Following the coup d'état of December 1926, Lithuania found itself governed by the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalists, Augustinas Voldemaras and Antanas Smetona. The article discusses Voldemaras' foreign policy during the important for Lithuania years of 1927 and 1928. It was the period of attempted reconstruction of Polish-Lithuanian relations, mainly in the context of Vilnius region, secret negotiations with the Germans to secure additional financial support for the young Lithuanian state, and policy of détente with the USSR which made it possible for Lithuania to gain a powerful ally in the argument with Poland. ; Po zamachu stanu w grudniu 1926 r. na czele Litwy stanęli liderzy partii narodowców: Augustinas Voldemaras i Antanas Smetona. W artykule omówiono politykę zagraniczną Voldemarasa w kluczowych dla Litwy latach 1927–1928. Był to okres próby przebudowy stosunków relacji polsko-litewskich, głównie w kontekście Wileńszczyzny, tajnych negocjacji z Niemcami, mających na celu pozyskanie dodatkowego wsparcia finansowego dla młodego państwa litewskiego oraz polityki zbliżenia z ZSRR, dzięki której Litwa zyskała potężnego sojusznika w sporze z Polską.
Following the coup d'état of December 1926, Lithuania found itself governed by the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalists, Augustinas Voldemaras and Antanas Smetona. The article discusses Voldemaras' foreign policy during the important for Lithuania years of 1927 and 1928. It was the period of attempted reconstruction of Polish-Lithuanian relations, mainly in the context of Vilnius region, secret negotiations with the Germans to secure additional financial support for the young Lithuanian state, and policy of détente with the USSR which made it possible for Lithuania to gain a powerful ally in the argument with Poland. ; Po zamachu stanu w grudniu 1926 r. na czele Litwy stanęli liderzy partii narodowców: Augustinas Voldemaras i Antanas Smetona. W artykule omówiono politykę zagraniczną Voldemarasa w kluczowych dla Litwy latach 1927–1928. Był to okres próby przebudowy stosunków relacji polsko-litewskich, głównie w kontekście Wileńszczyzny, tajnych negocjacji z Niemcami, mających na celu pozyskanie dodatkowego wsparcia finansowego dla młodego państwa litewskiego oraz polityki zbliżenia z ZSRR, dzięki której Litwa zyskała potężnego sojusznika w sporze z Polską.
This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.
The essay submitted is not purely scientific. The author is not a specialist in Polish-Russian relations, but is convinced that the analysis of relations with the eastern neighbor should not be left only to specialists. As a cultural anthropologist who has been dealing with the issues of collective memory for years, I am convinced that too little attention is paid by specialists to the mutual fascination of Russian and Polish cultures. Moreover, at present, the strongly Russophobic moods, in a significant part tof Polish society, influence the formation of too one-sided memory. Hence the political accents in the following text, which also does not avoid subjective accents. Needless to say, a possible polemic with the theses expressed by the author would be the best fulfillment of my expectations. ; The essay submitted is not purely scientific. The author is not a specialist in Polish-Russian relations, but is convinced that the analysis of relations with the eastern neighbor should not be left only to specialists. As a cultural anthropologist who has been dealing with the issues of collective memory for years, I am convinced that too little attention is paid by specialists to the mutual fascination of Russian and Polish cultures. Moreover, at present, the strongly Russophobic moods, in a significant part tof Polish society, influence the formation of too one-sided memory. Hence the political accents in the following text, which also does not avoid subjective accents. Needless to say, a possible polemic with the theses expressed by the author would be the best fulfillment of my expectations.
The article is aimed at assessing the regulations of the European Convention for the protection of vertebrate animals used for experimental and other scientific purposes, opened for signature in Strasbourg on 18 March 1986, and Directive 2010/63/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 September 2010 on the protection of animals used for scientific purposes in the context of their impact on the number of procedures which set out a model for the protection of animals used for scientific purposes in European countries, in the perspective of their impact on the reduction of the number of scientific procedures using animals carried out in European countries, including especially those involving the highest degree of suffering for animals. The starting point for this assessment was the identification of rules determining the admissibility of scientific use of animals in European countries and the impact that certain measures implemented under these rules may have on the reduction of the number of procedures involving animals. In principle, the analysis of these solutions is to specify the directions of further development of regulations aimed at protecting animals used for scientific purposes. ; Celem artykułu jest ocena regulacji Europejskiej Konwencji w sprawie ochrony zwierząt kręgowych wykorzystywanych do celów doświadczalnych i innych celów naukowych, sporządzonej w Strasburgu w dniu 18 marca 1986 r., oraz dyrektywy Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady 2010/63/UE z dnia 22 września 2010 r. w sprawie ochrony zwierząt wykorzystywanych do celów naukowych w kontekście ich wpływu na liczbę procedur, które wyznaczają model ochrony zwierząt wykorzystywanych do celów naukowych w państwach europejskich, w perspektywie ich wpływu na ograniczenie liczby procedur naukowych z wykorzystaniem zwierząt przeprowadzanych w państwach europejskich, w tym w szczególności procedur wiążących się z najwyższym poziomem doznawanych przez zwierzęta cierpień. Punktem wyjścia do tej oceny było określenie zasad determinujących dopuszczalność wykorzystania zwierząt do celów naukowych w państwach europejskich, a także wpływu, jaki określone środki wdrażane w ramach tych zasad mogą wywierać na ograniczenie liczby procedur z wykorzystaniem zwierząt. W założeniu analiza tych rozwiązań ma pozwolić na wskazanie kierunków dalszego rozwoju regulacji mających na celu ochronę zwierząt wykorzystywanych w celach naukowych.
The author, utilizing the apparatus of systems and decision analysis, reviews and interprets the results of the research on the link between legitimacy and systemic stability that are included within the source literature. On this basis, the author attempts to construct a model of the dependency between systemic stability and legitimacy of power – such measure allows for presenting conclusions on the nature of political legitimacy (understood as a determinant and as a tool of performing the social functions of political power). ; Autor, wykorzystując kategorie analizy systemowej i analizy decyzyjnej, dokonuje przeglądu i interpretacji wyników badań nad relacjami legitymizacji władzy i stabilności systemowej, zawartych w literaturze przedmiotu. Na tej podstawie podejmuje próbę sporządzenia modelu zależności stabilizacji systemowej od legitymizacji władzy. Pozwala to wnioskować o naturze legitymizacji władzy politycznej – tak uwarunkowania, jak i narzędzia realizacji funkcji społecznych władzy politycznej.
Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019 In the paper Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019 Albert Guziak conducted an analysis of the official slogans and selected secondary election catchwords used by political parties during the last election campaign to the Polish parliament in 2019. The collected material was examined from the political-linguistic perspective, according to which the author focused on linguistic aspects (used lexis, methods of argumentation, grammatical modifications made) and political science criteria for the evaluation of election slogans (taking into account the effectiveness of the message, assessing the placing of the usage use of election slogans into the context of the ideological profile of a given political group and from the perspective of the social economic reality accompanying the election campaign of 2019). The aim of the paper is to try to define the specificity of slogans used for persuasive purposes in one of the most important domains of political activity i.e. the election campaign. The first part of the title – "Battle for words" – of the chapter was consciously chosen by the author to emphasize the 'militaristic' and aggressive nature of the use of language in election campaigns. By selecting and analyzing authentic election slogans, the author wants to capture the most important elements and features that characterize election slogans; to this end, he confronts the collected linguistic material with theoretical studies on political slogans, e.g. Marek Koch's work: Slogany w reklamie i polityce (Slogans in advertising and politics), as well as the study: Język marketingu politycznego w kampanii wyborczej '97 (The language of political marketing in the '97 election campaign) by Aneta Banasik.
Abstract One of the contemporary political powers characterised by an ambivalent attitude toward state authority are extreme organisations. Agata Kałabunowska undertakes this issue in the chapter The vision of authority in political programmes of contemporary German extreme right organisations, which aims at depicting the attitude of selected radical organisations toward a broadly defined authority. Based on qualitative content analysis of political programmes, declarations and performances of five German right-wing organisations the author tackles the question about their attitude towards the actual state authority, as well as about their desired model of executing power. Several elements of the far right' criticism towards authorities have been analysed, such as subservience to the foreign power of international organisations, faulty immigration policies, pressure within political parties or excessive bureaucratisation. The author points out that the multitude of far right' arguments against current authorities is not equaled by quality or quantity of suggested political alternatives. The potential efficiency of suggested solutions is uncertain, which is accompanied by lack of exact vision on how to put them in practice, which makes these proposals unrealistic. What is more, due to the fact that the German extreme right does participate in the contested political game its message seems untrustworthy. The far right appears not capable – and definitely not willing – to fix the current system, allegedly depriving the nation from its real influence on the decision making process. This observation leads to the conclusion that the far right' ideal vision of exercising power would be based on negation or distortion of current solutions. Although it was not possible to outline how this ideal would look like in details, the author concludes that we can expect from the extreme right that its imagined political authority will be inconsistent with liberal democratic rules, albeit not necessarily authoritarian nor ...
Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje problematykę relacji między szczegółowym zagadnieniem języka, jakim są spójniki eksplikatywne (wyjaśniające), oraz zrozumiałością uzasadnień orzeczeń sądowych. Autor rozpoczyna wywód od omówienia funkcji uzasadnień w oparciu o Konstytucję RP oraz orzecznictwo Trybunału Konstytucyjnego, a także wskazuje obowiązujące w tym zakresie standardy. Następnie przedstawia on językową rolę spójników eksplikatywnych w języku polskim, a także ich praktyczne zastosowanie w uzasadnieniach orzeczeń sądowych. Autor konkretyzuje rozważania w tym zakresie na przykładzie skierowanego do francuskich sądów administracyjnych zbioru rekomendacji redakcyjnych opublikowanego przez tamtejszą Radę Stanu. Rozważania teoretyczne są w kolejnym kroku zestawione z zebranymi przez autora danymi statycznymi w zakresie użycia spójników eksplikatywnych w grupie 100 wybranych wyroków Naczelnego Sądu Administracyjnego wydanych w latach 2015–2019. Ostatnim etapem analizy jest wskazanie oraz omówienie dwóch zaobserwowanych problemów związanych ze stosowaniem tychże spójników w zebranym korpusie badawczym. Na podstawie powyższego autor wysnuwa wnioski w zakresie czynników wpływających na zrozumiałość uzasadnień orzeczeń sądowych, możliwych metod zwiększania standardów w tym zakresie, a także roli spójników eksplikatywnych w uzasadnieniach, wliczając w to wiążące się z ich użyciem (albo nieużyciem) stosowanie modeli rozumowania wyjaśniającego albo dedukcyjnego. ; This paper treats the relations between the specific linguistic instrument, i.e., explicative (explanatory) conjunctions, and the comprehensibility of the grounds of court decisions. The author commences by discussing the functions of the grounds taking as a basis the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Tribunal. What's more, he indicates the applicable standards in this regard. As the next step, the linguistic role of explicative conjunctions in the Polish language, as well as their practical application in the grounds of court decisions are presented. The author specifies the considerations in this regard on the example of a set of editorial recommendations published by the French Council of State addressed to French administrative courts. The theoretical considerations are then compared with the statistical data collected by the author on the use of explicative conjunctions in a group of 100 selected judgments of the Supreme Administrative Court issued in 2015-2019. The last stage of the analysis is the identification and discussions of two observed problems related to the use of these conjunctions in the collected research corpus. On the basis of the above, the author draws conclusions regarding the factors influencing the intelligibility of the grounds of court decisions, possible methods of increasing the standards in this regard, as well as the role of explicative conjunctions in the grounds, including the use of explanatory and deductive reasoning models that their application (or non-usage) entails. ; 11 ; 249 ; 263 ; Zeszyt Prawniczy UAM
The article relates to the results of pardoning the founder of Jukos oil company Mikhail Khodorkovsky by the Russian President Vladimir Putin. The author has lied down a broad analysis of possible causes of Russian President's decission as well as shown the legal basis in force in this country, regulating the procedure of a pardon. According to contemporary practice, a plea for pardon was considered as same to a confession to commiting a crime, what was what neither Khodorkovski nor his partner wanted to do. According to the author the compromise was reached; Russian regulations demands for personally formulated a plee for pardon, however confession to a crime is no longer an obligatory element of the procedure. Among possible causes for releasing Khodorkovsky there were mentioned such factors as: an attempt to improve the image of Russia before the inauguration of Winter Games in Sochi; establishing the lack of validation of accusations of breaking the human rights in discussed case; shifting a focus of public opinion from deterorating geopolitical situation of the Russian Federation; an attempt to mute the voices of the opposition which was trying to bring down the myth of President Putin's diplomatic successes; or an attempt to demonstrate special political bounds between Russia and Germany, which participated in the release of Khodorkovsky. The author also underlined the fact that the release of Khodorkovsky was not connected to the amnesty of prisoners announced by the State's Duma on the occasion of the 20'th anniversary of the Russian Constitution. According to the author the latest political changes in Russia prove the theories about a need to improve the image. In the article there was also included a broad analysis of a taxation system concerning the largest Russian oil companies in 2000–2001 and pointed out the possible motives of Khodorkovsky's arrestment. According to the author the surprising issue is not a constatnt support of the Russian society to the government, but the behaviour of the influential Russian businessmen and liberal polititians. ; Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy skutków ułaskawienia przez prezydenta Federacji Rosyjskiej Władimira Putina założyciela firmy naftowej Jukos Michaiła Chodorkowskiego. Autor przedstawił szeroką analizę możliwych przyczyn decyzji Prezydenta Rosji, jak również przybliżył obowiązujące w tym kraju podstawy prawne regulujące procedurę ułaskawienia. W myśl dotychczasowej praktyki złożenie prośby o ułaskawienie jednoznaczne było z przyznaniem się osadzonego do winy, czego ani Chodorkowski, ani też jego wspólnik nie chcieli uczynić. Zdaniem autora udało się wypracować kompromis; rosyjskie przepisy wymagają osobistego sformułowania prośby o ułaskawienie, jednak przyznanie się do winy nie jest obowiązkowym elementem tej procedury. Wśród możliwych przyczyn uwolnienia Chodorkowskiego wymieniono takie czynniki, jak: próba poprawy wizerunku Rosji przed inauguracją zimowych igrzysk olimpijskich w Soczi; wykazanie niesłuszności zarzutów o łamaniu praw człowieka w przedmiotowej sprawie; odwrócenie uwagi opinii publicznej od pogarszającej się sytuacji geopolitycznej w Federacji Rosyjskiej; próba zagłuszenia głosów opozycji obalającej mit o sukcesach dyplomatycznych Prezydenta Putina; czy też próba demonstracji szczególnej więzi politycznej między Rosją i Niemcami, które pośredniczyły w procesie uwalniania Chodorkowskiego. Autor zwrócił uwagę także na fakt, że uwolnienie Chodorkowskiego nie było związane z amnestią więźniów ogłoszoną przez Dumę Państwową na cześć dwudziestolecia rosyjskiej konstytucji i jego zdaniem ostatnie zmiany polityczne w Rosji potwierdzają teorie o próbie poprawy wizerunku. W artykule zawarto także obszerną analizę systemu opodatkowania największych rosyjskich koncernów naftowych w latach 2000–2001 i przybliżył możliwe motywy aresztowania Chodorkowskiego. Zdaniem autora zdziwienie wywołuje nie tyle utrzymywanie się w społeczeństwie rosyjskim dużego zaufania do władzy państwowej, lecz postawa wpływowego rosyjskiego biznesu i liberalnych polityków.
This article examines the institutional changes in 22 post-communist countries during the 1990-2020 period. The objective of the study was to find out why some countries achieved democracy while others failed to establish or strengthen democratic institutions, and what factors influenced the political stability of post-communist countries. During the study, available statistical information on the functioning of the main institutions was collected and processed. The analysis shows that the most significant institutional changes were observed among the non-democratic countries and those that fell into the category of hybrid political regimes. The correction of the initially chosen form of government is evidence in support of the theory of endogenous change, indicating "path-dependency". The influence of endogenous factors determines the quality of democratic change and the level of political stability in post-communist countries. Democratic changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were associated with a commitment to rapid reform in the early stages, and Euro-Atlantic integration only supported the democratic quality of the institutions. The institutional framework of the countries, that embarked on the path of European integration, was relatively stable during the period under the study, and did not deal with changes in the system of power distribution. While the countries of the former Soviet Union most often resorted to changes in the primary law of the country, and these changes were related to the redistribution of powers between the branches of power and the extension of the time in the office of the President. In addition to the overall level of democratization of the country, the level of emancipatory values and the weight of presidential power have the greatest impact on political stability. ; Ten artykuł analizuje zmiany instytucjonalne w 22 państwach postkomunistycznych w latach 1990-2020. Celem badania było znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego niektóre kraje osiągnęły demokrację, podczas gdy inne nie zdołały stworzyć lub wzmocnić instytucji demokratycznych oraz jakie czynniki wpłynęły na stabilność polityczną państw postkomunistycznych. W trakcie badania zebrano i opracowano dostępne informacje statystyczne na temat funkcjonowania głównych instytucji. Analiza pokazuje, że najbardziej znaczące zmiany instytucjonalne zaobserwowano w państwach niedemokratycznych oraz tych, które zaliczały się do kategorii hybrydowych reżimów politycznych. Korekta początkowo wybranej formy ustroju jest dowodem na rzecz teorii zmian endogenicznych, wskazującym na "zależność od ścieżki" (path-dependency). Wpływ czynników endogenicznych determinuje jakość przemian demokratycznych i poziom stabilności politycznej w państwach postkomunistycznych. Przemiany demokratyczne w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej wiązały się z zaangażowaniem w szybkie reformy na wczesnym etapie, a integracja euroatlantycka jedynie wspierała demokratyczną jakość instytucji. Struktura instytucjonalna państw, które wkroczyły na drogę integracji europejskiej, była w analizowanym okresie względnie stabilna i nie dotyczyła zmian w systemie podziału władzy. Z kolei państwa byłego Związku Radzieckiego najczęściej uciekały się do zmian w ustawie zasadniczej państwa, a zmiany te dotyczyły redystrybucji kompetencji między gałęziami władzy oraz wydłużenia kadencji prezydenta. Obok ogólnego poziomu demokratyzacji państw, największy wpływ na stabilność polityczną ma poziom wartości emancypacyjnych oraz waga władzy prezydenckiej. ; В статье рассматриваются институциональные изменения в 22 посткоммунистических странах в течение 1990-2020 годов. Целью исследования было выяснить, почему одни страны достигли демократии, а другие не смогли создать или укрепить демократические институты и какие факторы влияли на политическую стабильность посткоммунистических стран. Во время исследования была собрана и обработана доступная статистическая информация о функционировании основных институтов. Анализ показывает, что наиболее существенные институциональные изменения наблюдались среди недемократических стран и тех, которые попали в категорию гибридных политических режимов. Коррекция исходно выбранной формы правления свидетельствует в пользу теории эндогенных изменений, указывающих на «зависимость от выбранного пути» (path-dependency). Влияние эндогенных факторов определяет качество демократических изменений и уровень политической стабильности в посткоммунистических странах. Демократические изменения в странах Центрально-Восточной Европы были связаны с приверженностью к быстрому проведению реформ на ранних этапах, а евроатлантическая интеграция лишь поддерживала демократическое качество институтов. Институциональная основа стран, которые стали на путь европейской интеграции, была относительно стабильной в течение исследуемого периода и не касалась изменений системы распределения власти. В то же время страны бывшего Советского Союза чаще всего прибегали к изменениям основного закона страны и эти изменения касались перераспределения полномочий между ветвями власти и продления срока пребывания президента у власти. Кроме общего уровня демократизации страны, наибольшее влияние на политическую стабильность имеет уровень эмансипативных ценностей и вес президентской власти.
The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy. ; The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy.
The article analyses two dramas by Jarosław Jakubowski: Dożynki and Nowy Legion (New legion), which their author designed as attempts at updating the political frame of Mickiewicz's Dziady (Forefathers' Eve), (especially 'Warsaw salon'), read in the context of the 'Smoleńsk romanticism.' The right-wing approach to Mickiewicz's archdrama offers a diagnosis of the social and political divide ('two Poland') in the aspect of the clash between two worldviews: left-wing and liberal versus right-wing. Mickiewicz's authority is supposed to strengthen the right-wing diagnoses, hence it is easy to spot the numerous attempts at instrumental and anachronic reading of the romantic legacy. At the same time, the analysed dramas show the importance and the textual and ideological productivity of the romantic paradigm. ; The article analyses two dramas by Jarosław Jakubowski: Dożynki and Nowy Legion (New legion), which their author designed as attempts at updating the political frame of Mickiewicz's Dziady (Forefathers' Eve), (especially 'Warsaw salon'), read in the context of the 'Smoleńsk romanticism.' The right-wing approach to Mickiewicz's archdrama offers a diagnosis of the social and political divide ('two Poland') in the aspect of the clash between two worldviews: left-wing and liberal versus right-wing. Mickiewicz's authority is supposed to strengthen the right-wing diagnoses, hence it is easy to spot the numerous attempts at instrumental and anachronic reading of the romantic legacy. At the same time, the analysed dramas show the importance and the textual and ideological productivity of the romantic paradigm.
Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na dwa pytania: W jaki sposób w nowych demokracjach opancerzonych dochodzi do ograniczenia prawa do zgromadzeń? Co wynika z takiego sposobu ograniczenia prawa do zgromadzeń dla istoty nowych demokracji opancerzonych? Przedmiotem zainteresowania Autora był Marsz Niepodległości, zorganizowany w 2019 r. we Wrocławiu. Postawiona została następująca hipoteza: limitacji prawa do zgromadzeń, gwarantowana w systemach legislacyjnych współczesnych demokracji, ma służyć realizacji nadrzędnego celu militant democracy. W procesie tym wyjątkową rolę spełniają funkcjonariusze Policji, odpowiadający za skuteczną realizację decyzji właściwych władz. W poszczególnych częściach Autor omawia m.in.: istotę prawa do zgromadzeń i jego miejsce w prawie międzynarodowym i polskim porządku prawnym, limitacje tego prawa, a także proces rozwiązania wrocławskiego Marszu Niepodległości w 2019 r. ; The aim of article is this paper is to answer two questions: How in new militant democracy authority banning the right to assemble? What results from this kind of limitation right to assemble for the essence of new militant democracy? An object of interest for an Author is Independence Day March in Wrocław, 2019. The research process proposes a hypothesis that banning the right to assemble, including in systems of legislation in modern democracies will reach the principle goal of militant democracy. In this process, we can indicate the special role of police officers, who are responsible for achieving local authority's decisions. In each part of the paper, the author discusses the essence of the right to assemble and its function in international law and polish legislation order, limitation of this right and process of quit Independence Day March in Wrocław, 2019.
The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased. ; The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased.
