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The League of Women Voters of Texas is a non-partisan organization that works to promote political responsibility through active informed participation of all citizens in their government. In 1919, the Texas Equal Suffrage Association evolved into the Texas League of Women Voters, and today is recognized as the League of Women Voters of Texas. Their hallmark activity is the circulation of Voters' Guides through newspapers prior to elections; locally, regionally, statewide, and nationally. The League's intent is dissemination of information on political candidates, and the objective promotion of "political responsibility through informed and active participation of citizens in government." The organization's efforts, however, are by no means limited to politics, but also address issues on water, health care, hazardous wastes, education, energy, and such international concerns as the United Nations. ; The records of the League of Women Voters of Texas also reflect socio-economic changes in the United States with the active organizational membership drives of the mid to late 1970s in response to American society's evolution into a two income family. Collectively, the materials provide researchers with invaluable insight into politics and political concerns on an international, national, statewide, and local basis. ; The collection consists of materials from national, state, and local files, financial materials, photographs, and publications of the National, Texas, and local leagues, as well as other state leagues. Also included are a study of the national league, scrapbooks, memorabilia, vice-presidential program files, and printed materials. The focus of the collection is on state committees and local units. ; Highlights from the donation include the original 1919 minutes from the Texas Equal Suffrage Association authorizing the organizational conversion to the Texas League of Women Voters, films produced by the group on legislative processes, the 104th Congressional recognition given and signed by Texas Senator ...

The League of Women Voters of Texas is a non-partisan organization that works to promote political responsibility through active informed participation of all citizens in their government. In 1919, the Texas Equal Suffrage Association evolved into the Texas League of Women Voters, and today is recognized as the League of Women Voters of Texas. Their hallmark activity is the circulation of Voters' Guides through newspapers prior to elections; locally, regionally, statewide, and nationally. The League's intent is dissemination of information on political candidates, and the objective promotion of "political responsibility through informed and active participation of citizens in government." The organization's efforts, however, are by no means limited to politics, but also address issues on water, health care, hazardous wastes, education, energy, and such international concerns as the United Nations. ; The records of the League of Women Voters of Texas also reflect socio-economic changes in the United States with the active organizational membership drives of the mid to late 1970s in response to American society's evolution into a two income family. Collectively, the materials provide researchers with invaluable insight into politics and political concerns on an international, national, statewide, and local basis. ; The collection consists of materials from national, state, and local files, financial materials, photographs, and publications of the National, Texas, and local leagues, as well as other state leagues. Also included are a study of the national league, scrapbooks, memorabilia, vice-presidential program files, and printed materials. The focus of the collection is on state committees and local units. ; Highlights from the donation include the original 1919 minutes from the Texas Equal Suffrage Association authorizing the organizational conversion to the Texas League of Women Voters, films produced by the group on legislative processes, the 104th Congressional recognition given and signed by Texas Senator ...

International audience ; This article discusses the last decade of debates about the evidence of the angel and sweat like drops of blood, in the Gospel according to Luke 22:43–44, on the Mount of Olives, shortly before the arrestation of Jesus. Based notably on the three most ancient witnesses, 0171, P75, and P69, it supports the hypothesis of an early omission resulting from disagreements among Judeo-Christians in Egypt, in the first half of the second century CE. The reception of the figure of a Jesus martyr, strengthened by a silent angel in a fight of prayers, had become a bone of contention: this motive had become embarrassing for Judeo-Christians in the sensitive political context of the Diaspora Revolt (115-117), until it was withdrawn from the text. The memory of the fighting Jesus has then survived in minority circles, as attested in several sources reporting the angel's words.

The use of synthetic refrigerant R22 has been banned by the government which can cause damage to the ozone layer causing global warming effects. temperature (ΔT°C) of the evaporator during the test time at the time of the study. The method used in this research is to vary the refrigerant R 22 and Musicool 22 with a pressure variation of 60,70,80 Psi, the size of the room studied is 3x4x2,5 m and Split AC Changhong, LG, and Panasonic with 1 PK power. Research results it can be seen that each brand of Split AC has a different effect of electricity consumption, the lowest and highest electricity consumption at a pressure of 60 and 80 Psi. Musicool 22 refrigerant is more energy efficient than R22. It can be seen that each brand of Split AC has the effect of the temperature difference (ΔT°C) of the evaporator, which differs the highest at a pressure of 60 and 80 Psi. Musicool 22 refrigerant is more suitable for LG and Changhong brands.

A CPD power point presentation analyzing the national budget of Bangladesh for FY2021-22.

By the turn of the 20th century, nation-building reformers in Spain tried to stimulate schooling expansion to improve (or at least dignify) Spain's position in the international arena. However, in this paper we find that democratic imperfections help explaining the modest spread of primary schooling after the 1902 reforms. Regression results show that the lack of effective electoral competition and political patronage lowered public primary education spending across Spanish provinces in 1902-22. Voter turnout had a positive impact but it was not big enough to compensate for this negative effect.

Open access journals are becoming increasingly viable publication venues for scientists, educational organizations, and government funders. Unfortunately, unscrupulous publishers have taken advantage of this trend by creating journals that are open access but predatory or of low quality [1]. Some services attempt to remedy this situation by providing a white list and blacklist of journals, manually vetted by experts. Two examples of these expertly curated lists are the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ) and the Cabbell's journal blacklist and whitelist. However, how these organizations choose journals is poorly understood. It would be beneficial to understand these decisions and also it would be important to improve on the detection accuracy of these services. In this preliminary work, we codify the rules that the DOAJ purports to use for journal auditing and examine their effectiveness in telling apart blacklisted vs whitelisted journals [2]. We compare these rules to features derived from the author, organization, and citation networks. We show that by using a combination of the DOAJ rules and network features, we can achieve significantly higher accuracy in our predictions. Finally, we examine the features that are most predictive and discuss our next steps.

Open access journals are becoming increasingly viable publication venues for scientists, educational organizations, and government funders. Unfortunately, unscrupulous publishers have taken advantage of this trend by creating journals that are open access but predatory or of low quality [1]. Some services attempt to remedy this situation by providing a white list and blacklist of journals, manually vetted by experts. Two examples of these expertly curated lists are the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ) and the Cabbell's journal blacklist and whitelist. However, how these organizations choose journals is poorly understood. It would be beneficial to understand these decisions and also it would be important to improve on the detection accuracy of these services. In this preliminary work, we codify the rules that the DOAJ purports to use for journal auditing and examine their effectiveness in telling apart blacklisted vs whitelisted journals [2]. We compare these rules to features derived from the author, organization, and citation networks. We show that by using a combination of the DOAJ rules and network features, we can achieve significantly higher accuracy in our predictions. Finally, we examine the features that are most predictive and discuss our next steps.

Bidal Aguero was born on July 23, 1949, and attended Texas Technological College (later Texas Tech University) in the fall of 1967. While there, he became active a Mexican American student organization called Los Tertullianos, becoming vice-president in 1970 and president in 1971. Los Tertullianos organized gatherings and seminars to encourage Mexican American students to be more politically active. Aguero graduated from Texas Tech in December 1972 with a B.A. in music education and after working for Learn-Education Talent Search for seven months, he helped found COMA (Commerciantes Organizacion Mexicano Americano), the Mexican-American Chamber of Commerce, in 1972. ; He joined La Raza Unida Party, ran for local offices such as county commissioner, and participated in organizing protests for injustices done against Mexican Americans. Aguero was one of those who filed a lawsuit against the Lubbock Independent School District to change its method of electing school trustees. Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Full biography can be found at http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/ttusw/00042/tsw-00042.html ; The collection consists of personal, financial and business records, civil rights and social service organizational materials, and government papers. ; Bidal Aguero Papers, 1949-1988 and undated, Southwest ...

The League of Women Voters of Texas is a non-partisan organization that works to promote political responsibility through active informed participation of all citizens in their government. In 1919, the Texas Equal Suffrage Association evolved into the Texas League of Women Voters, and today is recognized as the League of Women Voters of Texas. Their hallmark activity is the circulation of Voters' Guides through newspapers prior to elections; locally, regionally, statewide, and nationally. The League's intent is dissemination of information on political candidates, and the objective promotion of "political responsibility through informed and active participation of citizens in government." The organization's efforts, however, are by no means limited to politics, but also address issues on water, health care, hazardous wastes, education, energy, and such international concerns as the United Nations. ; The records of the League of Women Voters of Texas also reflect socio-economic changes in the United States with the active organizational membership drives of the mid to late 1970s in response to American society's evolution into a two income family. Collectively, the materials provide researchers with invaluable insight into politics and political concerns on an international, national, statewide, and local basis. ; The collection consists of materials from national, state, and local files, financial materials, photographs, and publications of the National, Texas, and local leagues, as well as other state leagues. Also included are a study of the national league, scrapbooks, memorabilia, vice-presidential program files, and printed materials. The focus of the collection is on state committees and local units. ; Highlights from the donation include the original 1919 minutes from the Texas Equal Suffrage Association authorizing the organizational conversion to the Texas League of Women Voters, films produced by the group on legislative processes, the 104th Congressional recognition given and signed by Texas Senator ...

Events occurring this week have been sponsored by: Black Law Students Association (BLSA) Cardozo National Lawyers Guild (NLG) Cardozo Office of Student Services & Advising Floersheimer Center for Constitutional Democracy If/When/How: Lawyering for Reproductive Justice Cardozo Chapter Public Interest Law Advocacy Week (P*LAW)

According to the Romanian and universal historiography, the document of 22 June 1941 marked the beginning of the first Romanian-Russian war. The present article aims to emphasize such a conclusion, reviewing all theaggressive, hegemonic or annexational actions of Tsarist Russia and mostly of Soviet Russian (the Soviet Union, as of December 1922) directed against the Romanian historical territories and the Romanian national state. In the light of those mentioned, Romania's joining the war effort of Germany against the USSR, in June 1941, appears not as a historical accident, but as the outcome of prolonged states of suspicions and latent conflict.Keywords: foreign policy; military relations; alliances; offensive;defensive.

Source at https://www.prio.org/publications/12987 . ; While the criminal law and security governance aspects of the July 22 terror attack in Norway have been extensively analyzed in the academic literature, much less attention has been given to processes involving civil law, legal mobilization and legal-bureaucratic processes. The slow workings of the law mean that the aftermath of July 22 is still unfolding in different legal processes. This PRIO paper carves out a socio-legal research agenda intended to bridge the aforementioned knowledge gap. In so doing, it identifies various aspects of how the law deals with survivors, their families and the bereaved. It also addresses the legal debates over memorials and the reconstruction and securitization of the Norwegian Government Quarter. We argue that in choosing between extraordinary and ordinary legal mechanisms and instruments to deal with the terror attack, the state and the legal system have opted for the latter. This emphasis on "ordinary law" must be investigated. We are interested in how law distributes resources, rights and identities and sets limits on government interventions – and how individual actors and organizations mobilize the law to shape the political, popular and legal narratives around July 22.

On June 28, 2018, the California Legislature passed the nation's strictest data privacy law, the California Consumer Privacy Act of 2018 ("CCPA"). Although effective January 1, 2019, the provisions of the CCPA did not become operative until January 1, 2020. The CCPA enforces compliance obligations on any business that collects covered personal information about California residents ("Consumers") and exceeds one of three thresholds: (i) annual gross revenues of $25 million, (ii) collection of personal information for commercial purpose of 50,000 or more covered consumers, or (iii) 50% or more annual revenue from selling Consumers' personal information. This low threshold demonstrates the incompatibility of the CCPA's language with its alleged mission of consumer protection. This Comment discusses the catch-22 of the CCPA-consumer data privacy versus actual consumer protection-and suggests amendments to address this conflict. In its current state, the CCPA fails to protect the Consumer as a "complex consumer." Unlike "singular consumers"-those who purchase goods and services for personal use-complex consumers hold the simultaneous role of consumer and business-owner/business-employee. This Comment suggests the following amendments to help bridge the gap between privacy and protection: (1) Restrict the scope of applicability to exclude businesses with limited financial and/or personnel resources, i.e. small businesses; and (2) Narrow the definition of "personal information" to exclude purchasing histories or tendencies and inferences drawn from the CCPA's enumerated categories. The foregoing suggestions will provide protection for complex Consumers, resulting in actual consumer protection, while maintaining the data privacy rights provided to the Consumer by the CCPA.

Bidal Aguero was born on July 23, 1949, and attended Texas Technological College (later Texas Tech University) in the fall of 1967. While there, he became active a Mexican American student organization called Los Tertullianos, becoming vice-president in 1970 and president in 1971. Los Tertullianos organized gatherings and seminars to encourage Mexican American students to be more politically active. Aguero graduated from Texas Tech in December 1972 with a B.A. in music education and after working for Learn-Education Talent Search for seven months, he helped found COMA (Commerciantes Organizacion Mexicano Americano), the Mexican-American Chamber of Commerce, in 1972. ; He joined La Raza Unida Party, ran for local offices such as county commissioner, and participated in organizing protests for injustices done against Mexican Americans. Aguero was one of those who filed a lawsuit against the Lubbock Independent School District to change its method of electing school trustees. Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Full biography can be found at http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/ttusw/00042/tsw-00042.html ; The collection consists of personal, financial and business records, civil rights and social service organizational materials, and government papers. ; Bidal Aguero Papers, 1949-1988 and undated, Southwest ...