In the work De Europa by Enea Silvio Piccolomini, book no 20, regarding the history of Carinthia, stands recorded the story of prince Ingo, who, according to the legend, contributed significantly by way of his wit to the spreading of Christianity. This study presents the circumstances in which the Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum, which contains an earlier record of the legend, came into being, and it examines the possible existence in historical reality of prince Ingo and his princely title. In the following, the author analyses the possible meaning and the significance to legal history of the term carta sine litteris (a charter without letters), which appears in other sources of the legend but not in the one recounted by Enea Silvio Piccolomini. Finally, the author presents the literary precursors to the legend of prince Ingo and his role in the Conversio as well as the path the legend took until being recorded by Enea Silvio.
The study constitutes a brief historical overview of the development of the contract of mandate, as regulated in Romanian law. Firstly, the roots of this contract in antiquity and in Roman law are discussed, and the evolution of its major characteristics are revealed. Subsequently, the author presents the regulations applicable to the contract of mandate under the first modern codifications of Romanian civil law in the Calimach and Caragea codes, the Commercial Code of Wallachia of 1840, the Romanian Civil code of 1864, the Commercial Code of 1887, and the Civil Code of 2009, currently in force. The author presents the major historic evolutions of the Romanian regulation pertinent to the nature of the contract, the parties, their remuneration, the effects of the contract inter partes and towards third persons as well as the changes in regulatory logic from the differentiation of commercial and civil mandate to the unification of the two institutions in the Civil Code of 2009.
The author of the following study presents the institution of surety as it is regulated in Romanian civil law. The notion of surety (in the sense of the person offering the guarantee) is presented, as well as the legal nature of the surety contract, and its defining characteristic of an accessory guarantee as well as the conclusion of the contract and the formal and material requirements for its validity. In the following, the author presents the various types of surety regulated in Romanian civil law. Regarding the effects of the surety contract the study presents the legal consequences specifically regulated in Romania, which arise when the debtor fails to respect his obligations. In the final part of the study, the reasons for the cessation of the effects of the surety contract, are presented, with special emphasis on the death of the surety (natural person), which, contrary to the apparent meaning of the legal text, does not result in the cancellation of any debt owed by the deceased surety in virtue of the surety contract. This debt shall remain due as part of the surety's estate.
The paper aims to present a comparative analysis of caricatures published in comic papers (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó, Bolond Istók, and Kakas Márton) in the turn of the 20th century. The author intends to demonstrate the visual methods of depicting the obstruction in the Hungarian parliament (1895–1913). The comic papers represented the viewpoints of the Hungarian parties: Borsszem Jankó an-nounced the opinion of the government, the others the different wings of opposition. The results of the examination reveal that the visual techniques of depicting the obstruction were very similar in spite of the party motivated diverse judgement of the obstruction. ; The paper aims to present a comparative analysis of caricatures published in comic papers (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó, Bolond Istók, and Kakas Márton) in the turn of the 20th century. The author intends to demonstrate the visual methods of depicting the obstruction in the Hungarian parliament (1895–1913). The comic papers represented the viewpoints of the Hungarian parties: Borsszem Jankó an-nounced the opinion of the government, the others the different wings of opposition. The results of the examination reveal that the visual techniques of depicting the obstruction were very similar in spite of the party motivated diverse judgement of the obstruction.
This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.
As a starting point, the study underlines that one cannot speak about a homogenous Slovak nation and politics in the middle of the 19th century; therefore, it gives an overview of the plebeian-middle-class movement, of its system of values, programme, and documents in 1848—1849, 1861, and in the period of the Compromise negotiations. Afterwards, it presents the nobility of Upper Hungary, with a Slovak mother tongue and ethnic feeling, who, according to its identity in the framework of the states, has belonged to the feudal Natio Hungarica. As the narrower focus of the study, the author takes the Slovak perspective and summarizes the ethnic dimensions of the activity of parliaments in 1861 and from 1865 on. The Slovak national movement could not send its own deputy, the interests of the Slavs of northern Hungary thus being represented by Adolf Dobriansky, born as a Ruthenian; however, the Nationalities Law, Art. 1868: XLIV. could be codified rather due to the mentioned Slovak-speaking nobility, standing behind the party of Ferenc Deák. Finally, we are provided a picture of the rival programmes of different newspapers that divided the Slovak public opinion, and in connection with the law we can read about their first reactions and experiences.
The study presents in brief the life of Imre Mikó, lawyer, author of several significant works of legal literature in the field of minority rights in inter-war Transylvania, who was also, briefly, a member of the Hungarian Parliament. The life and activity of Imre Mikó may be divided into two major periods. Before the Second World War, as a student of law and theology, and later as a minority rights advocate he distinguished himself with a wide array of interests, both in the field of law and politics. He was appointed to the minority protection service of the Hungarian Community in this period. His activity was interrupted by the advent of World War Two. During the war, he fell into captivity, and, after his release from the Soviet Union, he attempted to resume his political and advocacy carrier only to be side-lined, spending almost two decades in the menial occupation of bookshop clerk. His belated and partial rehabilitation following his appointment as chief curator of the Unitarian Church is described in the study. The study also makes mention of the newly discovered information regarding the fact that Imre Mikó, under significant duress, collaborated with the Securitate, while at the same time he was himself under surveillance.
The Tractatus de origine et natura, iure et mutationibus monetarum of Nicholas Oresme, written in Latin in 1355-1356 and later translated in French by the author himself, might be seen as one of the most important works to read in perspective the late-medieval thought on the nature of money and the role of the sovereign and the political body of the community. This work, here offered in a newly revised Italian edition, built on some manuscripts preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France , appears from the onset as having a particularly marked political vocation, as it is addressed to the king of France Charles the Fifth, of whom Oresme was an advisor. The Norman magister has often been portrayed as a fervent supporter of a metallist view of the nature of money, as if its value were nothing more than the market value of the gold or silver it was made of, a perspective that might be characterised as one of private-law. However, a thorough reading of Oresme's monetary writings, that takes good stock of their historical contextualisation in the troubled monetary anarchy of the 1350s and of the interpretative links pointing to Aristotle's Politics and Ethics – known, translated and glossed by Oresme –, reveals a more complex analysis, that cannot be confined to the all-out defence of the intrinsic metallic stability of money. Rather, the proposed interpretation will qualify Oresme as a political advisor that perceives and appreciates the nature of money as a social institution, whose value and role is determined by those, the whole body of the political community, that are sovereign over money and resort to it in negotiations. In this political dimension of the government of the monetary institution emerges the structural role that Oresme attributes to the faith that must rest with those tasked with governing money: thus, the accent posed on the importance of preserving its value assumes a procedural dimension that aims at granting that the institution of money continues to fulfil its social metric role. ; Il Tractatus sulla moneta del filosofo e teologo Nicola Oresme, redatto in latino nel 1355-1356 e poi tradotto in francese dallo stesso autore, costituisce uno dei testi cardine della riflessione medievale sullo statuto della moneta e su chi ne sia sovrano. Quest'opera - di cui si propone una nuova e riveduta edizione italiana, impostata a partire da alcuni manoscritti conservati presso la Bibliothèque Nationale de France - testimonia sin dal suo avvio la sua forte valenza politica, avendo come primo interlocutore Carlo V il Saggio, il re di Francia di cui Oresme fu consigliere. Il magister normanno è stato spesso salutato quale fautore di una visione metallista della moneta, una merce tra le altre che vale tanto quanto l'oro o l'argento di cui è fatta, inserita in un'ottica schiettamente privatistica. Tuttavia, una lettura più attenta degli scritti monetari oresmiani, che metta in prospettiva sia il periodo storico in cui il testo fu redatto, caratterizzato da una diffusa anarchia monetaria, sia le relazioni che il Trattato stesso suggerisce rispetto ai passaggi aristotelici conosciuti e poi commentati dallo stesso Oresme, rivela un pensiero più complesso e più profondo. La cifra sintetica della sua riflessione monetaria non è infatti riducibile a una difesa ad oltranza dell'intrinseco metallico, ma si qualifica per lo spessore politico e teorico espresso dal consigliere regale che vede e apprezza della moneta il suo significato istituzionale. Il suo valore è stabilito da chi di quella moneta può dirsi sovrano e, al tempo stesso, fruitore: la comunità politica tutta. La dimensione eminentemente politica dell'istituzione-moneta emerge proprio da una rilettura complessiva del trattato. In esso il ruolo della fiducia nell'amministratore della divisa assume un'importanza strutturale incidendo sul valore della moneta e sulla necessità che esso venga tutelato e garantito attraverso precise garanzie procedurali sicché la moneta possa mantenere il suo fondamentale ruolo sociale: quello di misura.