этом важная роль отведена государству, которое гарантирует равное право всех граждан на пользование земельными ресурсами. Официальные статистические данные твердо убеждают и указывают на недостатки в их организации. Исследована государственная поддержка фермерских хозяйств, которая базируется на устаревших принципах и направляется на наращивание объемов производства сельхозпредприятий продукции. Завершается исследование итогами и предложениями, в которых предложено изменить механизм и критерии государственного финансирования земельных угодий сельскохозяйственных предприятий и земельных участков хозяйств населения. При этом предлагается ввести парадигмальные подходы финансирования, которые успешно используются во многих странах ЕС. В числе мер главное место отведено проведению мероприятий деприватизации и реприватизации земель, которые находятся в частной собственности граждан. ; Проаналізовано ретроспективу і сучасний стан фінансового забезпечення земельних ресурсів вітчизняного аграрного сектору. Зазначено, що ринкові засади господарювання радикально змінили механізм фінансування землевласників і землекористувачів. Проаналізовано участь держави у фінансовому забезпеченні процесів використання, збереження, покращення та охорони сільськогосподарських угідь. Критично оцінено відсторонення держави і місцевих органів самоврядування від участі у процесах управління земельними ресурсами АПК. Запропоновано нові засади фінансування земельного фонду аграрного сектору, яким має передувати розроблення адекватної програми розвитку вітчизняного земельного господарства. Наведено якісно новий перелік напрямків фінансового забезпечення відтворення земельних ресурсів, в основу яких покладено показники збереження та поліпшення екології, розв'язання соціальних завдань, розвиток сільських критерій. Звертається увага на чинну асиметричність, яка стосується формування в сільському господарстві рослинницької та тваринницької сфер, порушення між ними збалансованості. Акцентовано увагу, що аграрна сфера, зокрема відтворення земельних ресурсів, буде успішним тоді, коли в Україні буде досягнута збалансованість у розвитку рослинництва й тваринництва. Обґрунтовано потребу інтенсифікації розвитку сільських територій як фундаменту, що забезпечуватиме вирішення демографічних проблем. Критично оцінено чинні засади дрібного приватного землеволодіння, яке призвело до негараздів, пов'язаних із погіршенням складу ґрунтів, зростанням забрудненості й засміченості земель, домінування особистих інтересів власників і користувачів земельних ділянок над суспільним. Зазначено, що в Україні донині відсутньою залишається інформація щодо якісного складу земель, на надмірне дрібноземелля, що унеможливлює проведення робіт щодо їх оцінювання. Запропоновано впорядкувати аграрний земельний фонд відповідно до вимог сучасності. При цьому важлива роль відведена державі, яка гарантує рівне право всіх громадян на користування земельними ресурсами. Офіційні статистичні дані твердо переконують і вказують на недоліки в їх організації. Досліджено державну підтримку фермерських господарств, яка ґрунтується на застарілих засадах і спрямовується на нарощування обсягів виробництва сільськогосподарської продукції. Завершується дослідження висновками і пропозиціями, в яких запропоновано змінити механізм і критерії державного фінансування земельних угідь сільськогосподарських підприємств і ділянок господарств населення. При цьому пропонується запровадити парадигмальні підходи фінансування, що успішно використовуються у багатьох країнах ЄС. Серед заходів головне місце відведено проведенню заходів деприватизації й реприватизації земель, які знаходяться у приватній власності громадян.

The article provides a theoretical and methodological generalization and proposes a new solution to the current scientific problem, which is to substantiate practical recommendations for the formation and development of the scientific direction of the cluster economy and expand the use of modern environmental management. A number of literary sources and characteristics of the process of development of scientific thought on the formation of a modern system of knowledge of cluster economics and cluster policy, environmental management and circular economy are presented and systematized. The cluster economy, its theoretical and methodological content as system knowledge and reflection in the newest generalized provisions - social and ecological management are substantiated. The theoretical and genetic development of integration processes in modern regional management is determined taking into account the vectors of social progress, combination of knowledge of economics, innovation, sociology, market theory and entrepreneurship. It is emphasized that integration processes always have general or local action impact on the phenomena and processes of human activity, provide positive or negative dynamics of individual socio-economic phenomena and processes. It is integration as a driving force that shapes the potential of society and the economy of the state and its territories. The key factors of social progress that led to the study of the process of integration in the economy and management are identified: the accelerated formation of the world market and its impact on national economies, changing the borders of regions; consolidation, centralization and diversification of capital, accelerated diversification of production and services; mass production and its dependence on scientific and technological progress, environmental and social standards; territorial redistribution of the world, zones of economic influence and the latest formats of regionalization. The focus is on the fact that the cluster, as a manifestation of economic integration in modern activities, sectoral and regional authorities, is the primary tool for stimulating markets, business, qualitative and quantitative improvement of the business environment, attracting investment, a tool for balancing government and business. It is noted that clusters become the center of industrial policy, balance regional interest groups, stimulate and adjust regional development, accelerate the commercialization of national scientific heritage. Such components of the potential of cluster formation of regions as: science and education are determined; resource base; savings of enterprises and the population; small and medium business and infrastructure to support small and medium business. The realization of the potential of clustering should be based on a system of security against existing risks, the construction of which can quickly form a platform for mutual action, collective decision-making, organizational and control measures. The managerial vision of formation of the strategic purpose of cluster formation taking into account the principles of consolidation and harmonization of key interests is substantiated. The author 's vision of modern tendencies of economic progress, which form the latest vision of economic, ecological, social interests as an integrated manifestation, combination of social, economic and cultural spheres of mankind, is substantiated. The thesis of need and relevance by involving transdisciplinary knowledge and methods of regulating the processes of regional reproduction is presented and substantiated; integration and differentiation of management knowledge; anthropogenic security of human development; systemic socialization on the platform of cluster and circular economies. It is proved that integration as a tool for combining the system of modern knowledge of management and economics forms the potential of society and directs the vectors of economic activity to the standards of trust and socialization. The knowledge of management in the formation of cluster economy of Ukraine on the basis of system integration and balance of national interests is considered and systematically analyzed with recommendations for further study of the existing specifics of social progress, knowledge management and practice of improving the effectiveness of government and business. The author's vision of classification of interests in stimulating cluster formation of enterprises and measures of regional cluster policy on the platforms of action of principles - trust, knowledge-intensive measures, targeted information support, compliance with European integration values is substantiated and given. The obtained conclusions and recommendations on regional cluster policy confirm the prospects of the movement of the regions of Ukraine to the most progressive forms of environmental management with the involvement of regional, sectoral cluster projects and EU programs. The effectiveness and fundamental vectors of the EU regional policy, aimed at building a new model of cluster economy on the basis of trust and balance of interests of business entities, government and the population, are specified. ; У статті здійснено теоретико-методичне узагальнення та запропоновано нове розв'язання актуальної наукової проблеми, що полягає в обґрунтуванні практичних рекомендацій щодо формування тарозвитку наукового напряму кластерної економіки та розширення використання сучасних положень екологічного менеджменту. Наведено та систематизовано низку літературних джерел та характеристик процесу розвитку наукової думки щодо формування сучасної системи знань кластерної економіки та кластерної політики, екологічного менеджменту та циркулярної економіки. Обґрунтовано кластерну економіку, її теоретичне та методологічне наповнення як системного знання та відображення в новітніх узагальнених положеннях – соціального та екологічного менеджменту. Обґрунтовано авторське бачення сучасних тенденції економічного прогресу, що формують новітнє бачення економічних, екологічних, соціальних інтересів як інтегрованого прояву, поєднання соціальної, економічної та культурної сфер людства. Наведено та обґрунтовано тезу потреби та актуальності залученням трансдисциплінарних знань і методів регулювання процесів регіонального відтворення; інтеграція та диференціація знань менеджменту; антропогенного безпекового розвитку людини; системної соціалізація на платформі кластерної та циркулярної економік. Доведено, що інтеграція як інструмент поєднання системи сучасних знань менеджменту та економіки формує потенціал суспільства й спрямовує вектори руху господарської діяльності до стандартів довіри та соціалізації. Розглянуто та системно проаналізовано знання менеджменту в питаннях формування кластерної економіки України на основі системної інтеграції та балансу національних інтересів з рекомендаціями щодо подальшого дослідження існуючої специфіки суспільного прогресу, управління знаннями та практики удосконалення дієвості заходів влади та бізнесу. Обґрунтовано та наведено авторське бачення класифікація інтересів у стимулюванні кластероутворення підприємств та заходах регіональної кластерної політики на платформах дії принципів – довіри, наукоємності заходів, цільового інформаційного забезпечення, відповідності євроінтеграційним цінностям. Отримані висновки та рекомендації щодо регіональної кластерної політики підтверджують перспективність руху регіонів України до найпрогресивніших форм екологічного менеджменту із залученням регіональних, галузевих кластерних проєктів і програм ЄС. Конкретизовано дієвість і фундаментальні вектори регіональної політики ЄС, спрямовані на побудову нової моделі кластерної економіки на засадах довіри та балансу інтересів суб'єктів господарювання, влади і населення.

The article offers a historiographical consideration of the description of the Khotyn battle 1621with an emphasis on the historical value of M. Kostin's "Chronicle of the Land of Moldova" in the coverage of theevent. The relevance of the study is dictated by the 400th anniversary of the battle. The purpose of the study is to clarify the historical significance of thechronicle in revealing the theme of the Battle of Khotyn in 1621. Methodology describes the work of M. Kostin, its source base, comparison with other historical sources, review of its use. Conclusions. "Chronicle of the Land of Moldova" by Myron Kostin, being the only source for studying the history of Moldova in the early and mid seventeenth century. at the same time it is a true description of the events of the Khotyn War (1620–1621). Although the chronicler is not a contemporary of the events, his account of the Battle of Khotyn is based on serious Polish sources of the relevant era, oral information from contemporaries of the fighting, the traditions of the princely family of Movileshty, and so on. The work is positively characterized by a deep and detailed description of events, impartiality, clear analysis of military operations of a participant in many battles, education of the author and his broad outlook, which allowed him to understand the causal links of actions, actions of the parties, unconditional literary talent M. Kostin. His disregard for the events of the Khotyn War of 1621 by a number of Ukrainian historians shows a reluctance to consider the event comprehensively, using all sources. Moreover, we see a focus on showing only one fragment of this historical event, the participation of the Ukrainian side in it. The language barrier to the use of the Chronicle is no more a problem than a political motive. ; L'article propose une revue historiographique de la description de la guerre de Khotyn de 1621 en mettant l'accent surla valeur historique de la «Chronique de la terre moldave» de M. Kostin à la lumière des événements. Pertinencenla recherche est dictée par le 400e anniversaire de la bataille. Le but de l'étude est de déterminer le poids historique de la chronique pour la divulgation de la bataille de Khotyn de 1621 par ceux-ci.Méthodologie : analyse de l'œuvre de M. Kostin, ses sources, comparaison avec d'autres sources historiques, un aperçu de son utilisation. Conclusion. «Chronique de la terre moldave» de Miron Kostin, étant la seule source pour étudier l'histoire de la Moldavie au début et au milieu du XVIIe siècle. est en même temps une description fiable des événements de la guerre de Khotyn (1620-1621). Bien que le chroniqueur ne soit pas un contemporain des événements, sonl'histoire de la bataille de Khotyn est basée sur des sources polonaises sérieuses de l'époque correspondante, des informations orales de participants à la guerre, les traditions de la famille princière Movila, etc. Caractérise positivement le travail de profondeur et de détail description des événements, objectivité, une analyse claire des opérations militaires d'un participant à de nombreuses batailles, l'éducation de l'auteur et de son large perspective, qui lui permet de comprendre la relation causale des actions des parties, une inconditionnelle littéraire Le talent de M. Kostin. Son ignorance dans la divulgation du thème de la guerre de Khotyn de 1621 par un certain nombre d'historiens ukrainiens montre une réticence à considérer l'événement de manière exhaustive en utilisant toutes les sources. Il y a de fortes chances que nous voyions concentration à ne montrer qu'un fragment de cet événement historique, la participation de la partie ukrainienne à celui-ci. La barrière de la langue à l'utilisation de la Chronique n'est pas un problème plus important que le motif politique. ; В статье предлагается историографический обзор описания Хотинской войны 1621 г. с акцентом на исторической ценности "Летописи Земли Молдовской" М. Костина в ракурсе освещении событий. Актуальность исследования диктуется 400-летним юбилеем битвы. Целью исследования является определение исторического веса летописи для раскрытия теми Хотинской битвы 1621 г. Методология: анализ произведения М. Костина, его источников, сравнение с другими историческими источниками, обзор его использования. Выводы. "Летопись Земли Молдовской" Мирона Костина, будучи единственным источником для изучения истории Молдовы начала и середины ХVII в. одновременно является достоверным описанием событий Хотинской войны (1620–1621 гг.). Хотя летописец не современник событий, однако его рассказ о Хотинской битве основывается на серьезных польских источниках соответствующей эпохи, устной информации от участников войны, традициях княжеской семьи Мовилэ и др. Позитивно характеризует произведение глубокое и детальное описание событий, объективность, четкий анализ военных операций участника многих битв, образованность автора и его широкий кругозор, что позволяет ему понимать причинно-следственную связь поступков сторон, безусловный литературный талант М. Костина. Ее игнорирование в раскрытие темы Хотинской войны 1621 г. целым рядом украинских историков показывает нежелание рассмотреть событие комплексно с использованием всех источников. Скорее всего, мы видим концентрацию на показе только одного фрагмента этого исторического события, участия в нем украинской стороны. Языковый барьер для использования "Летописи" не является большей проблемой, чем политический мотив. ; У статті пропонується історіографічний огляд опису Хотинської війни 1621 року з акцентом на історичні цінності "Літопису Землі Молдовської" М. Костіна в ракурсі висвітленні подій. Актуальність дослідження диктується 400-річним ювілеєм битви. Метою дослідження є визначення історичної ваги літопису для розкриття теми Хотинської битви 1621 р. Методологія: аналіз твору М. Костіна, його джерел, порівняння з іншими історичними джерелами, огляд його використання. Висновки. "Літопис Землі Молдовської" Мирона Костіна, будучи єдиним джерелом для вивчення історії Молдови початку і середини ХVII ст. одночасно є достовірним описом подій Хотинської війни (1620-1621 рр.). Хоча літописець сучасник подій, проте його розповідь про Хотинську битву грунтується на серйозних польських джерелах відповідної епохи, усної інформації від учасників війни, традиціях княжої сім'ї Мовіле і ін. Позитивно характеризує твір глибокий і детальний опис подій, об'єктивність, чіткий аналіз військових операцій учасника багатьох битв, освіченість автора і йогоширокий світогляд, що дозволяє йому розуміти причинно-наслідковий зв'язок вчинків сторін, безумовний літературний талант М. Костіна. Її ігнорування в розкритті теми Хотинської війни 1621 р. цілою низкою українських істориківпоказує небажання розглянути подію комплексно з використанням усіх джерел. Швидше за все, ми бачимо концентрацію на показі тільки одного фрагмента цієї історичної події, участі в ньому української сторони. Мовний бар'єр для використання "Літопису" не є більшою проблемою, ніж політичний мотив.

Key words: copyright, jewelry, bijouterie, unfair competition, trademark, litigation Fedorova N. Foreing and domestic experience in protecting intellectual property right to jewelry and jewelry. The article focuses on studying the issue of protecting the design of artistic jewelry and bijouterie. The concept of "functionality" for jewelry is analyzed, namely, it is determined that the «functionality» notion is the quality of servicing the useful purpose. For example, a chair manufacturer cannot claim the four legs of a chair as a copyright. These four legs are a useful and functional aspect of this chair. If a competitor also manufactures a chair with 4 legs, it does not infringe any manufacturer's right, since these legs are for functional purposes only. The concept of«functionality» in jewelry means that the last cannot be protected as a normal work, since it is purely utilitarian. For example, the hands or numbers on the dial of a watch are considered as functional because the exclusive use of these aspects seriously impedes healthy competition in the watch industry. On the other hand, unique jewelry design cannot be considered functional as it has the exclusive use of its particular elements' combination.The analysis of European legislation and US judicial practice is carried out. Under applicable US copyright law, jewelry is a subject to copyright. Under normal circumstances, the law does not require prior registration of jewelry copyright. However, in order to protect jewelry or bijouterie under the US Law on Copyright, it must meet certain conditions. The complaining party must provide evidence of illegal copying of the work and prove copyright infringement. In case of violation of copyright for jewelry, the author or the jewelry house must prove:•the originality of design;•the uniqueness in the elements combination in the process of jewelry design development.The object of an industrial design can be a shape, pattern, color, or their combination that determines the appearance of an industrial product. The main criterion for the industrial design patentability is its novelty. However, in practice, an examination for novelty when registering a designation as an industrial design, according to Alexandra Odinets, is not carried out, and the patent is issued «under the responsibility of the applicant».With regard to unfair competition in the jewelry market, according to the US jurisprudence, it is more often an offense in this context than a violation of trademark rights or copyright infringement. It is unfair competition that misleads a consumer. A competitor, by assigning a good name and an reputation established, is trying to get profit. The definition of unfair competition is carried out in a comprehensive manner, here the court will not focus on one feature of a piece of jewelry but would consider all its inherent features. In particular, it is a combination of unique elements that provide the originality of the product.The article provides recommendations for jewelry and bijouterie authors on copyright protection. 1. Pro avtorski i sumizhni prava : Zakon Ukrainy. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3792-12#Text. 2. Tomarov I. Fashion Law: kopiiuvaty ne mozhna zaboronyty! Yurydychna hazeta Online. 2017. № 25(575). URL:https://yur-gazeta.com/publications/practice/zahist-intelektualnoyi-vlasnosti-avtorske-pravo/fashion-law-kopiyuvati-ne-mozhna-zaboroniti.html. 3. Herbert Rosenthal Jewelry Corp. v. Kalpakian, 446 F.2d 738 (9th Cir. 1971). 4. Dyrektyva Yevropeiskoho Soiuzu № 98/71. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/994_a88#Text. 5. "Designer" Jewelry vs. "Inspired-by" Jewelry: Intellectual Property Infringement and Unfair Competition Considerations, 34. 6. Davis v. Gap, Inc. - 246 F.3d 152 (2d Cir. 2001). 7. Trifari, Krussman & Fishel, Inc. v Charel Co., 134 F Supp 551 (1955, DC NY). 8. Copyright Law of the United States §102, at 68 (2000). 9. Cprava Vacheron I Constantin-LeCoultreWatches, Inc. proty Benrus Watch Co., Inc. URL: http://saperlaw.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2007/09/cba-fashion-presentation-final.pdf (last visited April 19th, 2008). 10. Cosmetic Ideas, Inc. v. IAC/Interactivecorp, CV08-02074 R (C.D. California); Los Angeles Copyright Attorneys File Jewelry Copyright Infringement Lawsuit Over Copying Protected Jewelry Design, available at: http://www.iptrademarkattorney.com/2008/04/copyright-attorneys-jewelry-los-angeles-protected-jewelry-design-lawsuit-copying-copyrights-la.html (last visited April 19th, 2008). 11. Saper Law. "Designer" Jewelry vs. "Inspired-by" Jewelry: Intellectual Property Infringement and Unfair Competition Considerations. 2008. ; Ключові слова: авторське право, ювелірні вироби, біжутерія, недобросовісна конкуренція, торгова марка, судова практика Стаття присвячена дослідженню питань щодо охорони дизайну авторських ювелірних виробів та біжутерії. Проаналізовано поняття «Функціональності», щодо ювелірних виробів а саме, визначено, що ювелірні вироби не можуть охоронятися як звичайний твір, оскільки є винятково утилітарними. Наприклад, стрілки або цифри на циферблаті годинника вважаються функціональними, оскільки ексклюзивне використання цих аспектів серйозно перешкоджатиме здоровій конкуренції в годинниковій галузі. З іншого боку, унікальний дизайн ювелірних виробів не може вважатися функціональним, оскільки має ексклюзивне використання його особливої комбінації елементів. Здійснено аналіз Європейського законодавства та судової практики США. 1. Про авторські і суміжні права : Закон України. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3792-12#Text. 2. Томаров І. Fashion Law: копіювати не можна заборонити! Юридична газета Online. 2017. № 25(575). URL:https://yur-gazeta.com/publications/practice/zahist-intelektualnoyi-vlasnosti-avtorske-pravo/fashion-law-kopiyuvati-ne-mozhna-zaboroniti.html. 3. Herbert Rosenthal Jewelry Corp. v. Kalpakian, 446 F.2d 738 (9th Cir. 1971). 4. Директива Європейського Союзу № 98/71. URL: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/994_a88#Text. 5. «Designer» Jewelry vs. «Inspired-by» Jewelry: Intellectual Property Infringement and Unfair Competition Considerations, 34. 6. Davis v. Gap, Inc. - 246 F.3d 152 (2d Cir. 2001). 7. Trifari, Krussman & Fishel, Inc. v Charel Co., 134 F Supp 551 (1955, DC NY). 8. Copyright Law of the United States §102, at 68 (2000). 9. Cправa Vacheron I Constantin-LeCoultreWatches, Inc. проти Benrus Watch Co., Inc. URL: http://saperlaw.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2007/09/cba-fashion-presentation-final.pdf (last visited April 19th, 2008). 10. Cosmetic Ideas, Inc. v. IAC/Interactivecorp, CV08-02074 R (C.D. California); Los Angeles Copyright Attorneys File Jewelry Copyright Infringement Lawsuit Over Copying Protected Jewelry Design, available at: http://www.iptrademarkattorney.com/2008/04/copyright-attorneys-jewelry-los-angeles-protected-jewelry-design-lawsuit-copying-copyrights-la.html (last visited April 19th, 2008). 11. Saper Law. "Designer" Jewelry vs. "Inspired-by" Jewelry: Intellectual Property Infringement and Unfair Competition Considerations. 2008.

The article examines the state of the Ukrainian language through the prism of the formation and development of the «Russian world» of the times of the Russian Empire. The content of the Russian geopolitical concept – the ideology of the «Russian world», which is based on Russian language and Russian culture – has been revealed. It is emphasized that the Moscow language and the corresponding culture were absent on Ukrainian territory during the Lithuanian-Russian statehood and the times of the Commonwealth. The article notes that the most significant basis for the spread of the Ukrainian language is the state form of society organization. National and cultural rise in Ukraine provided an opportunity to embark on the path of creation and development of national statehood, which opened up new possibilities for the development of Ukrainian culture and language. The development of the Ukrainian language in the political, educational and religious spheres is examined. Significant achievements of Ukrainians in preserving Rus-Ukrainian culture in the struggle against the «Latin world» due to the creation of a national network of public educational institutions have been revealed; the following institutions were created: fraternal and Cossack (Sich), as well as monastic and church-parish schools, in which the Ukrainian language played an important role. The author emphasizes the prominent place of the folk speech within the confessional practice, translation of religious texts and Ukrainian-language sermons, because it significantly raised the prestige of the folk speech in society and the Orthodox world. It is shown that the formation of Moscow-Russian statehood is directly related to the formation of the world space of the «Russian world» – the expansionist policy of «gathering Russian lands», naming Moscow tsars as «sovereigns of all Russia», implementing the idea of «Moscow as the Third Rome», etc. An analysis of the influence of the unification policy of the Russian Empire in the political, religious and educational spheres of public life, under which the Ukrainian language was completely pushed out of administrative and political use due to the liquidation of the Cossack autonomy (Hetmanate), of the church sphere as a result of the displacement of the folk speech from liturgical practice, of the educational sphere through the creation and formation of the imperial educational system, which led to an extremely low level of education among Ukrainians is proposed. It is emphasized that the formation of the world space of the «Russian world» made it impossible for the peoples of the Russian Empire, especially Ukrainians and Belarusians who were the closely related linguistically and culturally, to develop freely. ; В статті розглядається стан української мови крізь призму становлення та розвитку «Русского мира» часів Російської імперії. Розкривається зміст російського геополітичного концепту – ідеології «Русского мира», що своїм культурним підґрунтям має російську мову та російську культуру. Підкреслюється, що московська мова та відповідна культура були відсутні на українських теренах за часів Литовсько-Руської державності та в Речі Посполитій. В статті зазначається, що найзначнішим підґрунтям поширення української мови є державна форма організації суспільства. Національно-культурне піднесення в Україні дало можливість стати на шлях створення та розвитку національної державності, що відкривало нові можливості для розвитку української культури та мови. Здійснено огляд розвитку української мови в політичній, освітній та релігійній царинах. Розкрито значні здобутки українства на шляху збереження русько-української культури в боротьбі з «латинським світом» внаслідок створення національної мережі народних освітніх закладів: братських та козацьких (січових), а також монастирських та церковно-парафіяльних шкіл, в яких вагоме місце відводилось українській мові. Автор відзначає чільне місце народної мови в межах конфесійної практики, перекладу релігійних текстів та україномовної проповіді, адже це значно піднімало престиж народної мови в суспільстві та православному світі. Показано, що становлення московсько-російської державності безпосередньо пов'язане з формуванням світопростору «Русского мира» – експансіоністська політика «збирання руських земель», іменування московських царів себе як «государів всєя Русі», впровадження в життя ідеї «Москви як Третього Риму» тощо. Пропонується аналіз впливу уніфікаційної політики Російської імперії в політичній, релігійній та освітній сферах суспільного життя, за якої було повністю витіснено українську мову з адміністративно-політичного вжитку внаслідок ліквідації козацької автономії (Гетьманщини); з церковної сфери внаслідок витіснення народної мови з богослужбової практики; з освітньої сфери через створення та формування імперської освітньої системи, що призвело до вкрай низького рівня освіти серед українців. Підкреслюється, що формування світопростіру «Русского мира» унеможливлювало вільний розвиток народів Російської імперії, особливо близькоспоріднених мовно й культурно українців та білорусів. ; В статті розглядається стан української мови крізь призму становлення та розвитку «Русского мира» часів Російської імперії. Розкривається зміст російського геополітичного концепту – ідеології «Русского мира», що своїм культурним підґрунтям має російську мову та російську культуру. Підкреслюється, що московська мова та відповідна культура були відсутні на українських теренах за часів Литовсько-Руської державності та в Речі Посполитій. В статті зазначається, що найзначнішим підґрунтям поширення української мови є державна форма організації суспільства. Національно-культурне піднесення в Україні дало можливість стати на шлях створення та розвитку національної державності, що відкривало нові можливості для розвитку української культури та мови. Здійснено огляд розвитку української мови в політичній, освітній та релігійній царинах. Розкрито значні здобутки українства на шляху збереження русько-української культури в боротьбі з «латинським світом» внаслідок створення національної мережі народних освітніх закладів: братських та козацьких (січових), а також монастирських та церковно-парафіяльних шкіл, в яких вагоме місце відводилось українській мові. Автор відзначає чільне місце народної мови в межах конфесійної практики, перекладу релігійних текстів та україномовної проповіді, адже це значно піднімало престиж народної мови в суспільстві та православному світі. Показано, що становлення московсько-російської державності безпосередньо пов'язане з формуванням світопростору «Русского мира» – експансіоністська політика «збирання руських земель», іменування московських царів себе як «государів всєя Русі», впровадження в життя ідеї «Москви як Третього Риму» тощо. Пропонується аналіз впливу уніфікаційної політики Російської імперії в політичній, релігійній та освітній сферах суспільного життя, за якої було повністю витіснено українську мову з адміністративно-політичного вжитку внаслідок ліквідації козацької автономії (Гетьманщини); з церковної сфери внаслідок витіснення народної мови з богослужбової практики; з освітньої сфери через створення та формування імперської освітньої системи, що призвело до вкрай низького рівня освіти серед українців. Підкреслюється, що формування світопростіру «Русского мира» унеможливлювало вільний розвиток народів Російської імперії, особливо близькоспоріднених мовно й культурно українців та білорусів.

ABSTRACT / INTRODUCTION Data management and curation in research sites has become increasingly more complex in the last decade. A large portion of this complexity is caused by the ever-increasing number of instruments and sensors producing huge amounts of data. At the same time, researchers and data curators have joined to enforce FAIR (Findability, Accessibility, Interoperability, and Reuse) Principles of data products. This is a worldwide initiative which will increase the potential of collaboration through data sharing across diverse sites. Managing large amounts of data requires rules-based automation to ensure that site policies are respected, and, at the same time, workflows must be enabled from data ingestion through the distribution of data products. The evolution of iRODS technology Initially, the basis for iRODS (The Integrated Rule-Oriented Data System) was a university project funded by a government agency. The concept was to build a searchable data base with entries that were linked to specific data represented in a plurality of POSIX compliant file systems. These file systems would appear as a single namespace so that a user did not have to be concerned with data locality but rather, just the descriptive metadata which was provided by a researcher when the file was generated. This original implementation of open source cataloging was successful to the extent that it became the basis of a commercial product that was sold to various government organizations. The evolution of iRODS as it exists today began with the founding of the iRODS Consortium about 7 years ago. Today iRODS can be described both as a technology platform and, through the consortium, a vibrant and diverse community with many mutual goals. Currently, iRODS is built to support 8 essential capabilities. These include automated data ingestion, data integrity checking, storage tiering, and auditing enabling indexing, provenance tracking, and compliance checking. Finally, an interface to publication completes the feature set. Use cases requiring policy enforcement were described at the most recent iRODS Consortium User Group Meeting [1]. First, let's look at the Victoria Department of Agriculture in Australia. Their overall goal is nothing less than increasing farm efficiency in the entire state. Their policies include automated data gathering and migration to a processing site so that data products can be analyzed. The goal will be to federate iRODS locations located on individual farms. Sensor data will be automatically ingested on the farm then the aggregate data will be ingested to a central site also utilizing iRODS rules to enforce the collection policy [2]. This managed use of eResearch and iRODS will directly affect the GDP of the state. CyVerse, based in Tucson is a perfect example of a multi-national application of iRODS. The site hosts a diverse range of research data starting several years ago with plant genomics [3]. The data is mirrored to an iRODS based site at TACC (Texas Advanced Computing Center) in Austin [4]. Data is ingested from partner sites worldwide including Melbourne, Sydney, Brisbane, Canberra, Adelaide, Perth, and Hobart in Australia [5]. CyVerse also offers compute services using the "data to compute" model. The KTH Royal Institute of Technology is utilizing iRODS to transition data between GPFS file systems allowing file system upgrades while maintaining availability [6]. The iRODS based checksumming was employed to assure that data integrity was maintained through the entire process. Storage at KTH is utilized to host data from the entire country of Sweden. At Utrecht University data site policies stress data discovery to enable research. To that end, a custom interface called Yoda was written based upon iRODS. "Yoda deploys iRODS as its core component, customized with more than 10,000 lines of iRODS rules". This site is successfully hosting a very large research data archive [7]. At KU Leuven iRODS is being utilized to allow researchers to have active data utilization enabling project work before publication. FAIR principles are stressed in their data policies with iRODS tools for compliance [8]. At Bristol Myers Squibb, iRODS is being utilize to manage AWS cloud-based data sets to enable worldwide project progress. The iRODS technology is used to manage data flows and to maintain a catalog of the available data in real time interfacing with AWS Lambda functions [9]. At the NIEHS (National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences) discoverability of diverse data sets with auditable data governance is stressed. Metadata templates have been written to guarantee standardization in the description of the hosted data [10]. There are many research sites both academic and commercial that use iRODS to enforce policies. It's important to note, however, that a site policy does not have to fully evolve immediately. The iRODS open source technology with its plug-in framework allows policies to grow and evolve over time and effectively "future-proof" eResearch archives worldwide. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dave Fellinger is a Data Management Technologist and Storage Scientist with the iRODS Consortium. He has over three decades of engineering experience including film systems, video processing devices, ASIC design and development, GaAs semiconductor manufacture, RAID and storage systems, and file systems. He attended Carnegie-Mellon University and holds patents in diverse areas of technology. REFERENCES 1. The agenda for the iRODS User Group Meeting 2020 is available from; https://irods.org/images/irods_ugm2020_agenda.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 2. A presentation from the Victoria Department of Agriculture is available from; https://irods.org/uploads/2020/Murphy-AgVicSmartFarm_Data_Managementslides.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 3. A presentation from CyVerse is available from; https://irods.org/uploads/2020/Roberts-CyVerse-Discovery_Environment-slides.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 4. A presentation from TACC is available from; https://irods.org/uploads/2020/Jordan-TACCThe_Past_Present_and_Future_of_iRODS_at_TACC-slides.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 5. A description of EMBL in Australia is available from; https://www.emblabr.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/EMBL-nodes-hubs-flyeronline-final.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 6. A presentation from KTH is available from; https://irods.org/uploads/2020/KorhonenKTHMigration_Between_GPFS_Filesystems-slides.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 7. A presentation from Utrecht University is available from; https://irods.org/uploads/2020/Westerhof-SmeeleUtrechtUniYoda_and_iRODS_Python_rule_engine_plugin-slides.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 8. A presentation from KU Leuven is available from; https://irods.org/uploads/2020/Barcena-KULeuvenVSCiRODS_Data_Management_Platform-slides.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 9. A presentation from Bristol Myers Squibb is available from; https://irods.org/uploads/2020/ShaikhBMSiRODS_for_scientific_applications_in_AWS_Cloud-slides.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020 10. A presentation from NIEHS is available from; https://irods.org/uploads/2020/Conway-NIEHSApplications_of_iRODS-slides.pdf, accessed 11 November 2020

BACKGROUND: Childhood maltreatment is associated with poor mental and physical health. However, the mechanisms of gene-environment correlations and the potential causal effects of childhood maltreatment on health are unknown. Using genetics, we aimed to delineate the sources of gene-environment correlation for childhood maltreatment and the causal relationship between childhood maltreatment and health. METHODS: We did a genome-wide association study meta-analysis of childhood maltreatment using data from the UK Biobank (n=143 473), Psychiatric Genomics Consortium (n=26 290), Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (n=8346), Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development Study (n=5400), and Generation R (n=1905). We included individuals who had phenotypic and genetic data available. We investigated single nucleotide polymorphism heritability and genetic correlations among different subtypes, operationalisations, and reports of childhood maltreatment. Family-based and population-based polygenic score analyses were done to elucidate gene-environment correlation mechanisms. We used genetic correlation and Mendelian randomisation analyses to identify shared genetics and test causal relationships between childhood maltreatment and mental and physical health conditions. FINDINGS: Our meta-analysis of genome-wide association studies (N=185 414) identified 14 independent loci associated with childhood maltreatment (13 novel). We identified high genetic overlap (genetic correlations 0·24-1·00) among different maltreatment operationalisations, subtypes, and reporting methods. Within-family analyses provided some support for active and reactive gene-environment correlation but did not show the absence of passive gene-environment correlation. Robust Mendelian randomisation suggested a potential causal role of childhood maltreatment in depression (unidirectional), as well as both schizophrenia and ADHD (bidirectional), but not in physical health conditions (coronary artery disease, type 2 diabetes) or inflammation (C-reactive protein concentration). INTERPRETATION: Childhood maltreatment has a heritable component, with substantial genetic correlations among different operationalisations, subtypes, and retrospective and prospective reports of childhood maltreatment. Family-based analyses point to a role of active and reactive gene-environment correlation, with equivocal support for passive correlation. Mendelian randomisation supports a (primarily bidirectional) causal role of childhood maltreatment on mental health, but not on physical health conditions. Our study identifies research avenues to inform the prevention of childhood maltreatment and its long-term effects. FUNDING: Wellcome Trust, UK Medical Research Council, Horizon 2020, National Institute of Mental Health, and National Institute for Health Research Biomedical Research Centre. ; This work was supported by the Wellcome Trust (Grant refs: 214322/Z/18/Z, 104036/Z/14/Z, 204623/Z/16/Z, and 217065/Z/19/Z). VW was funded by the Bowring Research Fellowship from St. Catharine's College, Cambridge and Wellcome Trust Collaborative Award (Grant Ref: 214322/Z/18/Z). ASFK and AM are supported by Wellcome Trust Grant 104036/Z/14/Z. ASFK is also supported by an ESRC Postdoctoral Fellowship (Grant ref: ES/V011650/1). ML is supported by the scholarship from the China Scholarship Council (No. 201706990036). The work of CC has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 707404 and grant agreement No 848158 (EarlyCause Project). MHvIJ is supported by the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture, and Science and the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO grant No. 024.001.003, Consortium on Individual Development) and by a Spinoza Prize of the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research. HMS and MRM are supported by the Medical Research Council and the University of Bristol (MC_UU_00011/7) and by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Biomedical Research Centre at the University Hospitals Bristol National Health Service Foundation Trust and the University of Bristol. HMS is also supported by the European Research Council (Grant ref: 758813 MHINT). CMN is supported by the National Institute for Mental Health NIMH R01MH106595 and the Center of Excellence for Stress and Mental Health (CESAMH), Veterans Affairs San Diego. AJG and SB are supported by a Sir Henry Dale Fellowship jointly funded by the Wellcome Trust and the Royal Society (grant number 204623/Z/16/Z). TMM and RB are supported by the NIMH (R01MH117014, TMM; K23MH120437, RB).The research was conducted in association with the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre, and the NIHR Collaboration for Leadership in Applied Health Research and Care East of England at Cambridgeshire and Peterborough NHS Foundation Trust. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the National Health Service, the NIHR, or the Department of Health and Social Care. This research was possible due to two applications to the UK Biobank: Projects 20904 and 23787. This research was co-funded by the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre and a Marmaduke Sheild grant. The UK Medical Research Council and Wellcome (Grant Ref: 217065/Z/19/Z) and the University of Bristol provide core support for ALSPAC. A comprehensive list of grants funding is available on the ALSPAC website (http://www.bristol.ac.uk/alspac/external/documents/grant-acknowledgements.pdf). We are extremely grateful to all the families who took part in this study, the midwives for their help in recruiting them, and the whole ALSPAC team, which includes interviewers, computer and laboratory technicians, clerical workers, research scientists, volunteers, managers, receptionists and nurses. The study website contains details of all data available through a fully searchable data dictionary (http://www.bristol.ac.uk/alspac/researchers/our-data/). Part of this data was collected using REDCap, see the REDCap website for details https://projectredcap.org/resources/citations/). The first phase of the Generation R Study is made possible by financial support from the Erasmus Medical Centre, Rotterdam; the Erasmus University Rotterdam; ZonMw; the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO); and the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport. The authors gratefully acknowledge the contribution of all children and parents, general practitioners, hospitals, midwives and pharmacies involved in the Generation R Study. The Generation R Study is conducted by the Erasmus Medical Center in close collaboration with the School of Law and Erasmus School of Social and Behavioural Sciences at Erasmus University Rotterdam; the Municipal Health Service Rotterdam area, Rotterdam; the Rotterdam Homecare Foundation, Rotterdam; and the Stichting Trombosedienst & Artsenlaboratorium Rijnmond (STAR-MDC), Rotterdam.

With Nigerian novelist Amos Tutuola as primary subject, this paper at[1]tempts to understand the construction of sociocultural identities in Nigeria in the wake of independence. Despite the international success of his literary publications, Tutuola was denied access to the most intimate discourses on the development of African literature by his Nigerian elite contemporaries, who emerged from University College, Ibadan, in the 1950s and early 1960s. Having completed only a few years of colonial schooling, Tutuola was differentiated from his elite literary contemporaries in terms of education. Yet if education represented a rather concrete, institutionalized divide between the elite and the everyday Nigerian, this paper will suggest that the resulting epistemological difference served as a more fluid, ideological divide. Both Western epistemology, rooted in Western academic spaces, and African epistemology, preserved from African traditions like proverbs and storytelling, informed the elite and Tutuola's worldviews. The varying degrees to which one epistemology was privileged over the other reinforced the boundary between Tutuola and the elite. Furthermore, educational experiences and sociocultural identities informed the ways in which independent Nigeria was envisioned by both Tutuola and the elite writers. While the elites' discourse on independence reflected their proximity to Nigeria's political elite, Tutuola positioned himself as a distinctly Yoruba writer in the new Nigeria. He envisioned a state in which traditional knowledge remained central to the African identity. Ultimately, his life and work attest to the endurance of indigenous epistemology through years of European colonialism and into independence. 148 Mackenzie Finley During a lecture series at the University of Palermo, Italy, Nigerian novelist Amos Tutuola presented himself, his work, and his Yoruba heritage to an audience of Italian students and professors of English and Anglophone literatures. During his first lecture, the Yoruba elder asked his audience, "Why are we people afraid to go to the burial ground at night?" An audience member ventured a guess: "Perhaps we are afraid to know what we cannot know." Tutuola replied, "But, you remember, we Africans believe that death is not the end of life. We know that when one dies, that is not the end of his life [. . .] So why are all people afraid to go to the burial ground at night? They're afraid to meet the ghosts from the dead" (emphasis in original).1 Amos Tutuola (1920–1997) was recognized globally for his perpetuation of Yoruba folklore tradition via novels and short stories written in unconventional English. His works, especially The Palm-Wine Drinkard (1952) and My Life in the Bush of Ghosts (1954), were translated into numerous European languages, including Italian. Given the chance to speak directly with an Italian audience at Palermo, Tutuola elaborated on the elements of Yoruba culture that saturated his fiction. His lectures reflected the same sense of purpose that drove his writing. Tutuola explained, "As much as I could [in my novels], I tried my best to bring out for the people to see the secrets of my tribe—I mean, the Yoruba people—and of Nigerian people, and African people as a whole. I'm trying my best to bring out our traditional things for the people to know a little about us, about our beliefs, our character, and so on."2 Tutuola's didactics during the lecture at Palermo reflect his distinct intellectual and cultural commitment to a Yoruba cosmology, one that was not so much learned in his short years of schooling in the colonial education system as it was absorbed from his life of engagement with Yoruba oral tradition. With Tutuola as primary subject, this paper attempts to understand the construction of sociocultural identities in Nigeria in the wake of independence. The educated elite writers, such as Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe, who emerged from University College, Ibadan, during the same time period, will serve as a point of comparison. On October 1, 1960, when Nigeria gained independence from Britain, Tutuola occupied an unusual place relative to the university-educated elite, the semi-literate "average man," the international 1 Alassandra di Maio, Tutuola at the University: The Italian Voice of a Yoruba Ancestor, with an Interview with the Author and an Afterword by Claudio Gorlier (Rome: Bulzoni, 2000), 38. The lecture's transcriber utilized graphic devices (italicized and bolded words, brackets denoting pauses and movements) to preserve the dynamic oral experience of the lecture. However, so that the dialogue reads more easily in the context of this paper, I have removed the graphic devices but maintained what the transcriber presented as Tutuola's emphasized words, simply italicizing what was originally in bold. 2 Di Maio, Tutuola at the University, 148. Constructing Identities 149 stage of literary criticism, and the emerging field of African literature. This position helped shape his sense of identity. Despite the success of his literary publications, Tutuola was not allowed to participate in the most intimate dis[1]courses on the development of African literature by his elite contemporaries. In addition to his lack of access to higher education, Tutuola was differentiated from his elite literary contemporaries on epistemological grounds. If education represented a rather concrete, institutionalized divide between the elite and the everyday Nigerian, an epistemological difference served as a more fluid, ideological divide. Both Western epistemology, rooted in Western academic spaces, and African epistemology, preserved from African traditions like proverbs and storytelling, informed the elite and Tutuola's worldviews. The varying degrees to which one epistemology was privileged over the other reinforced the boundary between the elite and Tutuola. This paper draws largely on correspondence, conference reports, and the personal papers of Tutuola and his elite contemporaries housed at the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas at Austin, as well as on interviews transcribed by the Transcription Centre in London, the periodical Africa Report (1960–1970), and Robert M. Wren and Claudio Gorlier, concentrating on primary sources produced during the years immediately prior to and shortly after Nigerian independence in 1960. Tutuola's ideas generally did not fit into the sociocultural objectives of his elite counterparts. Though they would come in contact with one another via the world of English-language literature, Tutuola usually remained absent from or relegated to the margins of elite discussions on African creative writing. Accordingly, the historical record has less to say about his intellectual ruminations than about those of his elite contemporaries. Nonetheless, his hand-written drafts, interviews, and correspondences with European agents offer a glimpse at the epistemology and sense of identity of an "average" Nigerian in the aftermath of colonialism and independence.