Suchergebnisse

The paper describes the Polish road to NATO which, contrary to the West's expectations and promises, was long and bumpy. The author presents and analyses various obstacles that hindered Polish accession to NATO. The author divides such challenges into objective and subjective barriers, but using other criteria, the author points to specific geopolitical, international, political, social, and military conditions. Furthermore, the author presents the stances of different countries on the enlargement of the North Atlantic Alliance after the Cold War, particularly the attitudes of the USA, Germany, France, the USSR, and Russia as these states were either more or less supportive of Polish efforts to join NATO or not supportive at all. In 1989-1999 the Alliance's position was slowly evolving from being initially unwilling to support Poland's accession to NATO to being sympathetic towards it. In the paper, the author poses a few research questions on the above-mentioned obstacles on the Polish road to NATO and a few theses and hypotheses. The author states that primarily the USSR, later the Russian Federation, was against Poland's accession to NATO. Initially, the West also opposed it. After 1989, its priority was to reunite Germany and stabilize military relations with Moscow through the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) and the elimination of Soviet military bases in post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

In this paper author examines the perception of Central Asia by contemporary Russian thinkers and scientists: "neo-Slavophiles", "Eurasians" and "Westernizers". Author established the existence of significant differences between three groups of experts in the assessment of Russia's foreign policy in relation to Central Asian states. This conclusion applies equally to the attitude of selected Russian scientists concerning China, as well as to Russia's prospects in the region.

The author of the book research the interaction of politics and law as two important social regulators that have a common goal the effective development of society. The author defines the real models of interaction between politics and law, which have formed in Ukraine and the Republic of Poland in the process of social transformation, and the creation of an appropriate model, which should be based on the goal of ensuring the public interest.

Reviewed monography Necros. Introduction to death body's ontology by prof. Ewa Domańska (AMU) is a fragmentary reflection on ontological status of dead body and corps (treated subjectively). Review's author presenting the methodological assumptions of the work, its main goals and concepts of consideration for political scientists. Author also indicates how the term (historical) "necropolitics" could be used by political science and sets a potential field for its scientific exploration.

The aim of this article is to present the problem of Italian national identity on the example of Padania. Particular attention was paid to the context of the Venetian and Lombard referendum for greater autonomy which took place on 22 October 2017. The analysis is aimed at verifying the research hypothesis assuming a weakening of the sense of the Italian national identity in favor of regional identity. To explain the research problems was applied a historical-comparative method which would allow to attempt to answer if Northern Italy, often identified with Padania could aspire to be a new independent state. There is analyzed the evolution of separatist tendencies in Italy.

The article presents and compares historiosophical conceptions of Cyprian Norwid and Zbigniew Herbert based on particular notes and pieces of both poets. It shows that the author of Vade-mecum sees history by – say – methodology of Herodotus, and the author of Pan Cogito creates vision of history like in Thucydides's one. Both perspectives are valuable and stem from different original presuppositions, nonetheless both of them lead to the same aim, which is understanding of mechanisms ruling human history.

The author formulates the assumption that public authorities in Poland are less able to hold accountability in connection with the changes introduced to the political system under the rule of the United Right. The aim of this article is to justify this assumption by presenting the current conditions of accountability of public authorities. In defining accountability, the author uses the approaches of R. Mulgan and M. Bovens. Following these authors, she distinguishes three stages of accountability: information, discussion, and consequences. The article presents the legal grounds and restrictions on access to public information, discussion of government policy and imposing sanctions on public authorities and officials. The author formulates a conclusion on the accountability deficit of public authorities in Poland due to the limitation of discussions in the parliament and public media and the breaking of the chain of accountability at the stage of consequences, which results mainly from the political subordination of the prosecutor's office.

The main aim of this article is to analyze the phenomenon of football hooliganism in Poland. This analysis is evolving – that is the reason why constant studies are being conducted. Additionally, the author decided to show the genesis of football hooliganism and he described supporters' community. A great asset to the article is a depth interview which with active hooligans from the biggest Polish supporters' groups. Thanks to this interview, the author verified a part of the information available in different articles.

The author of the book examines the issues of constitutional stability and its role in ensuring sustainable democracy.

The author addresses the issue of ethno-business, which has been largely unresearched to date. In the approach proposed by the author, ethnobusiness is understood as a wide range of practices and behaviours related to the deliberate use of existing regulations going beyond the intentions of legislators that guarantee cultural and political privileges for national and ethnic minorities. Various activists and leaders gathered around ethnic organizations and co-creators of the discussed phenomenon most often pursue their private material or political interests. However, ethno-business is closely linked to the established Romanian legislation on national minorities. Thus, the author investigates the roots of this phenomenon, introducing readers to the regulations on minorities in Romania, and points to the social consequences of ethno-business. The analysis of the discussed problem is supplemented and illustrated by examples of specific behaviours observed by the author during his long-term and extensive ethnographic field research carried out on the Romanian-Ukrainian borderland between 2009 and 2010. Although this research project focused on aspects of ethnic and national identity among the Slavic-speaking community of the Maramures region, it also gave an opportunity to spot a number of behaviours that can be interpreted in the context of ethno-business. The ethnographic examples given in the article show how the policies related to the protection of national minorities in Romania can be exploited in various circumstances by different individuals who have relevant knowledge of the rights of national minorities.

The purpose of this research is to illustrate the phenomenon of common crime in the eastern areas of Poland from 1921-1925. In the text, the author gives examples of this and its cause and effect on the functioning of the young Polish state. The timeline of the study covers the period from the signing of the Riga Treaty ending the Polish-Soviet War in 1921, to 1925 when the Bolsheviks temporarily gave up their aggressive attempts to spread communism in Europe. The author of the study focused on the most important type of crimes characteristic of the borderland such as robbery and smuggling, using the literature on the subject, source publications, and archival resources, mainly from the Central Military Archives, the Border Guard Archives in Szczecin, and Ukrainian archives in Lviv and Tarnopol. The research aims to show the characteristic types of common crimes, their connection with anti-Polish activities on the part of the USSR and Lithuania, and the intertwining of political crime with criminal offences. In the work, the author uses the critical analysis of sources, literary analysis, and the comparative method.

The purpose of the study is a systematic analysis of amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus in the field of electoral legislation. Systemic, logical, and comparative methods were used during the research. As a result, the author has analyzed the peculiarities of changes and additions into the procedure of elections of the President of the Republic of Belarus, the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, as well as the procedure of forming a new body of power – the All Belarussian People's Assembly. The author also substantiates the proposals to improve the legislation on elections.

As part of the article, the author presents the advantages and disadvantages of research solutions used during the presidential election in 2010. The decision to choose these elections as an example was dictated, on the one hand, by the fact that the survey on the day of the election was carried out by three companies, and on the other hand, by the fact that different research techniques were used. Moreover, the conducted research is well documented both in the journalism and in the report of Professor Domański's team, and by the author himself, who analyzed this problem in terms of the selection of an appropriate research technique earlier.

The aim of article is to answer the questions: what is the public perception of the terms 'refugee' and 'migrant'? as well as In the light of opinion polls, are these terms equivalent or do they have a different connotation (linguistic content) and denotation (scope)? The starting point for the analysis is the identification of the dictionary-encyclopaedic, statistical and formal-legal meanings of these names. The analysis presented in the article is based on the results of the public opinion research "Social perception of refugees from Ukraine, migrants and actions taken by the Polish state", which was carried out between 2022 and 2023 by the research LAB managed by the author. In order to holistically reconstruct the social perception of 'refugees' and 'migrants', the author developed a multidimensional indicator (index), which he called the Social Perception of Migrants Index (SPMI). The result of the analysis is the identification of the constitutive features of the names 'refugee' and 'migrant' as well as their denotation. The author also proposes to introduce a new concept concerning the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border and the refugee crisis on the Polish-Ukrainian border, which he called a 'hybrid humanitarian crisis'.

The issue analysed by the author is that of the institution of Presidential immunity pertaining to the President of the Republic of Poland, and operating in such a way that a sitting President cannot be held criminally liable before a common court for acts tantamount to offences. Inclining towards the essence of this solution and its consequences when it comes to respect for constitutional principles of legalism and equality before the law, the author at the same time seeks to assess the completeness of the provisions in effect in Poland, in so doing identifying a lack of clear directives as to how a former President (i.e. one who has left office) is to be held criminally liable. The conclusion reached by the author can be said to boil down to a recognition that the liability of a former President before Poland's Tribunal of State for offences or crimes committed is of an accessory nature where common courts are concerned, with the condition underpinning recognition of the Tribunal's primacy in matters of jurisdiction being the National Assembly's adoption of a Resolution holding a former President liable constitutionally, and potentially at the same time initiating action in respect of given offences. Any lack of such a National Assembly Resolution must give rise to a particular kind of reactivation – in respect of the former President – of jurisdiction in the dispensing of justice by common courts, given the fact that one of the negative procedural premises has ceased to be non-applicable. Thus, unlike in the case of a President still holding office, the cognition of the Tribunal of State in relation to a former President is neither exclusive nor automatic. Such observations have also stimulated work by the author to develop de lege ferenda postulates regarding the subject matter, as set against the wider background of Poland's political and constitutional system.