"Based on an article by Pulitzer Prize-winning reporters, the fascinating results of an important nationwide conversation about guns: Can complete strangers representing every point along the political divide engage in civil and productive discourse on the topic of gun control?"--
In: Political analysis: PA ; the official journal of the Society for Political Methodology and the Political Methodology Section of the American Political Science Association, Band 28, Heft 3, S. 412-434
We consider evidence for the assertion that backbench members of parliament (MPs) in the UK have become less distinctive from one another in terms of their speech. Noting that this claim has considerable normative and substantive implications, we review theory and findings in the area, which are ultimately ambiguous on this question. We then provide a new statistical model of distinctiveness that extends traditional efforts to statistically characterize the "style" of authors and apply it to a corpus of Hansard speeches from 1935 to 2018. In the aggregate, we find no evidence for the claim of more homogeneity. But this hides intriguing covariate effects: at the MP-level, panel regression results demonstrate that on average, more senior backbenchers tend to be less "different" in speech terms. We also show, however, that this pattern is changing: in recent times, it is more experienced MPs who speak most distinctively.
To increase student learning opportunities up to high school level, the DKI Jakarta government provides the Jakarta Smart Card (KJP) program for people who are classified as poor. Evaluation on the implementation of this program needs to be done to see the extent of program success. This study aims to look at the evaluation of the KJP program at SMA Negeri 22 Jakarta using the CIPP (Context, Input, Process, Output) method. The results showed that SMAN 22 had run the KJP program very well. The results of the evaluation on context aspect shows a very good result with 85% of implementation. The input aspects have been carried out 80% with good categories. The process aspect is running well with a percentage of 80% of the plan, and the product evaluation (output) aspect also reaches 80% of the specified criteria. The study also recommends that there should be an officer from provincial government officials to conduct home visit program to maintain the quality of KJP implementation.
"Catch-22" is considered one of the American writer Joseph Heller's greatest novels. It was published in 1961. Joseph Heller combined the irrational sensations, the mocking and satirical tones to describe a collapsed and degenerate world in the postmodern condition. Through the living background of an American military unit of World War II, the author reflected some absurd problems such as: the distortion of justice, the influence of greed, and the issue of personal integrity. This article focuses on analyzing the absurdity of character imagery and reality that is automatically accepted and followed in postmodern condition. As a result, readers can gain a deeper insight into the novel and seek empathy in the perception about the absurd, which is becoming normal in recently. ; "Catch-22" is considered one of the American writer Joseph Heller's greatest novels. It was published in 1961. Joseph Heller combined the irrational sensations, the mocking and satirical tones to describe a collapsed and degenerate world in the postmodern condition. Through the living background of an American military unit of World War II, the author reflected some absurd problems such as: the distortion of justice, the influence of greed, and the issue of personal integrity. This article focuses on analyzing the absurdity of character imagery and reality that is automatically accepted and followed in postmodern condition. As a result, readers can gain a deeper insight into the novel and seek empathy in the perception about the absurd, which is becoming normal in recently.
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Today we are joined once again by Colin Coulter, of National University of Ireland, Maynooth. You might remember Colin from way back in Episode 8. That was like. 3 years ago! I didn't even know I'd been doing this for three years!
But I wanted to ask Colin back on this week to talk about the recent election in Ireland. Because it turns out this wasn't any old election in Ireland! In a stunning result, Sinn Fein, a party which probably more than any other symbolizes the troubled history that many Irish people would sooner forget, surged from the 23 seats it won in the 2016 election, to 37 seats. Now, considering that prior to 2016, Sinn Fein typically never had more than 4 or 5 seats, the momentum here is clear. But it is now the second largest party in the Dail, just one seat behind Fianna Fáil (38 seats). Yet Sinn Fein isn't just a relic of Ireland's Civil War history. While it is a party with a complicated and often contradictory set of ideological commitments, the 2020 election result (ironically!) suggests a major realignment of the Irish political spectrum, away from Civil War politics, and towards something much more like the traditional European left-right model.
Colin Coulter is going to talk us through it all in just a moment. Before we get to the interview tho, Colin asked me to mention that he has a new article he has out, with Francisco Arqueros-Fernández, called "The Distortions of the Irish 'Recovery.'" You can find it in the Spring 2020 issue of the journal Critical Social Policy:
As ever, if you have any feedback, you can reach us on Twitter @occupyirtheory. If you like this episode, please leave us a positive review on Apple Podcasts, or your preferred podcast provider. This is an occasional show. Its free. We never ask you for money. But we do want to spread the word.
The object of effortis to assess the underpin premises of transfer of dual use materials science technologies appeared in Ukraine after the Independence and those developed until nowadays. It is also to shed a light on this issue and evaluate historical, technical, political, and mental barriers between technology supplier / recipient and future prospects and successful steps to be made to overcome those. The workputs a problemto scrutinize today's and future materials science dual use technology transfer control regulations and all premises associated and leaving an imprint on the realities existing in Ukraine. First of all, it is important to study technology transfer issues and a vital role of those premises appeared in Ukraine otherwise one may chase a ghost while trying to understand how to put it correct in a right legal and political way to successfully resolve this matter since in this case none turnkey solutions ever exist. For example, central to a control regime debate is to discuss an evolution, or lack of the existing transparent legislation covering dual-use technologies, and a discussion on its orientation and scope. Does this really work and sound in practice, and if "yes" then to what extent? Second, at a time of fundamental change in nature and order of international relations, the wisdom of ad hoc control regimes must not escape scrutiny. Although experts are very much aware of these problems, future of control regulations remains still blurred and uncertain, so what are their potential implications for international state's security? The research revealedthat a reassessment of the problems surrounding dual use materials science technologies and today's control regulations should be made – both in terms of their potential improvement and/or possible new universal multilateral agreements and transparency among states involved in technology transfer. This further argues a need for new international mechanisms to ensure the transfer of dual-use materials science technologies, while not powering proliferation opportunities for weapon systems. The results of this endeavormake a ground floor for further debates in terms of politics and export control in the field of transfer of intangible technologies.
The object of effort is to assess the underpin premises of transfer of dual use materials science technologies appeared in Ukraine after the Independence and those developed until nowadays. It is also to shed a light on this issue and evaluate historical, technical, political, and mental barriers between technology supplier / recipient and future prospects and successful steps to be made to overcome those. The work puts a problem to scrutinize today's and future materials science dual use technology transfer control regulations and all premises associated and leaving an imprint on the realities existing in Ukraine. First of all, it is important to study technology transfer issues and a vital role of those premises appeared in Ukraine otherwise one may chase a ghost while trying to understand how to put it correct in a right legal and political way to successfully resolve this matter since in this case none turnkey solutions ever exist. For example, central to a control regime debate is to discuss an evolution, or lack of the existing transparent legislation covering dual-use technologies, and a discussion on its orientation and scope. Does this really work and sound in practice, and if "yes" then to what extent? Second, at a time of fundamental change in nature and order of international relations, the wisdom of ad hoc control regimes must not escape scrutiny. Although experts are very much aware of these problems, future of control regulations remains still blurred and uncertain, so what are their potential implications for international state's security? The research revealed that a reassessment of the problems surrounding dual use materials science technologies and today's control regulations should be made – both in terms of their potential improvement and/or possible new universal multilateral agreements and transparency among states involved in technology transfer. This further argues a need for new international mechanisms to ensure the transfer of dual-use materials science technologies, while not ...
1 Current research on human rights education globally.- 2 A review of human rights education in higher education.- 3 Insights from students on human rights education in India, South Africa, Sweden and the United States.- 4 The state of HRE in higher education worldwide.- 5 Human rights education as a link to the counterbalance strategy of the Sanctuary Cities against federal immigration programs in the USA.- 6 The promises and challenges of human rights cities.- 7 HRE in the era of global aging: The human rights of older persons in contemporary Europe.- 8 Human rights as an instrument of social cohesion in South Asia.- 9 Evaluating research on human rights education globally.
Cover -- narrative economics -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Preface to the 2020 Paperback Edition -- Preface: What Is Narrative Economics? -- Acknowledgments -- Part I The Beginnings of Narrative Economics -- 1 The Bitcoin Narratives -- 2 An Adventure in Consilience -- 3 Contagion, Constellations, and Confluence -- 4 Why Do Some Narratives Go Viral? -- 5 The Laffer Curve and Rubik's Cube Go Viral -- 6 Diverse Evidence on the Virality of Economic Narratives -- Part II The Foundations of Narrative Economics -- 7 Causality and Constellations -- 8 Seven Propositions of Narrative Economics -- Part III Perennial Economic Narratives -- 9 Recurrence and Mutation -- 10 Panic versus Confidence -- 11 Frugality versus Conspicuous Consumption -- 12 The Gold Standard versus Bimetallism -- 13 Labor-Saving Machines Replace Many Jobs -- 14 Automation and Artificial Intelligence Replace Almost All Jobs -- 15 Real Estate Booms and Busts -- 16 Stock Market Bubbles -- 17 Boycotts, Profiteers, and Evil Business -- 18 The Wage-Price Spiral and Evil Labor Unions -- Part IV Advancing Narrative Economics -- 19 Future Narratives, Future Research -- Appendix: Applying Epidemic Models to Economic Narratives -- Notes -- References -- Index.
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This article explores the use of clothes and other accessories as markers of masculine authorial identity. Fashion and literature are contentious partners, with literature attempting to keep a firm distance from the popular trappings of the fashion world. However, writers have historically used fashion to create their identities beyond the printed word. This can be seen in examples such as Oscar Wilde and Mark Twain and the ways clothing items have become associated with their personae as men of letters. Contemporary writers are no different, yet many continue to exude ambivalence towards clothing having any effect on their images in the literary sphere. Jonathan Franzen and David Foster Wallace are two examples of writers who downplay fashion's role in their public images. Franzen and Wallace establish their positions at the forefront of American literature not only with their fiction and non-fiction works but also in the ways they adorn their bodies and present them within visual media. Nevertheless, both Franzen and Wallace perform as specific types of masculine authors through their fashion choices. Ultimately, they use fashion to brand their authorial identities in accordance with their literary output. Franzen's and Wallace's willing participation in the stylization of their images to meet the masculine standards of authorial identity reveals the prevalence of gendered stereotypes regarding how authors should be represented within popular culture.
This research concludes that the Constitutional Court Decision Number 22 / PUU-XV / 2017 which mandates the legislators to revise the age-limit of marriage, is irrelevant in preventing child-age marriages. Indonesian marriage legal system continues to open up opportunities for deviations of the principle of age-limit of marriage through Dispensation of Marriage. This research finds the juridical development on Dispensation of Marriage on the type of marriage requiring Dispensation of Marriage, the applicant of Dispensation of Marriage, the authority to provide Dispensation of Marriage, and the administrative requirements to submit the Dispensation. Based on these developments, several factors that cause irrelevancy of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 22 / PUU-XV / 2017 in preventing child-age marriages are the absence of specific requirements in the application of Dispensation of Marriage to the court, the existence of the Principle of Freedom in procedural law, the voluntary nature attached in the request for Dispensation of Marriage, as well as the extension of provisions of applicants who can submit an application to the court.
Published online: 12 Mar 2020 ; Elaborating a popular assumption about the effects of immigration policies on the integration of migrants, we argue in this article that more restrictive immigration policies lead to the selection of immigrants with greater integration potential, and that this selection should foster migrant integration. To test this argument, we combine country-level data from the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) database with individual-level data on economic, political and social integration from multiple rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) across 22 European countries. We show that, first, more restrictive immigration policies do not increase the likelihood of more educated migrants to be admitted, but they do make it more likely for migrants from European OECD countries to be admitted, while making it less likely for migrants outside the OECD. Second, we find that immigration policies affect some forms of economic, political and social integration outcomes, but mostly for immigrants from non-OECD countries. We conclude that immigration policies do affect integration outcomes but that these effects are small and limited to specific integration outcomes and migrants from specific regions. Our study, therefore, relativises the underlying popular assumption that immigration restrictions foster migrant integration, bearing important implications for the currently salient debates on immigration policy-making.
Elaborating a popular assumption about the effects of immigration policies on the integration of migrants, we argue in this article that more restrictive immigration policies lead to the selection of immigrants with greater integration potential, and that this selection should foster migrant integration. To test this argument, we combine country-level data from the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) database with individual-level data on economic, political and social integration from multiple rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) across 22 European countries. We show that, first, more restrictive immigration policies do not increase the likelihood of more educated migrants to be admitted, but they do make it more likely for migrants from European OECD countries to be admitted, while making it less likely for migrants outside the OECD. Second, we find that immigration policies affect some forms of economic, political and social integration outcomes, but mostly for immigrants from non-OECD countries. We conclude that immigration policies do affect integration outcomes but that these effects are small and limited to specific integration outcomes and migrants from specific regions. Our study, therefore, relativises the underlying popular assumption that immigration restrictions foster migrant integration, bearing important implications for the currently salient debates on immigration policy-making.
Elaborating a popular assumption about the effects of immigration policies on the integration of migrants, we argue in this article that more restrictive immigration policies lead to the selection of immigrants with greater integration potential, and that this selection should foster migrant integration. To test this argument, we combine country-level data from the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) database with individual-level data on economic, political and social integration from multiple rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) across 22 European countries. We show that, first, more restrictive immigration policies do not increase the likelihood of more educated migrants to be admitted, but they do make it more likely for migrants from European OECD countries to be admitted, while making it less likely for migrants outside the OECD. Second, we find that immigration policies affect some forms of economic, political and social integration outcomes, but mostly for immigrants from non-OECD countries. We conclude that immigration policies do affect integration outcomes but that these effects are small and limited to specific integration outcomes and migrants from specific regions. Our study, therefore, relativises the underlying popular assumption that immigration restrictions foster migrant integration, bearing important implications for the currently salient debates on immigration policy-making.