Following the coup d'état of December 1926, Lithuania found itself governed by the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalists, Augustinas Voldemaras and Antanas Smetona. The article discusses Voldemaras' foreign policy during the important for Lithuania years of 1927 and 1928. It was the period of attempted reconstruction of Polish-Lithuanian relations, mainly in the context of Vilnius region, secret negotiations with the Germans to secure additional financial support for the young Lithuanian state, and policy of détente with the USSR which made it possible for Lithuania to gain a powerful ally in the argument with Poland. ; Po zamachu stanu w grudniu 1926 r. na czele Litwy stanęli liderzy partii narodowców: Augustinas Voldemaras i Antanas Smetona. W artykule omówiono politykę zagraniczną Voldemarasa w kluczowych dla Litwy latach 1927–1928. Był to okres próby przebudowy stosunków relacji polsko-litewskich, głównie w kontekście Wileńszczyzny, tajnych negocjacji z Niemcami, mających na celu pozyskanie dodatkowego wsparcia finansowego dla młodego państwa litewskiego oraz polityki zbliżenia z ZSRR, dzięki której Litwa zyskała potężnego sojusznika w sporze z Polską.
Following the coup d'état of December 1926, Lithuania found itself governed by the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalists, Augustinas Voldemaras and Antanas Smetona. The article discusses Voldemaras' foreign policy during the important for Lithuania years of 1927 and 1928. It was the period of attempted reconstruction of Polish-Lithuanian relations, mainly in the context of Vilnius region, secret negotiations with the Germans to secure additional financial support for the young Lithuanian state, and policy of détente with the USSR which made it possible for Lithuania to gain a powerful ally in the argument with Poland. ; Po zamachu stanu w grudniu 1926 r. na czele Litwy stanęli liderzy partii narodowców: Augustinas Voldemaras i Antanas Smetona. W artykule omówiono politykę zagraniczną Voldemarasa w kluczowych dla Litwy latach 1927–1928. Był to okres próby przebudowy stosunków relacji polsko-litewskich, głównie w kontekście Wileńszczyzny, tajnych negocjacji z Niemcami, mających na celu pozyskanie dodatkowego wsparcia finansowego dla młodego państwa litewskiego oraz polityki zbliżenia z ZSRR, dzięki której Litwa zyskała potężnego sojusznika w sporze z Polską.
This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.
The essay submitted is not purely scientific. The author is not a specialist in Polish-Russian relations, but is convinced that the analysis of relations with the eastern neighbor should not be left only to specialists. As a cultural anthropologist who has been dealing with the issues of collective memory for years, I am convinced that too little attention is paid by specialists to the mutual fascination of Russian and Polish cultures. Moreover, at present, the strongly Russophobic moods, in a significant part tof Polish society, influence the formation of too one-sided memory. Hence the political accents in the following text, which also does not avoid subjective accents. Needless to say, a possible polemic with the theses expressed by the author would be the best fulfillment of my expectations. ; The essay submitted is not purely scientific. The author is not a specialist in Polish-Russian relations, but is convinced that the analysis of relations with the eastern neighbor should not be left only to specialists. As a cultural anthropologist who has been dealing with the issues of collective memory for years, I am convinced that too little attention is paid by specialists to the mutual fascination of Russian and Polish cultures. Moreover, at present, the strongly Russophobic moods, in a significant part tof Polish society, influence the formation of too one-sided memory. Hence the political accents in the following text, which also does not avoid subjective accents. Needless to say, a possible polemic with the theses expressed by the author would be the best fulfillment of my expectations.
Abstract One of the contemporary political powers characterised by an ambivalent attitude toward state authority are extreme organisations. Agata Kałabunowska undertakes this issue in the chapter The vision of authority in political programmes of contemporary German extreme right organisations, which aims at depicting the attitude of selected radical organisations toward a broadly defined authority. Based on qualitative content analysis of political programmes, declarations and performances of five German right-wing organisations the author tackles the question about their attitude towards the actual state authority, as well as about their desired model of executing power. Several elements of the far right' criticism towards authorities have been analysed, such as subservience to the foreign power of international organisations, faulty immigration policies, pressure within political parties or excessive bureaucratisation. The author points out that the multitude of far right' arguments against current authorities is not equaled by quality or quantity of suggested political alternatives. The potential efficiency of suggested solutions is uncertain, which is accompanied by lack of exact vision on how to put them in practice, which makes these proposals unrealistic. What is more, due to the fact that the German extreme right does participate in the contested political game its message seems untrustworthy. The far right appears not capable – and definitely not willing – to fix the current system, allegedly depriving the nation from its real influence on the decision making process. This observation leads to the conclusion that the far right' ideal vision of exercising power would be based on negation or distortion of current solutions. Although it was not possible to outline how this ideal would look like in details, the author concludes that we can expect from the extreme right that its imagined political authority will be inconsistent with liberal democratic rules, albeit not necessarily authoritarian nor ...
The article relates to the results of pardoning the founder of Jukos oil company Mikhail Khodorkovsky by the Russian President Vladimir Putin. The author has lied down a broad analysis of possible causes of Russian President's decission as well as shown the legal basis in force in this country, regulating the procedure of a pardon. According to contemporary practice, a plea for pardon was considered as same to a confession to commiting a crime, what was what neither Khodorkovski nor his partner wanted to do. According to the author the compromise was reached; Russian regulations demands for personally formulated a plee for pardon, however confession to a crime is no longer an obligatory element of the procedure. Among possible causes for releasing Khodorkovsky there were mentioned such factors as: an attempt to improve the image of Russia before the inauguration of Winter Games in Sochi; establishing the lack of validation of accusations of breaking the human rights in discussed case; shifting a focus of public opinion from deterorating geopolitical situation of the Russian Federation; an attempt to mute the voices of the opposition which was trying to bring down the myth of President Putin's diplomatic successes; or an attempt to demonstrate special political bounds between Russia and Germany, which participated in the release of Khodorkovsky. The author also underlined the fact that the release of Khodorkovsky was not connected to the amnesty of prisoners announced by the State's Duma on the occasion of the 20'th anniversary of the Russian Constitution. According to the author the latest political changes in Russia prove the theories about a need to improve the image. In the article there was also included a broad analysis of a taxation system concerning the largest Russian oil companies in 2000–2001 and pointed out the possible motives of Khodorkovsky's arrestment. According to the author the surprising issue is not a constatnt support of the Russian society to the government, but the behaviour of the influential Russian businessmen and liberal polititians. ; Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy skutków ułaskawienia przez prezydenta Federacji Rosyjskiej Władimira Putina założyciela firmy naftowej Jukos Michaiła Chodorkowskiego. Autor przedstawił szeroką analizę możliwych przyczyn decyzji Prezydenta Rosji, jak również przybliżył obowiązujące w tym kraju podstawy prawne regulujące procedurę ułaskawienia. W myśl dotychczasowej praktyki złożenie prośby o ułaskawienie jednoznaczne było z przyznaniem się osadzonego do winy, czego ani Chodorkowski, ani też jego wspólnik nie chcieli uczynić. Zdaniem autora udało się wypracować kompromis; rosyjskie przepisy wymagają osobistego sformułowania prośby o ułaskawienie, jednak przyznanie się do winy nie jest obowiązkowym elementem tej procedury. Wśród możliwych przyczyn uwolnienia Chodorkowskiego wymieniono takie czynniki, jak: próba poprawy wizerunku Rosji przed inauguracją zimowych igrzysk olimpijskich w Soczi; wykazanie niesłuszności zarzutów o łamaniu praw człowieka w przedmiotowej sprawie; odwrócenie uwagi opinii publicznej od pogarszającej się sytuacji geopolitycznej w Federacji Rosyjskiej; próba zagłuszenia głosów opozycji obalającej mit o sukcesach dyplomatycznych Prezydenta Putina; czy też próba demonstracji szczególnej więzi politycznej między Rosją i Niemcami, które pośredniczyły w procesie uwalniania Chodorkowskiego. Autor zwrócił uwagę także na fakt, że uwolnienie Chodorkowskiego nie było związane z amnestią więźniów ogłoszoną przez Dumę Państwową na cześć dwudziestolecia rosyjskiej konstytucji i jego zdaniem ostatnie zmiany polityczne w Rosji potwierdzają teorie o próbie poprawy wizerunku. W artykule zawarto także obszerną analizę systemu opodatkowania największych rosyjskich koncernów naftowych w latach 2000–2001 i przybliżył możliwe motywy aresztowania Chodorkowskiego. Zdaniem autora zdziwienie wywołuje nie tyle utrzymywanie się w społeczeństwie rosyjskim dużego zaufania do władzy państwowej, lecz postawa wpływowego rosyjskiego biznesu i liberalnych polityków.
The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy. ; The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy.
Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na dwa pytania: W jaki sposób w nowych demokracjach opancerzonych dochodzi do ograniczenia prawa do zgromadzeń? Co wynika z takiego sposobu ograniczenia prawa do zgromadzeń dla istoty nowych demokracji opancerzonych? Przedmiotem zainteresowania Autora był Marsz Niepodległości, zorganizowany w 2019 r. we Wrocławiu. Postawiona została następująca hipoteza: limitacji prawa do zgromadzeń, gwarantowana w systemach legislacyjnych współczesnych demokracji, ma służyć realizacji nadrzędnego celu militant democracy. W procesie tym wyjątkową rolę spełniają funkcjonariusze Policji, odpowiadający za skuteczną realizację decyzji właściwych władz. W poszczególnych częściach Autor omawia m.in.: istotę prawa do zgromadzeń i jego miejsce w prawie międzynarodowym i polskim porządku prawnym, limitacje tego prawa, a także proces rozwiązania wrocławskiego Marszu Niepodległości w 2019 r. ; The aim of article is this paper is to answer two questions: How in new militant democracy authority banning the right to assemble? What results from this kind of limitation right to assemble for the essence of new militant democracy? An object of interest for an Author is Independence Day March in Wrocław, 2019. The research process proposes a hypothesis that banning the right to assemble, including in systems of legislation in modern democracies will reach the principle goal of militant democracy. In this process, we can indicate the special role of police officers, who are responsible for achieving local authority's decisions. In each part of the paper, the author discusses the essence of the right to assemble and its function in international law and polish legislation order, limitation of this right and process of quit Independence Day March in Wrocław, 2019.
The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased. ; The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased.
The aim of the article is to explain the conditions influencing the interest in the deployment of US military bases in Poland by the government offices of both countries. The author focuses his analysis on the internal policy of the Polish government and the reasons for involvement in the implementation of this type of projects announced by the US administration. It is also important in the article to show the tensions in this context that occur in bilateral relations between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany. The considerations concern the period during which Barack Obama and Donald Trump were in office in the US. This is a legitimate procedure due to their different positions on the issue in question. The author based the analysis on available documents, scientific and journalistic publications, government communications, international agreements and scientific articles. ; Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie uwarunkowań mających wpływ na zainteresowanie rozmieszczeniem baz wojskowych USA w Polsce przez rządy obu tych państw. Autor koncentruje swoją analizę na polityce wewnętrznej rządu polskiego oraz przyczynach zaangażowania w realizację tego typu projektów podawanych przez administracje USA. Istotne w artykule jest również wykazanie napięć na tym tle, występujących w stosunkach bilateralnych między Polską a Republiką Federalną Niemiec. Rozważania dotyczą okresu sprawowania urzędu prezydenta w USA przez Baracka Obamę i Donalda Trumpa. Jest to zabieg zasadny z uwagi na ich odmienne stanowiska w przedmiotowej kwestii. Autor oparł analizę na dostępnych dokumentach, publikacjach naukowych i publicystycznych, komunikatach rządowych, umowach międzynarodowych i artykułach naukowych.
This article analyses the problem of Israelites forming an alliance in diff erent times chiefl y described in the Pentateuch. Many existing exegetic commentaries lack a clear answer explaining the extent of the prohibition to ally with Gentiles described in Ex 23:32; 34:12; Deut 7:2 and Judg 2:2. The author wants to give a full answer to the question why the prohibition concerns only the nations neighboring Israel after the chosen people started to occupy the Promised Land; or perhaps it also concerns the Gentile nations that neighbored Israel. Should the prohibition be interpreted restrictively or extensively? One should also defi ne the necessity of the prohibition, that is what it actually concerned — any sort of signing a pact with Gentiles or merely the realm of purity of faith so as to dodge the temptation of idolatry. An attempt to answer these questions will broaden the knowledge about these important times of the chosen people. ; This article analyses the problem of Israelites forming an alliance in diff erent times chiefl y de-scribed in the Pentateuch. Many existing exegetic commentaries lack a clear answer explaining the extent of the prohibition to ally with Gentiles described in Ex 23:32; 34:12; Deut 7:2 and Judg 2:2. The author wants to give a full answer to the question why the prohibition concerns only the nations neighboring Israel after the chosen people started to occupy the Promised Land; or perhaps it also concerns the Gentile nations that neighbored Israel. Should the prohibition be interpreted restric-tively or extensively? One should also defi ne the necessity of the prohibition, that is what it actually concerned — any sort of signing a pact with Gentiles or merely the realm of purity of faith so as to dodge the temptation of idolatry. An attempt to answer these questions will broaden the knowledge about these important times of the chosen people
The victory of utopian political institutions in the Soviet Union largely affected the book system in that country. The transformation in question reflected the utopian model of the political system implemented in the former Russia. The author describes the essence of that transformation analyzing particular instances of the Bolshevik censorship and propaganda of the Stalinist period and pointing that the roots of the transformation in question are to be seen in the history of political myths rather than in social utopianism. Translated by Dorota Chabrajska ; Zwycięstwo utopijnych instytucji politycznych w Związku Radzieckim wpłynęło na transformację systemu książki w tym państwie. Transformacja ta odzwierciedlała również utopijny charakter realizowanego systemu politycznego. Autor przedstawia istotę tej transformacji na przykładach bolszewickiej cenzury i propagandy czasów stalinowskich, wskazując, że jej korzenie tkwią raczej w historii politycznych mitów niż w społecznym utopizmie.
The article is an attempt to outline the manifestations of the legal and political system's nihilism, the occurrence of which the author to some extent attributes to the policy of the Piłsudski political camp after 1926. The subject of the study is to determine the attitude of the leading activists of the Sanation camp to the political system practice and legal practice, seen for the purposes of this thesis as a certain set of actions contra legem and praeter legem in relation to the legal system in force. The author also analyzes the implications of J. Piłsudski's lack of a concrete, in formal and legal terms, political program on the attitude of the Sanation political camp in relation to the application of law law and on the legal security. The legal system turned out to be a factor significantly hindering the realization of the post-May camp's plans as well as the effectiveness of the political system's initiatives undertaken by the Piłsudski political camp. The main reason for the post-May camp's frequent recourse to activities that are to some extent attributed to the legal or political system's nihilism was the lack of deeper political intentions of the victor of the May Coup d'État. ; Artykuł stanowi próbę zarysowania przejawów nihilizmu prawnego i ustrojowego, których występowanie autor w pewnym zakresie przypisuje polityce obozu piłsudczykowskiego po 1926 r. Przedmiotem opracowania jest określenie stosunku czołowych działaczy obozu sanacyjnego do praktyki ustrojowej i prawnej, rozumianej na potrzeby niniejszego wywodu jako pewien zbiór działań zarówno contra legem, jak i praeter legem wobec obowiązującego systemu prawnego. Autor analizuje również implikacje braku skonkretyzowanego w sensie formalno-prawnym programu politycznego J. Piłsudskiego na stosunek obozu sanacyjnego do stosowania prawa oraz na bezpieczeństwo prawne. System prawny okazał się być czynnikiem w znacznym stopniu krępującym realizację zamierzeń obozu pomajowego oraz efektywność podejmowanych przez piłsudczyków inicjatyw ustrojowych. Zasadniczym powodem tak częstego sięgania przez obóz pomajowy do działań, którym w pewnej mierze przypisuje się charakter nihilizmu prawnego czy ustrojowego, był brak głębszych zamierzeń ustrojowych zwycięzcy zamachu majowego.
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie polityki wspierania klastrów gospodarczych prowadzonej w Polsce oraz w Unii Europejskiej. W pierwszej części pracy zaprezentowano pojęcie oraz klasyfikację polityk klastrowych, a także możliwości wdrożenia opisane w najważniejszych dokumentach Komisji Europejskiej dotyczących wspierania klastrów. Dalsza część artykułu zawiera opis efektywnych narzędzi polityki klastrowej oraz kierunków jej rozwoju. Analiza podjętych działań na rzecz rozwoju klastrów wskazuje na ich istotną rolę jako narzędzia rozwoju gospodarczego. ; The article presents the concept of cluster policy in Poland and European Union. At the beginning the author presented models of clusters policy and implementation in the most important document written by European Commission. Cluster policy for the period 2014–2020 show effective tools for government to support for cluster development. The analysis of the actions taken to support clusters shows clusters as a tool of policy and the fundamental conditions for economic success.
The article examines the development process of the national level security strategies in the United States. It explains the basic theory of the strategy-making, as well as the primary processes and relations among the major security enterprises. The author focuses on the 2017–2018 timeframe due to the significant changes in the U.S. legislative system and exceptional personalities involved in the strategy-making process. However, the article delivers a military perspective on strategy development. Still, it does not exclude general information on the U.S. political arena, legal framework, scope of the documents, or historical facts. These data facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the complex political-military relations during the strategy-making process. The primary purpose of the article is to analyze coherent, layered strategic planning process during President Donald Trump administration (2017–2020) and draw significant conclusions, which other countries might implement in their planning system.
