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Chau, Tsz Kin. ; "December 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Who's Pan Yuliang? Whose Pan Yuliang? --- p.7 ; Who's Pan Yuliang? --- p.7 ; Life and Art of Pan Yuliang: Existing Account --- p.12 ; Whose Pan Yuliang? --- p.22 ; "Summary of Existing Accounts: Biography, Oedipus complex and Narcissism" --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Reconsidering Pan Yuliang --- p.33 ; Academic works in Mainland China and Taiwan since 2000 --- p.33 ; Theorizing the Woman Painter --- p.42 ; Background I: Modern Art in Republican China --- p.54 ; Background II: Paris Modernism --- p.60 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Expanding Biography into History --- p.63 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Political Xiesheng and its Gender Politics --- p.82 ; "Pan Yuliang: from Shanghai (1928-32, 36-37) to Nanjing (1933-35)" --- p.83 ; The Mission ofNanjang: National Administering of Modernism --- p.86 ; Pan Yuliang and the Chinese Arts Association --- p.97 ; Xiesheng and a New Woman/painter Subject --- p.113 ; Conclusion: a Different Modern for a Woman Painter --- p.123 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Differencing the Modern and Women's Culture --- p.127 ; Theorizing Women's Culture --- p.130 ; Pan Yuliang and Women's Community --- p.134 ; Contextualizing Women's Community: Republican Modernity and Post-war ; Pacifism --- p.137 ; Conclusion: Women's Art and Modernism --- p.145 ; Conclusion Rethinking Republican and Women's Art --- p.146 ; Appendix --- p.150 ; Glossary --- p.158 ; Graphical Materials --- p.165 ; Bibliography --- p.251

本文是第一部專以清初陶學為研究對象的論文,擬從文人的情懷、詩學的演變、詩歌的用意、意象的運用、注本的闡釋等多角度概述清初陶學的全貌。在方法上,筆者除分析當時文人對陶淵明的評論外,還選取了清初四十家身份不同的文人,比較他們詩作中運用的陶淵明典故,探討他們對「陶淵明形象」的塑造與取捨,並以歷史背景為線索,梳理陶淵明意象在清初文人心目中地位的差異與其變化。 ; 基於上述的研究,筆者認為以往學術界把清初陶學只理解為「忠憤」的表現是不夠全面的,尤其是清初關於陶淵明的討論,除了遺民文人有熱烈的參與外,非遺民文人亦有相當數量的研究,而且他們之間還存在着不少的交流,互相回應。正因如此,清初和陶風氣盛極一時,並且出現了一種嶄新、「反其致」的和陶現象--〈反乞食〉詩。 ; 這種借用陶淵明的意象互相交流與回應,更多反映在詩歌方面。清初文人借讀陶、評陶、和陶等方法抒發他們於易代間的鬱悶。這種詩歌世界,重現了陶淵明筆下的桃源,在這裏,他們「不知有漢,無論魏晉」,思想上可以暫時脫離現實的痛苦,悠然人間。這也使得清初《陶集》評注本的編撰,一改南宋以來十卷本的「全集」形式,而偏重於四卷本,只收錄詩作的體制。 ; The author intends to discuss the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing Dynasty from the aspects such as the emotions of poets, the changes of poetics, the intentions of poetries, the poetic imageries and the differences of the editions. And, it is the first work focusing solely on the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing Dynasty. Regarding the research methods, this dissertation not only studies the critiques through the existed methods, but also analyses the existed materials in a different manner. By comparing the literary allusions of Tao Yuanming's life of 40 scholars lived in Early Qing who had different social background, the thesis discusses how these people constructed the images of Tao Yuanming and how they selected from Tao's qualities. The thesis also tries to sort out the different attitudes of Tao among scholars of Early Qing and its changes with regard to the historical context. ; Based on the research, the author finds out that the existed understanding of the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing, which focuses on the leftover citizen's aspect, and which portrays Tao image as a rebellion was largely incomplete. Apart from the vigorous discussions regarding the images of Tao among the leftover citizen, the non-leftover citizen also discussed Tao with great enthusiasm. Under this circumstance, a new form of He Tao Shi(和陶詩) "poems written to match Tao's , was found in opposite mode in order to response to those leftover citizen. ; By appropriation of Tao's images in their communication and ...

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注,更觸動了中國的神經。雖然,中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定,但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時,中國主要採取不介入的政策;但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時,中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色,主動擔當核危機的調停者。 ; 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略,而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間,無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此,筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 ; 為了更能有效檢視研究論題,筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件,以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向,以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 ; As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. ; In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. ; Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China's participation in multilateral institutions, and China's self-identity and views on national interests and security. ; In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China's foreign policy and predict the trend of China's diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed ...

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段?本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素:交換、強制、動員,重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念,進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下,三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型,它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 ; 運用這一理論分析框架,作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性,這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化,決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後,仍舊是行之有效的治理手段,並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是,隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長,以及黨組織自身的日益科層化,在改革開放時期,動員逐漸被有意識的弱化,由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 ; Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term 'mobilization' in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior's motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. ; Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party's political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ...

本論文旨在通過以合一運動視角詮釋香港基督教史,輔以八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議之個案,分析香港基督教在建構香港身份認同過程的參與與貢獻,以說明香港基督教為香港社會的重要成員,香港基督教史研究亦為幫助我們了解香港歷史不可忽視的重要領域。 ; 本研究說明基督教與香港社會、政治、經濟及地理等因素的互相摩擦與接觸,使基督教在香港歷史發展上,進入一個既交錯又融匯的混雜局面,並期望通過歷史研究,發掘普世教會合一運動的基督教傳統與本土香港基督教相遇的過程,從而綜述其中的變化與香港基督教教會本土化的獨特經驗。 ; 本文以八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議為個案進行研究。該個案承繼了香港社會及教會在六、七十年代的種種發展,又延伸了香港社會及教會在九十年代甚至二十一世紀的各項討論,實有承先啟後的重要作用。並且,該個案其中的歷史變化及特點,均深刻地反映了香港對國際社會與中國的回應,饒有研究價值。二十世紀八十年代,香港社會急劇轉變。1984年中英聯合聲明草簽,九七主權轉移問題隨即成為香港人的核心討論。香港人心主權誰屬還是一個不確定的疑問。 八十年代的香港,無論在政治、經濟以及社會等方面,都進入空前特殊的時代。本研究即以香港基督教協進會所主辦的八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議作為一個瞭解八十年代初香港教會的窗口。 ; 在1980年11月17-20日,約有120位教會代表參加「八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議」,除了會員教會和機構派員參加外,還有天主教及福音派教會和團體的代表參與,顯示該會議促進合一的努力和特性。各工作小組就每一項宣教議程進行商討及思考,然後提出建議,以供各教會參考之用。五項議程為向低薪市民傳福音、向學生傳福音、對國內基督徒關懷、對公共政策釐訂的參予及對市民心態的影響。由於1984年中英聯合聲明簽署,九七問題的迫近,協進會突破十年一次舉行香港教會諮詢會議的常規,提前在該會三十二週年的紀念日,即1986年1月19至22日舉行「八十年代中期香港教會使命諮詢會議」,不單視為八十年代諮詢會議的延續和檢討,更是對九七問題的急切回應,可見諮詢會議為香港教會和香港社會、政治、經濟合一的媒介之一。通過以上的會議,我們從香港教會普世合一運動的高峰、福音派和主流派的合作和了解、與殖民政府和中國關係的改變,以及教會對公共事務的實際參與等方面,來刻畫八十年代初香港教會與社會的面貌,從而說明教會普世運動在香港發展的獨特性,以及香港在回應國際與中國之際的本土社會變化。 ; 最後,本研究從殖民、中國人、基督徒以及香港人等四個身份,說明香港基督教在建構香港身份認同過程中的角色與意義,以論證香港基督教在香港社會為不可或缺的部份,而香港基督教歷史研究亦是香港研究中不容忽視的部份。 ; The thesis of my research is to articulate the crucial role of Christianity in the development of Hong Kong society through the reinterpretation of the history of Hong Kong Christianity in the ecumenical perspective. ; Hong Kong church is an impetus for the sustainable development of Hong Kong society. The guiding principles of the ecumenical theology are one of the facilitators for the church to react with the political, economic and social development of Hong Kong. In my research, I will scrutinize the special ecumenical way of thinking. From that knowledge and sense of right and wrong, the church accelerated a lot of critical and significant decisions all the way through the history of Hong Kong. Prominently, it is a brand new perspective to study the role of church in Hong Kong history. There is no other work had been done on the history of Hong Kong Christianity in the ecumenical perspective. I ...

来自贫困家庭的青少年的成长日益受到关注,然而现有应对措施往往以资金援助、慰问探访为主。随着中国内地社会工作服务的发展,政府和公众对其应用于服务该群体有了更多期待。本研究尝试为相关服务提供实证依据。 ; 受社会资本理论的启发,本研究试图探索嵌入于家庭、学校、朋辈和社区关系网络的社会资本对青少年社会心理发展的影响;结合自我效能感和抗逆力理论,亦试图探索主体性因素对外界社会资本的调动作用;比较贫困组与非贫困组在相关机制中存在的差异,建构一套在中国社会和文化情境下适用的理论模型,探索未来服务的方向。本研究以社会调查的方法,从中山市22所高中选取了1,627名学生参与研究,包括贫困组学生571人,非贫困组1056人。本研究尝试回答四个研究问题:第一,来自贫困家庭的青少年与来自非贫困家庭的青少年在社会心理发展、社会资本及自我效能感和抗逆力方面是否存在差异?第二,不同维度的社会资本对社会心理发展有怎样的影响?第三,自我效能感和抗逆力是否能在社会资本和社会心理发展之间发挥中介效应?第四,贫困组与非贫困组的青少年在社会资本、主体性对社会心理发展的影响机制上是否存在差异? ; 通过t检定发现,相较于非贫困组,贫困组有较好的亲社会行为和学业成就表现,而在精神健康和社交能力方面不存在显著的差异;贫困组在学校社会资本、朋辈社会资本和社区社会资本方面有较高的水平,而在家庭社会资本方面不存在显著的差异;贫困组相较而言有较高的抗逆力水平。 ; 结构方程模型的结果支持了家庭社会资本、学校社会资本和朋辈社会资本对青少年的社会心理发展存在直接的正向影响的假设,同时,不同的社会资本亦可以通过自我效能感和抗逆力对青少年的社会心理发展产生间接的影响。然而,本研究亦发现社区社会资本对精神健康和社交能力的直接影响是负向的。 ; 多群组结构方程模型的结果指出,贫困组与非贫困组在社会资本、主体性因素对社会心理发展的影响大致相同,但在部分路径上存在显著差异。这亦体现出在服务项目设计时需要留意到的贫困组与非贫困组之间在相关机制上存在的差异。本研究亦展现了社会资本的互惠性。此外,研究发现亦反映出社会资本的规范和制裁功能可能对被标签的群体的主体性因素提升带来限制。 ; 本研究整合了社会资本理论、自我效能感理论和抗逆力理论,探索了社会资本、自我效能感和抗逆力对贫困家庭的青少年的社会心理发展的影响。在中国内地本土化的尝试以及对来自贫困家庭的青少年的关注亦拓展了现有理论的适用性。本研究对实务的启发在于,提出可以透过投入社会资本,提升自我效能感及抗逆力,进而有效地促进青少年的成长与发展。研究者亦对现有的对经济弱势群体的刻板印象提出了质疑,同时对社会资本的双重效应以及社会福利传递过程可能产生的"污名"效应提出了反思。 ; There has been an increasing concern on the development of adolescents form economically disadvantaged families. However, the policy and service for this group of young people remain in the forms of financial assistance and home visit. With the development of social work service in mainland China, the government and public have more expectation on its implementation for serving this group. This research provided empirical evidence for related service. ; Based on social capital theory, this study explored the influences of social capital embedded in the networks of family, school, peers, and community. It also integrated the self-efficacy theory and resilience theory into the theoretical framework to examine the role of personal agency in mobilizing various forms social capital. Moreover, by comparing the differences between the poor and the non-poor group, the study established a ...

《北洋官报》于1902 年12 月创刊发行,至1912 年5 月随清王朝的覆灭而寿终正寝。纵观清末十年《北洋官报》的刊行,可见其应新政而生,又以报道和宣传新政为第一要务。本研究旨在透过《北洋官报》来看清末北洋新政。具体而言,首先要探讨的是作为新政喉舌的《北洋宮报》的创刊背景,即清末新政与北洋独特的政治文化;同时,也要梳理这份新式官报与晚清业已存在的报纸之间的文本联系。其次要具体探讨的是北洋官报局的局务,包括《官报》的发行、书籍为主的印刷业务的开展,以及"官纸印刷"的筹划与争论等。其三是《北洋官报》对新政的展示和宣传。其四是《北洋官报》在展示新政与启蒙民众过程中对日本的借鉴与推崇。通过以上四方面的研究,本论文主要探讨了《北洋官报》及官报局在北洋新政中的作用《官报》在展示新政、启蒙民智上所形成的官方新政话语和所体现的官方与非官方之间的互动关系,以及北洋与中央之间的复杂关系等。 ; 就时间的划分而言, 1906 年之前,清末新政主要集中在经济、教育、军事等诸领域的改革, 1906 年之后转为以中央与地方推行的宪政改革为主要内容。依此,本论文讨论《北洋官报》对新政的展示和宣传就以1906 年为界,分为两个峙段:新政时期和宪政时代。前者侧重于《北洋官报》中的不同部分如何展示新政;后者侧重于从《官报》中看到的清末宪政推进情况。论文正文的末章则对宪政时代作详细论析。 ; 综合言之, 《北洋官报》从其创刊之际,即与晚清的变局、北洋政治文化以及清末新政息息相关。《官报》为新政产物和应新政而生的同时,又以宣扬新政与开民智为己任,塑造了呈现于《官报》上的新政话语。作为官方报纸上的新政话语,并非纯然代表官方立场表达官方意志,而是既有官方的一面,又有非官方的一面,更有官方与非官方之间互动的一面。《官报》的语境既与一个多元与过渡的时代息息相关,同样,这个多元与过渡的时代也呈现在《宮报》的各种不同文本空间之中。体现在《北洋官报》中的北洋新政,在某种程度上也预示了北洋政治左右民初政局的现象,这是多元变化和过渡形态的一个方面。 ; The Beiyang Gazette (Beiyang guanbao) published its first issue in December, 1902, and stopped publication in May, 1912, following the fall of the Qing Dynasty. From an overview of its ten-year publication and circulation, it is clear that the gazette was born to serve the late Qing reform, and publicizing and reporting on the reform became its top priority. This thesis aims at studying the reform through textual and contextual analyses of the Beiyang Gazette. In details, the author first investigates the background of the gazette as the mouthpiece of the reform, to understand the unique political culture of the reform under the Beiyang authorities in the late Qing. This study also traces the textual links between the new-style Beiyang Gazette and other contemporary newspapers. Second, the thesis examines the Bureau of the Beiyang Gazette in length. Details include the distribution of the gazette, the development of its book-based printing business, the controversy of "official paper" printing, and so forth. Third, the representation ofthe reform in the Beiyang Gazette is studied through textual analysis. Fourth, Japan as an enlightening model for the Chinese ...

本研究从超常规色彩强烈的重大灾害危机处置入手,分析当代中国动员体制在改革时代的变化特征,以此为切入点来考察动员这项"革命制度遗产对当代中国政治的影响。本研究以中国政府在地震领域的危机动员实践作为实证案例,从1949年以后的不同时期选取四场震例进行纵向比较,以此来把握中国政府在危机条件下启动的政治动员在不同的政治发展阶段会呈现出什么样的整体特点。中国在地震领域的危机动员实践能够证明,中国的政治动员体制比传统动员政治研究假定的要更具动态性。兴起于革命时代的政治动员在进入改革时代以后依然能够延续,并没有随着乌托邦意识形态、计划经济乃至全能主义体制的整体瓦解而走向直线衰落。至少作为中国政府独特的公共危机处置手段,政治动员在改革时代呈现出的变化轨迹是复杂的,成形于全能主义时期的动员政治元素在改革时代不仅没有直接衰败,在某些阶段还重新获得了发展动力,能够与改革时代出现和或者强化的动员模式并存。本研究通过观察中国政府跨越不同政治经济发展阶段的地震危机动员实践发现,中国政府涉灾财政能力和行政能力的发展均衡程度,以及中国政治精英对国家在灾害治理领域角色定位的认知变化,能够对中国政府的地震危机动员模式产生重要影响;既包括s新模式兴起和旧模式衰落,也包括新旧模式的共存。而且,尽管国家能力和国家意愿之间没有必然关联,可是一旦两个因素出现比较同步的增强,还能够为这种"革命制度遗产在改革提供新的制度化动力,促成动员模式更进一步的变化。本研究的结论是,只要作为关键动员主体的中共政权在规范和结构上保持相对稳定,政治动员仍将会是中国政府重要的危机管理工具。而且随着中国政府有更强的意愿和能力来承担公共服务供给职责,政治动员形式和内涵都会有所改变。曾经具有很强非正式和应急色彩的政治动员不仅会变得越来越常态化,而且还会成为正规、任务内容更加广泛的中国涉灾公共治理体系的重要组成部分。 ; This research investigates the dynamics and resilience of China's politlical moblization by making hsitrocial comparison of Chinese government's management of earthquake disasters across four decades. The author selects four major earthquake catastrophesTangshan, Lancang-Gengma, Lijiang, and Wenchuanfrom different historical periods to examine how Chinese government mobilized different types of subjects to contain and control crises under different political, social, and economic conditions. Based upon participatory and non-participatory observation, interviews, and extensive document analyses, this research reveals that China's political mobilization, at least in the issue area of catastrophe management, has demonstrated a more complicated trajectory of change than predicted by most mainstream politilcal theories, espeically in the post-revolutionary era featured by increasing socio-economic pluralization and political liberalization. Insitutional elements promoting mass particpation and self-sufficience thriving in the revolutionary stage not only continue to function in the reform era, but also coexist with newly emerged mobilizational elements featured by increased state dominance, formal legal procedures, and professional expertise. ...

十九世紀末,清政府先後割讓香港島及九龍半島,以及租借新界給英國。早期英國在香港建立「二元法制」,一方面頒布英國法律,要求居港英人及外國僑民遵守,另一方面容許華人沿襲中國法例及習慣,並准其在不違反英國法律的前提下,可依《大清律例》的繼承習俗「傳男不傳女」。戰後殖民政府雖曾多次成立委員會研究修訂華人繼承法的可能性,但直至二十世紀末才成功確立全面的婦女繼承權,比亞洲其他華人社會明顯滯後。 ; 近年學者雖然日漸關注香港女權的發展,但可惜一直忽略香港婦女繼承權的歷史研究,故有關課題的討論尚有很大的發揮空間。本研究採用歷史學的進路,旨在「重建過去」,首先重新梳理香港婦女繼承權的歷史發展,同時重視「解釋過去」,透過查考婦女繼承權問題的歷史根源,分析香港耗時近半世紀才得以確立婦女繼承權的原因及其歷史意涵。最後,本研究強調「總結過去」,以反思爭取婦女繼承權的歷史對今天女權發展的意義和啟示。 ; 本研究按殖民政府的改革及民間婦女運動的發展歷程,將香港婦女繼承權近半世紀的發展劃分成五個階段,以重新梳理其歷史脈絡。與此同時,本文總結出香港婦女繼承權姍姍來遲之由,指出英式殖民主義的管治過分注重「華洋分治」及「以華治華」,使殖民政府變得被動、因循和偏袒男性精英,無視本土女權發展的需要。另外,本文亦重新審視殖民者與被殖民者的權力關係,發現兩者之間的關係並非單純的「壓迫-服從」,反而時有「互相利用」,甚或「討價還價」的情況。被殖民者一方又並非鐵板一塊地受制於殖民者,當中有一些備受政府重用的男性華人精英權力甚大,能在制度中呈現其能動性。相反,一些不在權位的婦女團體則被邊緣化,不獲重視。本研究又分析和比較香港婦女繼承權的兩次改革的共通點,發現每次轉變都源於宗主國及國際的壓力,也同屬「由上而下」的改革。直至新界城市化衍生城鄉法律的灰色地帶,政府才不得不修訂法律,並一併處理新界土地的繼承問題,香港婦女繼承權遂終得全面確立。 ; 關鍵詞:婦女繼承權、香港史、殖民主義、性別維度、法律與城鄉關係 ; In the late 19th Century, Hong Kong Island and Kowloon were ceded and the New Territories were leased to Britain. A dual system of law was established where the British and other non-Chinese obeyed the British law whereas the Chinese were allowed to abide by the Chinese law and custom under the condition that they did not violate the principles of the British law. The Chinese inheritance tradition as a part of the Chinese law and custom was stated in the Qing Code, under which women had no right of inheritance. Although the colonial government intended to amend the inheritance law for several times, it did not succeed until the late 20th century. Lamentably, in comparison to other Asian regions, Hong Kong spent several decades more to establish women's inheritance right. ; Although scholars nowadays pay more attention to the development of women's rights in Hong Kong, very little of their research pertains to women's inheritance right. To enrich the scholarship, this author holds that we should first trace the historical development of the establishment of women's inheritance right in Hong Kong. The reasons why it took so long for Hong Kong to establish this right will then be ...

本文通过研究自改革开放以来计划生育政策在广东省潮汕地区的执行情况,尝试回答一个理论问题,即在一个威权政体中,是什么因素削弱了国家对社会的控制能力,从而民间形成了对刚性国家政策的有效对抗,导致国家的一些政策指令无法在基层得到落实。上世纪八十年代,计划生育政策作为一项"基本国策"在中国大多数地区都得到了严格的执行,并基本完成预定的政策目标。然而,该政策在潮汕地区却遭遇到极大的阻力,无论是城镇还是农村都出现了普遍的严重的超生现象。 ; 作者在对该地区进行了实地调研后,有三个主要发现:第一,随着改革开放政策的实行而迅速复兴的宗族文化对于潮汕地区的生育观念和生育行为的影响非常强烈。"多子多福","重男轻女"仍被绝大多数人视为理所应当,"儿孙满堂"更是许多农村人的追求。因此,虽然大部分的干部和群众经过计划生育的宣传都能理解该政策的必要性,但是由于生儿育女事关个人家庭和宗族的"兴衰",所以明知抵触法规但仍会寻求各种可能的办法偷生。第二,在强大的传统文化作用下,基层政府、干部和群众形成了依赖利益和人情而建立起来的"乡规民约",县镇村的干部群众都在这种民间自订的非正式制度下默契地规范约束自己的行为并且互动合作,因此上级的政策到了基层就遇到了无形的有弹性的成体系的抵抗,换言之,人们找到了实现"上有政策,下有对策"的软性抗争方式。第三,在这种强大的利益人情网络的软性对抗之下,上级的政府已经失去了对于基层计划生育的控制。一则他们没有足够的资源和能力去落实对下级的监管,二则上级官员自身也处在一定的利益关系网络中。因此,整体而言,市级乃至更上级政府在计生工作中也只能采取折中的策略,最后"容忍"了基层欺上瞒下的行为。因此,作者认为在潮汕地区县级以下的农村基层,依靠影响力极强的宗族文化而形成的"乡规民约",作为一种软性非正式制度弱化了国家正式的行政体制,形成了一种对计划生育政策不成文的,富有弹性的,自成体系的非暴力抵抗,以及"上有政策,下有对策"的折中局面,使得计划生育政策在这一地区发挥了十分有限的作用。 ; This study focuses on "Family Planning Program" ever since the "Opening-up Policy" in Teochew area, Guangdong. By doing so, it aims at answering one theoretical question: within an authoritarian regime, what sorts of factors can impair the state's control over society, leading to effective resistance against the state's rigid policies and ineffective implement of those policies at grass-roots level. In the 1980s, the "Family Planning Program", as a fundamental national policy, was strictly implemented in most parts of China, accomplishing its policy goals. However, this policy encountered enormous resistance in Teochew area, Guangdong. "Extra kids" have been widely observed in rural areas. ; By carrying out on-site field research, the author has three main findings: ; First, clan culture, reviving rapidly after the "Opening-up Policy", has been exerting significant impact over birth concepts and birth behaviors in Teochew area. Such thoughts as "the more sons, the more blessings" and "sons are better than daughters" are taken for granted. Having lots of children and grandchildren is considered the best luck possible. Therefore, even though most cadres and citizens understand ...

在过去十年间里,中国立法机关及政府机关已制定颁布了大量新的法律法规。这些法律从数量和质量上而言,和过去相比都有了很大飞跃,公司法和证券法领域尤为如此。 法律从业人员数量的增多满足了人们多元化的法律需求。财经媒体的迅速发展使得大众对商业和市场运行、以及相关法律法规产生了更加深刻的认识。 然而,这些方面的改善并不意味着中国上市公司小股东保护也得到了相应的加强。 ; 本文主要围绕以下三部分内容进行了探讨:1.中国现行法律下规制小股东保护的法律原则及规则;2.从政治环境的角度分析政治对部分规则形成的影响以及一些规则在实践中未能达到其立法旨意的原因;及3.小股东积极通过诉讼保护自身权利的现状及困境。作者评估了法律在小股东保护方面的实际效果,并分析中国的当代政治对法律达到其原本立法旨意的影响。虽然保护小股东及上市公司治理的法律框架已越来越全面,但实践中,小股东通过诉讼途径来有效实现自身权利却仍困境重重。本文认为,法院拒绝受理针对政治背景深厚的公司提起的诉讼、小股东面临的举证困难、法院收取的高额诉讼费用等因素都是小股东在实践中所要克服的障碍。 ; 本文认为,影响众多中国上市公司治理的最大问题以及小股东通过诉讼途径保护自身权益的最大障碍正是党国体制对经济活动的干预,尤其是对于部分上市公司和法律程序的干预。为论证该观点,文本首先分析了党国是如何参与并影响中国上市公司的治理。文章发现,党组织在那些由国家直接或间接控股的上市公司发挥了重要的决策及监督作用。此外,文章还分析了民营性质的上市公司是如何受到地方政府的干预。文章认为,针对上市公司的政治干预消弱了法律治理的作用,同时也损害了小股东的合法权益。为了实现对小股东的保护,法律不但要保护小股东不受私权的侵犯(比如私人或私人实体对小股东作出的欺诈或不当行为),更重要的是保护小股东权利不受到来自党国体制默许、支持、甚至实际参与的行为的侵犯。 ; In the past decade, China has experienced an exponential increase in the quantity and quality of new laws and regulations promulgated by the state and its agencies, especially in the area of company law and securities regulation. The legal profession grows and provides ever more diversified services to a public, whose awareness of business and market practices, as well as to some extent the legal rules and principles governing these, are being strengthened by the burgeoning financial media. Yet, these improvements do not necessarily translate into better protection for minority shareholders of Chinese listed companies. ; This thesis discusses the legal rules and principles governing minority shareholders' protection, the political realities that have shaped some of the rules and, as argued here, threaten to undermine some of the principles, and minority shareholders' activism to enforce their rights through litigation. The author has sought to test how law functions in the area of minority shareholder protection and how political practice affects the functioning of law in this area. While the legal framework for minority shareholders' protection and for the corporate governance of Chinese listed companies is becoming increasingly ...