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From the analysis of Protić's voluminous work, we can conclude that the author, as a representative of herbartian's orientation in Serbian pedagogy, emphasizes the importance of defining the problem of education in relation to schooling. In his General Pedagogy, the term education was used in 28 different interpretations. It occurs in five different forms, namely: 'education will,' (4 times), also synonymous with 'moral will' (2); 'direct the education of moral character' (5); 'the education of opinions' (1); 'education spirit' (1); 'proper education issues' (1). It is worth noting that these forms unfold separately in his work, but as such they make an incomplete concept. Therefore, they need to be considered synthetically, as a whole, in order for the versatility of his concept of education to be fully appreciated. The paper started with the observation of educational theory (which occurs 2 times) and educational practices (2 times) as well as general questions that carry a multitude of other educational situations and problems. 'The task of education' (mentioned 6 times) is synonymous with 'educational mission' (6 times) and it is interchangeable with 'forms of education' that occurs once only. In terms of factors influencing a personality development, Protić is be said to be of the optimistic orientation and pays great attention to the justification of the educational process, assuring the reader of the 'need for education' (three times). He also underlines the 'power of education' (three times), but at the same time, excluding the infinity process, the setting of the 'boundaries of education' (to be discussed in five attempts). Finally, the inseparability of many issues in Protić's 'education process' is equal to the unity of 'means of education', 'education goals', 'objectives of education', and 'individuality education' in the 'educational work'. An educator exhaustively elaborates the 'moral' and the 'physical' in teaching, while other forms of education are mentioned exclusively using synonyms thus lessening their significance. Protić attempted to denominate certain theoretical, practical and other educational processes: 'pedagogical theory' (twice), 'educational practice' (twice), 'corrective instruction' (twice) with his methods a) 'form of educational practice', and b) the 'principle of educational instruction' (one) or 'educational work' (five times). Protić justifies the guidelines for the process of education with numerous concepts: 'task of education' (six times) synonymous with 'educational mission' (five times), 'forms of education' (once), 'successful education' (once), 'need for education' (three times), 'the power of education' (three times), 'educational success' (once), 'substance of education' (once), 'standards for education' (once), 'the influence of education' (once), 'individuality of education' (once) 'educational goals' (five times), 'the concept of education' (three times), and 'education time' (once). Although there are discrepancies in tackling 'adult education' among his contemporaries, Protić actively introduces the category of a trainee, which is widely understood and associated to the term 'Youth'. According to Protić, 'National Youth Education' is divided into two basic types: 'education in the narrow sense' (four times) and 'educational practice' (twice). He also differentiates 'essentials in education' (once), 'education process' (twice), 'means of education' (twice) and 'educational work' (five times ). Protić illusory tends to define educational success and in order to do so special attention should be paid to 'the burden of education', as well as to point out the 'importance of education' and set 'standards for education'. In addition, he carefully chooses his synonyms such as 'the development and care of the body' for physical education, or 'moral commitment' and 'moral character' for moral education.

The stabilizing functions of the Concordat between the Holy See and Poland of 1993 in the process of the normalization of the relations between the Church and the state
The article contains an analysis of the Polish Concordat of 1993, ratified during the stage of transition from communist totalitarianism to liberal democracy. The key elements of these transformations include the change of the system of relations between the Church and the state which consisted in the transition from an atheistic regime – based on the principle of "hostile separation" – to a democratic secular state – based on the principle of "friendly separation" – referred to as "coordinated separation" due to the application of the instrument known as the concordat. In a speech held in the Vatican on 25 March 1998, Pope John Paul II claimed: "[…] The Concordat is a challenge to everyone to whom the future of Poland is dear and to those who feel a responsibility toward Her fate. It is a great opportunity and a great task for the present and future generations". The Author employed the phrase "the stabilizing functions of the concordat" to refer to these "opportunities and tasks". In order to explicate his line of thought he described the following: the concept of the concordat and its function, the position of the concordat in the hierarchy of the sources of law, the extent of issues regulated by this document and the bases of its effectiveness in the Polish system of law. Due to the extent of issues regulated by the Polish Concordat, it is a holistic concordat. The objects of its regulation include: the fundamental principles of the relations between the Church and the state, the confirmation of diplomatic relations, guarantees of respecting religious freedom on institutional and individual levels in public life (Art. 3-27).The norms inscribed into the Concordat of 1993 are mostly a confirmation of the norms which functioned at the moment when the document was ratified. Due to the ratification of the Concordat the Polish legislator cannot introduce such norms to the system of the law of the country which would be contradictory to the norms inscribed into the Concordat without an agreement with the Holy See or the Polish Bishops' Conference, the latter acting on the basis of a mandate of the Holy See. An important factor of the stabilizing function of the Concordat is the method of drawing up legal regulations. This has to do with clauses which refer to other normative acts belonging to the system of Polish law, to the system of canon law, or to future bilateral agreements, contracted on the central level (between the Holy See and the supreme organs of the authorities of the State), or on the local level (between the Polish Bishops' Conference and the representatives of the Government of the Republic of Poland).This Concordat contributed to the increase of the level of stabilization of direct relations between the Catholic Church and the State in Poland. The document also played indirectly the role of promoting other religious associations. According to the principle of equality of Churches and other religious associations (Art. 25, Par. 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland), there occurred an extension of guarantees inscribed into the Concordat which had to do with other religious associations. This extension was brought about thanks to the employment of auxiliary concordat agreements consisting of individual acts promulgated on the basis of agreements that were negotiated by the government with the representatives of these associations.

SUMMARY: The article traces the evolution of Ukrainian nationalism from the end of 2013 to the end of 2014 under the influence of mass protests against the antidemocratic regime of President Yanukovych (Euromaidan) and Russia's intervention into Crimea and Donbas. The term "nationalism" is used in the article in a broad sense encompassing elite ideology and politics as well as mass feelings and identities. The analysis of elite "nationalism" is based on a close reading of Facebook posts and other texts of the protest activists, and mass discourse is reconstructed with the help of sociological surveys. The author argues that democratic protest against the Yanukovych regime included a nationalistic element articulated as Ukrainian liberation from Russian dictate. He also shows that the transition from peaceful to violent protest was accompanied by an appropriation of the tradition of armed nationalist resistance to the Soviet occupation of Ukraine after World War II. This appropriation, however, was not limited exclusively to ethnic Ukrainians – it reflected and reinforced a rejection of the Soviet mythology of collaborationism of Ukrainian nationalists of the past with the Nazis. At the same time it made evident the deeply inclusive nature of modern Ukrainian anti-imperial nationalism, the most obvious proof of which is the support it enjoys among Ukrainian Jews or even among Jews who have preserved their ties to the country since leaving Ukraine. Russian aggression further contributed to the rise of inclusivity of Ukrainian nationalism, which now embraces many Russian and Russian-speaking citizens. Being alienated from Russia as a state and even as a people by Russia's aggressive politics, these citizens nevertheless do not exhibit a similar alienation from the Russian language. Hence the new border between Ukrainians and Russians is political rather than linguistic. In the author's view, this fact confirms the inclusive nature of Ukrainian identity and the nationalism that contributes to its formation. Статья Володымыра Кулыка посвящена эволюции украинского национализма в конце 2013 г. и на протяжении 2014 г. под влиянием массовых протестов против антидемократического режима президента Януковича, ставших известными как Евромайдан, и последующей российской интервенции в Крыму и на Донбассе. Понятие "национализм" употребляется здесь в широком смысле, включающем не только идеологию и политику элит, но и чувства и идентичности масс. Элитный уровень автор анализирует на материале постов в Фейсбуке и других текстов активистов протестного движения и последующей кампании защиты Украины от российской агрессии, а массовый – на материале опросов общественного мнения. Он показывает, что демократический протест против режима Януковича содержал националистический элемент освобождения Украины от российского диктата, а переход от ненасильственного протеста к насильственному сопровождался приятием традиции вооруженного националистического сопротивления советской оккупации Украины после Второй мировой войны. Не ограничиваясь этническими украинцами, это приятие отражает и вместе с тем стимулирует, с одной стороны, отказ от советского мифа о коллаборационизме украинских националистов, а с другой – инклюзивный характер современного антиимперского украинского национализма, который поддерживают, например, евреи, проживающие в Украине или уехавшие из нее, но чувствующие причастность к ее судьбе. Российская агрессия способствовала дальнейшему усилению инклюзивного украинского национализма, приобщая к нему многих русских и русскоязычных граждан, которые ощутили большую привязанность к Украине и отчуждение от России – как государства или как народа. Вместе с тем отчуждение от России не привело к массовому отчуждению от русского языка, т. е. новая граница между украинцами и русскими является скорее политической, нежели языковой, что подтверждает инклюзивность украинской идентичности и направленного на ее усиление национализма.

The text from Laza Kostic's poem Santa Maria della Salute is everlasting and changeless but its context regarding the meaning and the poet's evaluation can be changed depending on paradigms that regulate the relationships between the author and the readers. Diary of Dreams that was kept in French by Laza Kostić, the facts from his life and work are interesting enough even for the psychoanalytic explications of the hidden levels of the poem's context. This work presents literary and theoretical revelation of Petar Milosavljević in a unique monograph The life of Laza Kostić's poem Santa Maria della Salute (1981) that corresponds to the Jungian deep psychological analysis of Ivan Nastović in the book The Anima of Laza Kostić (2004). On the basis of the external textual facts, Milosavljević's views concerning the role of a woman in Kostić's poem are formulated in the way that the love toward that young girl is consisted of the projection of Kostić's Anima - the young mother whom he lost too early, counterbalance and the addition of the mother whom he found in his own wife. Simultaneously, that girl in his poem, as well as in his life, has a role of the muse that inspires him, and the role of madonna, Beatrice, who will take him to another world where the differences of all times are silent. The fact is that the fairy is not only an object of love but also the centre by which the poet defined his answer to the world with which he was faced in his late years. Milosavljević's view corresponds with Nastović's deep psychological revealation of the poem Santa Maria della Salute. Nastović mentions Hegel's thought that the truth is a whole and that spiritual life is regarded as a dynamic whole that is consisted of the conscious and unconscious part of the character. In regard to the Jung's view 'the unconscious often knows more and better than the consciousness', the unconscious never lies in comparison with the consciousness. The dreams of Laza Kostić from his diary of dreams, in the book of Ivan Nastović, The Anima of Laza Kostić, are interpreted for the first time almost a century after they have been written. Psychological interpretation of Nastović provided for the more complete and versatile understanding of the character, the poem of Laza Kostić as well, his love toward Jelena Lenka Dunđerska and Julijana Palanačka, and the revealation of the poet's anima. Using the psychoanalytical interpretation of the poet's dreams Nastović revealed the additional point where in the author's opinion there is a longing not for his own but for the archetypical mother as a centre of his faith, and at the same time a centre of the newly found meaning of his life, that prepared him for death and rebirth. The tension of the unique and unrepeatable poem derives from the philosophical and aesthetic paradigm of Laza Kostić, from the idea of the crossing of life and death that is solved in the poem of heavenly dreams with life after death. After earthly death, the poet was welcomed to the eternal life. Dostoevsky says that there is no a man nor a nation without the brightest idea. And there is only one brighter idea on the Earth, the idea of the immortality of the human sole - all other 'brighter' ideas derive from this one. The man's treasure is not a destructible substance but a delicate, invisible spiritual beauty, the beauty of the soul that Laza Kostić considered and wrote about. That spiritual beauty is revealed and can be seen in the souls of the ones who pray in silence, in the pain that creates a pearl.

AbstractThis chapter briefly describes how neoliberalism achieved its current position as the dominating (if contested) ideology of the developed world and explains core neoliberal values and policy prescriptions, as well as the effect that they have had on public procurement. It explores the ideological importance of public procurement regulation from the neoliberal perspective and the features that neoliberal principles might suggest should be built into any international regime of public procurement regulation. It then describes the regulation of public procurement by the EU, which it argues maps closely onto the predicted neoliberal construct. It explains that, although the EU regime operates by extensively curtailing the purchasing discretion of public bodies in the Member States, neoliberal arguments have been advanced, and are currently being advanced, to curtail that discretion further. It analyses the extent to which such arguments have failed before the Court of Justice of the European Union to date and then explains the far-reaching additional arguments that are currently being advanced to neoliberalise the EU public procurement regime. These argue for the application of 'competition' (the 'efficiency' concept of competition) and the pursuit of 'value for money' as dominating norms for the system. This chapter then explains how the adoption of such norms would curtail the ability of public purchasers to pursue horizontal policies (the use of public procurement to achieve collateral policy goals such as environmental or social policy goals). It argues, however, that the suggested efficiency/value for money norms are not legally justified. This is because the concept of 'competition' to which EU public procurement regulation refers is not the neoliberal 'efficiency' concept, but a concept based upon economic freedom that is concerned with competitive equality and the structure of competition in public contracts markets. It is also because the present author accepts the argument that has been advanced by Sue Arrowsmith that, although the pursuit of 'value for money' is the central goal of the domestic regulation of public procurement, the legal bases on which EU public procurement legislation is founded do not permit it to mandate the pursuit of 'value for money' as a matter of European obligation. The chapter argues, in any event, that in the public procurement context, 'value for money' is a complex, multi-faceted and value-driven concept that does not equate to neoliberal notions of 'efficiency'. Finally, it identifies an internal tension between two aspects of the neoliberal prescription in the public procurement context, the desire to constrain public purchaser discretion so as to preclude, in particular, the pursuit of horizontal policies on the one hand, and the preference to use 'market-based' instruments of policy rather than regulation on the other. It explains how a further neoliberal preoccupation, the constant need to improve international 'competitiveness', has provoked the EU to adopt (as part of its core economic strategy) the pursuit of horizontal policies in public procurement, both on a voluntary basis and as mandated by EU sectoral legislation. It concludes that by so doing, the EU has rejected a central tenet of neoliberal ideology as regards public procurement (hostility to the so-called 'instrumental' use of public procurement to implement horizontal policies) and that its direction of travel means that the neoliberal argument that public procurement must be regulated predominantly to achieve 'efficiency' has implicitly been discarded.

The author presents the determinants and basic problems of existence of Polish science and culture in the period preceding the turbulent year of 1968, as well as the events directly related to this key date in Poland's history. The departure, by Mr Gomułka's team, from the 'achievements' of the Polish October of '56, that is, from certain concessions of a democratic nature, evoked deep disappointment in both institutions and the scientific, cultural and artistic milieus, and this, in time, led to attempts at protest. The PRP authorities and, most of all, the sections therein which were responsible for science, education and culture, systematically intervened in activities of the respective professional groups. The tightening of censorship, restrictions in the allocation of printing paper for books and periodicals, the closing down of newspapers, weeklies and magazines 'inconvenient' from the point of view of the authorities, the lack of opportunities for dialogue and constructive criticism, repressions against those who openly expressed their independent opinions, and the systematic surveillance of the scientific and creative milieus, were only a part of operations undertaken by the PRP powers-that-be in the second half of the 1960s. It was in that climate that a conflict between the state and the Roman Catholic Church was played out in the process of the Polish State Millennium celebrations in 1966, which coincided with the escalation of the party's conflict with the intellectuals and men and women of letters, as well as with intra-party infighting between factions within the PUWP. It was the shortcomings of the centralised, command economy and the growing shortages in the shops which resulted in Poland's situation becoming unstable and threatening to explode. The role of the fuse was performed by the events of March 1968, which were enacted in the cultural and scientific milieus: the turbulent meetings of Warsaw's men and women of letters, the removal of Adam Mickiewicz's Dziady (Forefathers' Eve) from the National Theatre's repertoire, the manifestation in protest against the removal which followed the last performance, and finally, the students' rally in the courtyard of Warsaw University, as well as the strikes on the part of students and the personnel of higher education institutions in Warsaw and other Polish cities as the continuation of that rally. It was after these events, when the party had launched an anti-intelligentsia campaign, supplemented with an anti-Semite witch hunt and smear campaign, unleashed by the 'partisans' faction around Mieczysław Moczar and by Mr Władysław Gomułka himself. An 'ethnic criterion' was applied to the Polish scientific and cultural milieus, eliminating, in the climate of a media witch hunt, renowned academic teachers, scholars, film-makers, publishers, journalists, men and women of letters of Jewish extraction and, finally, driving them to emigrate from Poland. The Polish Armed Forces' participation in the aggression against Czechoslovakia in 1968 evoked another wave of protests in Poland. The world of culture and science and its representatives living in the West expressed solidarity with the Czech and Slovak nations. This resulted in new arrests and the further emigration of the intellectual elites. It was the most dogmatic and anti-liberal faction of the party apparatchiks, supported by secret and overtcollaborators with the security structures, who came from different professional groups that were also related to science, culture and education, which became highly vocal and obtained wide access to the mass media. It was in this period that Polish culture and science toughened up and delivered itself of illusions; however, it also suffered losses, the recouping of which would be a painful process and, subsequently, would subsequently take its full toll of years.

Partindo da constatação que a pesquisa sociológica não corresponde mais à sua definição clássica e que, consequentemente, o momento de a comunidade acadêmica superar a contradição entre a sociologia profissional e a sociologia crítica chegou, o autor discute alguns pontos centrais da proposta de Burawoy acerca da sociologia pública. Por meio do recurso a experiências provenientes da vida intelectual europeia, estadunidense e latino-americana, o autor, neste artigo esforça-se em relacionar a sociologia pública ao processo político mais geral de reconhecimento dos direitos dos atores sociais, capaz de organizar o campo no interior do qual uma "sociologia geral dos atores" possa florescer e se desenvolver. O autor constata que existem tempos em que a demanda por teorização é mais urgente; e outras épocas em que a crítica social tem prioridade. Ele conclui que, se a comunidade sociológica ainda afirma a necessidade de identificar os principais problemas sociais contemporâneos, então a combinação da sociologia pública com a sociologia profissional se faz mais necessária. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: sociologia do conhecimento, sociologia acadêmica, direitos sociais, atores políticos, crítica social.PUBLIC SOCIOLOGY AND THE END OF THE SOCIETY Alain Touraine Beginning with the verification that sociological research doesn't correspond to its classic definition anymore and that, consequently, the academic community's moment to overcome the contradiction between professional sociology and critical sociology has arrived, the author discusses some central points of Burawoy's proposal concerning public sociology. With resource to experiences coming out of Latin-American, North American and European intellectual life, this paper makes an effort in relating public sociology to the more general political process of recognition of social actors' rights, capable of organizing the field inside which a "general sociology of the actors" can flourish and grow. This paper verifies that there are times in which the demand for teorization is more urgent; in other times, social critic has priority. And concludes that, if the sociological community still asserts the need to identify the main contemporary social problems, then the combination of public sociology with professional sociology is ever more necessary. KEYWORDS: sociology of knowledge, academic sociology, social rights, political actors, social critic.LA SOCIOLOGIE PUBLIQUE ET LA FIN DE LA SOCIETE Alain Touraine C'est en partant du principe que la recherche sociologique ne correspond plus à sa définition classique et que par conséquent le moment est venu pour la communauté académique de dépasser la contradiction entre la sociologie professionnelle et la sociologie critique, que l'auteur aborde quelques points essentiels de la proposition de Burawoy à propos de la sociologie publique. En faisant appel à des expériences issues de la vie intellectuelle européenne, américaine et latino-américaine, ce travail essaie de faire le lien entre la sociologie publique et le processus politique plus ample de reconnaissance des droits des acteurs sociaux, capable d'organiser le domaine au sein duquel une "sociologie générale des acteurs" pourra s'épanouir et se développer. On en arrive à la constatation qu'il y a des périodes au cours desquelles la demande de théorisation est plus urgente alors qu'à d'autres époques la critique sociale est prioritaire. La conclusion est que, si la communauté sociologique affirme encore le besoin d'identifier les principaux problèmes sociaux contemporains, il est donc nécessaire de faire de plus en plus le lien entre la sociologie publique et la sociologie professionnelle. MOTS-CLÉS: sociologie de la connaissance, sociologie académique, droits sociaux, acteurs politiques, critique sociale. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

The aim of this article is to explore the bargaining process of the EU Financial Perspective 2007-2013 & to provide the conceptual explanation of the particular result of this bargaining. Although quite a number of drafts have been discussed among member states, three of them characterize the most important turns of the bargaining: Commission's Proposal, the Luxemburg's Compromise & the Decision of the European Council. Andrew Moravcsik's Liberal Intergovernmental Approach has been applied as the methodological tool for the analysis of the EU Financial Perspective 2007-2013. Moravcsik assumes that European bargaining is a two level game. A two level game is a metaphoric concept describing how the interaction between the domestic pressure groups & decision makers formulates national preferences & how political leaders on the European level represent those national preferences. On both levels pragmatic economic interests are the driving factors of different actors. It should be emphasized that states are the main players in EU arena, whereas supranational institutions play a supporting part. Five different groups or informal coalitions could be found in the recent bargaining for the Financial Perspective. The key interest of rich member states (UK, Germany, Netherlands, Austria, Sweden, & France) was to decrease EU spending -- to cut the contributions to the EU budget. Phasing out states (Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece) as former major beneficiaries of EU structural policy strived to diminish financial losses in the new Financial Perspective. Poorer Central European countries (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic & Hungary) fought for the structural funds. Finally, the UK was alone against the rest of member states which called for the radical review of the British rebate. The comparative statistical & qualitative analysis of those proposals revealed two important trends in the bargaining. First, the EU spending was cut in every turn. Second, the funds for the rich member states were redistributed at the expense of the poorer member states. Certainly, such redistribution did not change the fact that the older member states remained the net contributors & the poor Central European countries gained more benefits compared to the previous Financial Perspective 2000-2006. Besides these two main tendencies the phasing out states succeed to increase the funds for their undeveloped regions & the final Decision of the European Council offered for the UK the most favorable mechanism counting the British rebate. The article reveals the weaknesses of the popular geopolitical interpretations which were proposed in order to explain the strong clashes between member states. The geopolitical & ideological discourse was aimed at neutralizing the domestic pressure. The economic logic to pay less & get more was the dominant thinking in the bargaining for the European financial pie. The asymmetrical interdependence which was the main source of bargaining power during the previous intergovernmental negotiations on Common Market is obsolete in explaining the modalities of redistributional policies. The effect of relative power was limited to the bargaining strategy, however it did not make a remarkable impact to the final agreement. On the contrary, the typical net recipient is a small & poor member state. The author has to come to the conclusion that the poor Central European countries states were forced to support the cuts of the budget & suffered a relative defeat in the bargaining, since they were the main beneficiaries of the common EU budget. It means that the poor Central European countries were the most interested to reach an agreement as soon as possible in order to avoid the risk of facing the EU financial turbulences. For this reason their bargaining power was very weak. Adapted from the source document.

The theory of demographic transition in its best‐known modern formulation was developed in the early 1940s by a small group of researchers associated with Princeton University's Office of Population Research, under the leadership of Frank W. Notestein. A notable early adumbration of the theory in print—in fact preceding the most often cited contemporaneous articles by Notestein and by Kingsley Davis—was by Dudley Kirk, one of the Princeton demographers, in an article titled "Population changes and the postwar world," originally presented by its author on 4 December 1943 at the 38th Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Society, held in New York. It is reproduced below in full from the February 1944 issue of American Sociological Review (Vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 28–35).In the article Kirk, then 30 years old, briefly discusses essential elements of the concept of the demographic transition. He characterizes trends in birth and death rates as closely linked to developmental changes: to the transition "from a peasant, self‐sufficient society to an urban, industrial society." He sees the countries of the world as arranged on a "single continuum of development" and, correspondingly, on a continuum of demographic configurations. These countries, he suggests, may be divided into three broad groups: the first, with high mortality and high fertility, possessing great potential population growth; the second, "caught up in the tide of industrialization and urbanization," hence exhibiting birth and death rates that are both declining but in a pattern that generates rapid population growth; and a third, with low fertility and low mortality, pointing toward the prospect of eventual depopulation. He describes the temporal and geographic process of material progress and demographic change as one of cultural and technological diffusion emanating from the West. But Kirk's main interest in this article is the effects of the patterns generated by economic change and the ensuing demographic transition on shifts in relative power—military and economic—within the system of nations, both historically and in the then dawning postcolonial era. On the latter score, even if occasionally colored by judgments reflecting perspectives unsurprising in 1943, such as in his assessment of the economic potential of the Soviet Union, Kirk's probing of the likely consequences of evolving trends in power relationships as shaped by shifting economic and demographic weights—issues now largely neglected in population studies—is often penetrating and remarkably prescient. His views on the implication of these trends for the desirable American stance toward the economic and demographic modernization of less developed countries—friendly assistance resulting in rapid expansion of markets, and trade speeding a social evolution that also brings about slower population growth—represent what became an influential strand in postwar US foreign policy.Dudley Kirk was born 6 October 1913 in Rochester, New York, but grew up in California. After graduating from Pomona College, he received an M.A. in international relations from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy of Tufts University in 1935 and a Ph.D. in sociology from Harvard in 1946. He was associated with Princeton's OPR between 1939 and 1947, where he published his influential monograph Europe's Population in the Interwar Years (1946) and, with Frank Notestein and others, coauthored the book The Future Population of Europe and the Soviet Union (1944). From 1947 to 1954 he was demographer in the Office of Intelligence Research of the US State Department, the first person having that title in the federal government. From 1954 to 1967 he was director of the Demographic Division of the Population Council in New York, and from 1967 until his retirement in 1979 he was professor of population studies at Stanford University. In 1959–60 he was president of the Population Association of America. Dudley Kirk died 14 March 2000 in San Jose, California.

How population change affects human welfare was a central concern of economists during the decades that followed publication of Malthus's Essay. But from the middle of the nineteenth century, continuing for some one hundred years, population issues played a marginal role in economics, with leading figures of that discipline, particularly in the New World, turning their attention to the topic only episodically. The presidential address delivered by Frank Fetter to the American Economic Association in 1913 is a notable example of such attention. Frank Albert Fetter (1863–1949), much of whose career was spent as professor on the faculty of Princeton University, was a prominent economic theorist of the early decades of the twentieth century and author, among numerous other works, of the influential texts Principles of Economics (1904) and its two‐volume successors, Economic Principles (1915) and Modern Economic Problems (1916 and 1922).Population was an early interest of Fetter's, as is shown by the topic of his doctoral dissertation, which he wrote, after studies at Indiana University, Cornell, and the Sorbonne, at the University of Halle (Versuch einer Bevölkerungslehre ausgehend von einer Kritik des Malthus'schen Bevölkerungsprincips, Jena: G. Fischer, 1894). His address to the AEA recalls that interest, looking back on the decade ending in 1910, a period of rapid population increase in the United States, fueled by heavy immigration.In the first part of the address, Fetter offers insightful comments on Malthus's novel humanitarian and democratic formulation of the population problem and on the contrasting demographic situation between Europe and the United States. But with the closing of the land frontier he sees American exceptionalism coming to an end, as the economic forces—abundant natural resources and progress in science and the "technical arts"—that heretofore counteracted the depressing effect of population growth on wages "have spent themselves." At a time when the US population was about one‐third of its present size, he argued that "we have passed the point of diminishing returns in the relation of our population to our resources." Therefore "it is high time to revise the optimistic American doctrine of population." To control "the fate and fortunes of the children of this and future generations," the US would need a policy of conserving natural resources and retarding the increase of population.Of the two components of population growth—natural increase and immigration—only the latter is "controllable in large measure by legislative action." Fetter thus devotes the second part of his address to a discussion of the effects of immigration on the American economy. His line of argument closely parallels an influential strand in the contemporary US debate on that issue. In the first decade of the century, the population of the United States grew by some 16 million and the number of immigrants was nearly 9 million. Fetter sees the potential for further immigration as nearly limitless, given an open‐door policy. The motive to migrate to the United States would not cease "until real wages in America are leveled down to those of the most impoverished populations permitted to enter our ports." Yet reducing American prosperity would afford "no permanent relief to the overcrowded lands," as "natural increase quickly fills the ranks of an impoverished peasantry." While unrestricted immigration is against the interest of the mass of the people, conflicting interests, ideas, and sentiments paralyze remedial action: individual or class advantage comes before consideration of the "larger national welfare." Unless immigration is restricted, Americans may find "that they have bartered the peace and security of their children for the pleasures of a brief season."The text of Fetter's address is reproduced below in full from American Economic Review, vol. 3, no. 1: Papers and Proceedings of the Twenty‐fifth Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association, March 1913.

(1) The emergence of nations is not a historical deviation, but a normal and cocomitant occurrence of the positive historical development. The establishment of democracy created some elbowroom for the affirmation of nations in post- communism. The role of the nationalist activity in these events was not central. The disintegration of the former communist federations was not a fortuitous event and had a common cause. The redefinition of the nationality issue, though inevitable, produces conflicts. (2) International conflicts are potentially dangerous and violence-laden. (3) Conflicts cannot be avoided by denying national identities and national rights, by ignoring real or imagined problems, but by confronting them. (4) Nationality issues cannot be eliminated but regulated. Political theory and practice have developed numerous mechanisms for the accommodation of conflicting rights. Their recognition and implementation can only help in the non- violent resolution of disputes. Ignorance is not only harmful, but can be dangerous as well, because it stimulates exaggerated and biased expectations which may produce volatile and baleful outcomes. (5) Concrete solutions will always depend on the balance of political powers in each case. International practice, universally accepted principles, international community's pressures and its early direct involvement can contribute to the finding of the solution and the avoidance of violent options. (6) Demanding more rights than implied by rational standards means cruising for a bruising, asking for trouble, which can get the conflicting parties the short end of a stick. Extremism and chauvinism are dangerous not only for the other side, but affect negatively the nation which generates it. This rule applies both to the dominant nation in a state and to the minority nations. (7) Democracy and tolerance make a positive environment for a successful regulation of international disputes. Violent and unilateral imposition of solutions only worsens the situation and makes it explosive in the long run. A democratic society reduced to a dominant nation is not feasible unless national rights are recognised and implemented for all those who live in that state. Minority nations cannot realise their rights unless they take into consideration the democratic system on the whole and democratic rights for everybody. Democratic societies are nationally tolerant societies. And vice versa. (8) Democracy and nation-building are not incompatible notions. They are immanent to post-communist societies. Nation-building, despite everything, creates the conditions for the emergence of stable states, the only stable framework of the political and the economic transition (Jahn, 1992, 68). (9) The unresolved and undecided nationality issues significantly aggravate the consolidation of democracy. (SOI : PM: S. 151; 176f.) + The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests and conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts and issues, tie ways of the accommodation of interests and the features of the postcommunist transitions are known: The author explains the concepts and issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, the right to self-determination, decentralisation, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, non-territorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of the global and the national policies. He concludes that, among other things the national issues are central to the process of transition and that they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality which must be coped with), that there are principles and mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests

Deviant behaviour is one of the most precise barometers of the social, economic, political and moral climate in a society. In this article the author analyses different forms of deviant behaviour in St Petersburg including violent crime, property crime, suicide and drug and alcohol addiction. Two stages in the dynamics of social deviation are identified during the transition period from 'socialist totalitarianism' to democracy. The first stage — from mid‐1985 to the end of 1987 — can be characterized by the spiritual and psychological elevation of the population, a sense of liberation and release and the expectation of improvement in standards of living. During this period the level of the main forms of deviant behaviour receded. The second stage begins with the deceleration of economic and political reforms in Russia. This process has been accompanied by an impoverishment in the level and the quality of life and in the basic components of socio‐demographic development and, as a result, by increasing levels of deviant behaviour. The advent of a third stage of economic, social and political stability is difficult to forecast. Our analysis of the official statistics and interviews with the people of St Petersburg leads to the following observation: the absolute and relative quantitative components of the basic forms of deviant behaviour have risen intensely and are near to critical. In addition, organized criminality has reached the level of criminal communities which control not only the great number of criminal organizations and groups but also the economic structures. On the one side, a process of criminalization of business is taking place, on the other, the politicization of organized criminality. In the author's opinion, this tendency of the social, political and economic processes militates against any optimistic prognosis for the immediate future.Le comportement déviant est un des baromètres les plus précis du climat social, économique, politique et moral d'une société. Dans cet article l'auteur analyse les différentes formes de comportement déviant à Saint Petersbourg, y compris les crimes violents, le crime contre la propriété, le suicide et la dependance à la drogue et l'alcool. Deux étapes dans les dynamiques des déviances sociales sont identifiées durant la période de transition du 'totalitarisme socialiste'à la démocratie. La première phase — du milieu de 1985 à la fin de 1987 — peut être caractérisée par l'élévation spirituelle et psychologique de la population, un sentiment de libéation et de relâchement et l'espoir d'une amélioration du niveau de vie. Durant cette période le niveau des formes principales de déviance baissa. La seconde phase commence avec le ralentissement des réformes politiques et sociales en Russie. Ce processus a été accompagné par un apprauvissement du niveau et de la qualité de la vie et des éléments de base du développement socio‐démographique, et, conséquemment, par un accroîssement des comportements déviants. La venue d'une troisième phase de stabilitééconomique, sociale et politique est difficile à prévoir. Notre analyse des statistiques officielles et des interviews avec les gens de Saint Petesbourg conduit à l'observation suivante: les éléments quantitatifs absolus et relatifs des formes déviantes de base sont beaucoup augmenté et approchent un niveau crucial. De plus, l'organisation criminelle a atteint le niveau de communautés criminelles qui contrôlent non seulement un grand nombre d'organisations et groupes criminels mais aussi les structures économiques. D'un côté, il y a un processus de criminalisation des entreprises et, de l'autre, la politisation des crimes organisés. L'auteur pense que cette tendance des processus sociaux, politicaux et économiques va à l'encontre de tous pronostics optimistes pour le futur immédiat.