This article aims to highlight the value attributed to art, especially music, by Arthur Schopenhauer. The author's relationship with the philosophy of Fichte and Schelling will be articulated, contextualizing his thinking with the german romantic movement. Moreover, by presenting his aesthetic hierarchy, some fundamental aspects of the author of The world as will and representation will be pointed out, insofar as this duality is also pointed to when referring to the different artistic styles.
In this article we seek to analyze the senses of the anthem composed for the city of Feira de Santana, Bahia, in 1928, by poet and conductor Georgina Erisman. It is an exercise in interpreting the symbols and meanings of the work (the anthem) and how the author sought to represent this city based on a set of elements that defined local identity in the early twentieth century. Such elements went through their commercial vocation, their religiosity, their femininity and even their climate, among others. A set of images whose meaning has been almost completely lost to later generations, even though the anthem is still one of the city's official symbols
This article analyzes the role played by the State Council of D. Pedro II in combating the international slave trade. Until the mid-1850s, the slave trade was presented as a problem of difficult resolution for Brazilian elites due to a number of factors: as constant threats from the English government, the importance of slave labor in the country's economic structure and in political lobby of slaves owners. England was asserting its economic and military status as a global power to impose on Brazil an end to the interatlantic slave trade. Due to the international pressures suffered by Brazil, the continuity of trafficking has become a matter of concern for national elites. The theme provoked a wide debate in the sessions of the Full Council. The English interventionist stance was severely criticized by the councilors for violating national sovereignty. From the Eusébio de Queiróz law, the Council of State acquired a new configuration not provided for the Constitution: to judge and punish, in the second instance, those involved in the slave trade. In order to guarantee effective punishment for traffickers and to appease the international pressure suffered by Brazil, the State Council tried to attract the processes related to trafficking to its jurisdiction. Punishing those involved in this type of trade was not an easy task due to the complicity and collusion of local authorities. The present text is part of doctoral research developed by the author when turning to the theme of slavery. At the theoretical level, the author seeks to realize an interface between the field of History and Social Sciences, particularly Political Science. This work uses a wide bibliographic collection, in addition to a series of primary sources, in particular, the Minutes of the Council of State.
The text is part of a doctoral research process in education, and dialogues, in an essayistic manner, with themes such as the city, images, body and everyday affective crossings. These dialogues tension with education, history, daily life and other ways of thinking about the urban tangle, anchored in the cartographic method. Through formative processes experienced by the author, seek to evidence issues, concerns and discomforts that are still unstable, rehearsed in everyday life and outlined in thought and inventions. It argues that the power of creation and wandering in the city are insurgent ways of ruptures in the face of current conservative advances, paying attention to the exercise of otherness, inventiveness and experimentation, having as main references authors such as Michel Foucault, Suely Rolnik, Félix Guattari , Peter Pelbart, among others.
Jürgen Habermas is a modern thinker who presents us with a rationality capable of creating spaces of freedom that correspond to the ideals of social emancipation that have always crossed the horizon of Western modernity. Through several studies by this author, including critical contributions to his theory, we will develop his epistemological reflection and his relevant contribution to the renewal of German critical theory. We will begin by presenting his critique on positivism, and then summoning the dispute with Gadamer about hermeneutics. Habermas adopts hermeneutics, albeit with some criticism, as a facilitator of self-reflection that allows revealing to social sciences the errors of both objectivist social science and vulgar analysis of language. We will follow this thinker's perspective on the interests that guide knowledge and, finally, we will take into account his theory of communicative rationality, which stresses Habermas's universalist optimism, based on a healthy pluralism that allows human consensus.
This work aims to analyze the Hans Jonas' reflection on the ontological status of the animal that is inserted, in this context, in a more general analysis of the phenomenon of life and presents itself as an important topic in the ontology that intends to combat dualism and the rupture between human animals and non-human animals. By recognizing different degrees of a spiritual activity among living beings, the author, however, does not share the idea of a full equality among animals, although his perspective is of common traits that accentuate the transanimality of man, that is, its belonging and, at the same time, its difference in relation to the beasts. Therefore, his philosophy is not limited to the discourse on animal rights, but rather intends to think of a new animal ontology and a new human animality through the psychophysical integrity and the constitutive relationship between human and non-human animals within the field of nature.
This article, of a philosophical nature, has as its object of study a critique of the representative and dogmatic model of thought made by the philosopher Gilles Deleuze. A bibliographic research has as theoretical horizon the philosophy of difference, focusing on the Deleuzian legacy. The author presents assumptions that created representative thinking in the form of postulates. There are eight postulates: Cogitatio Universalis (thinking naturally, the ideal of common sense, the model of recognition, the element of representation, the negative of error, the privilege of design, one of the solutions and the result saber. It is worth pointing out the contours of these postulates that show a dogmatic image of thought - a traitorous image of what it means to think. This model image has strong resonances in the contemporary educational universe. It is therefore a matter of effecting, in tune with Deleuze, a critique of the dogmatic images of thought and its boundaries that often deemphasize thought, the thought of education, and, by extension, life itself.
This article aims at comparing the similarities contained in criticism of liberal democracy present in some selected works of Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) and Robert Kurz (1943-2012). In spite of the close association of the first author with the Nazi regime after 1933 and of the second being normally characterized as a Marxist thinker (although very critical to "orthodox" Marxism), numerous similarities between the two are verified when they attempt to analyze the characteristics of parliamentarian liberalism in twentieth-century democracies. One hypothesis that might explain such similarities would be the influence exercised by Schmitt on Frankfurt School theoreticians, from whom Kurz often draws inspiration in his writings - in particular, Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, although Schmitt also influenced Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Karl Korsch and Herbert Marcuse. Another interpretation addressed here refers to the possibility that Schmitt found, in his theories about the State and about law, the epistemological limits of modern liberalism, which constitutes Kurz's main research subject and was a recurring theme in the writings of the Frankfurt theorists.
Gaston Bachelard (1884-1962), French philosopher, followed a period of ruptures, that is, of conceptual and methodological changes in contemporary physics. He is one of several thinkers who presented important reflections for the understanding of contemporary atomistics. This article highlights the main philosophical reflections of Gaston Bachelard about the foundations of quantum mechanics. For that, it uses important concepts of its epistemology without which its ideas become incomprehensible. Thus, this work highlights how this science breaks with traditional scientific and philosophical ideas in the first half of the 20th century by presenting a new object of knowledge, namely, the quantum corpuscles. Furthermore, in order to characterize the philosophy of bachelardian quantum physics, according to the author, the nature of atomic particles stands out, as the scientific activity of this science in the creation of new phenomena is emphasized and its rationalism applied as philosophy is emphasized best suited to the new physics. Finally, it is emphasized in this work that Bachelard's ideas are different from other interpretations of quantum mechanics.
Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444), chancellor and historian, is the author of one of the main praises of the city of Florence of this period. In writing to Laudatio florentinae urbis (1403-1404), the humanist describes Florence and its government as a well-ordered, beautiful, wholesome, free and participatory city. The paper analyzes this text not only as a rhetorical piece, but highlights the republican ideals of freedom, self-government and citizenship. From an institutional point of view, Laudatio offers the foundations of mixed government, which would become a central aspect of Renaissance republicanism. From the ancients, Bruni removes the idea of the division of powers from the classic triad monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, with the separation of functions in each of these pure forms. Bruni points out that both aspects of antiquity can be found in the Florentine institutions of his time, in such a way that he observes in the historical fact the realization of an ancient political theory, complementing, therefore, the idealization of the city.
This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we'll start on some observations of political liberalism, where in the first moment, we'll explore the book "Two Concepts of Liberty" by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - "being free of" and, not the positive liberty - "being free to", should be the biggest worry of political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (political freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin's bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics.
Eminent critical evaluations on Machiavelli's thought discuss the Fortuna-Virtù pair. Even though such terms share well-known origins and traditions throughout Latin literary historiography, especially ancient and medieval receptions during civic humanism, their elusive features persist in Machiavelli´s arguments, enabling numerous academic debates. While the idea of Virtù maintain its ambivalence and ambiguity throughout these relevant and varied textual evidences, continual pursuits for clarification are made throughout the Florentine secretary's corpus, associating the term with other important and central concepts, e.g., desiderio, stato, forza. Political instabilities, forces beyond human control, unpredictability of civil actions are recurring themes in Machiavelli's conceptions of Fortune. In open dialogue with civic humanists who emphasize a crescent political and social participation, blending rational reflections, moral consideration, as well as discussions about different forms of regimes, this author exposes a historiographical conception, reinvigorating ancient traditions, in the creation of a civil order. This demands Virtù, a personal and public commitment in the exaltation of human potentialities and limits. Reinserting the relevance of a parity between Fortuna and Virtù in Machiavelli is a relevant step for avoiding anachronistic readings. Thus, the most significant examples of civic founders and maintainers of civic order are investigated, e.g., Romulo, Numa, Moses, Cesare Borgia, Castruccio Castracani. By studying the images of Fortune, in face of Machiavelli´s political and anthropological conceptions, the argumentative development of some main ideas of this famous political thinker sustains the centrality of the Virtù-Fortuna dyad.