Suchergebnisse

La incorporación de la perspectiva de género al planeamiento es una obligación de las administraciones públicas españolas, nacionales, autonómicas y locales. El ayuntamiento de Albacete y la Junta de Comunidades de Castilla La Mancha, en cumplimiento de estos preceptos y en ocasión de la revisión del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana, encargan a la autora del presente artículo la dirección de los equipos de trabajo para la gestión de la participación ciudadana, que se sitúa en la base misma de la consecución de los objetivos propuestos. El trabajo presentado se centra en la experiencia metodológica de la participación in situ, en la investigación que la sustentó y en las innovaciones que aporta. Se exponen los mecanismos e instrumentos habilitados para la participación que, habida cuenta de la casi total ausencia de referencias en España, constituyen una primera aproximación de posibles buenas prácticas a aplicar en otros proyectos similares. ; Gender perspective in urban planning is an obligation of the Spanish public administration as well as the national, regional and local administration. The city of Albacete and the Regional Government of Castilla La Mancha, and an analysis made on the General Urban Plan asked the author of this article to lead the team work about the the participation of citizens in management, which is the basis to achieving the objectives. The paper presented focuses on the methodological experience carried out in situ, on the contributions and innovations made by the research. The paper also shows the mechanisms and instruments that enabled citizen´s participation, with few reference to Spain, constitute the first approximation to be applied to other similar projects.

This text is a translation of : Verdeil, Eric. 2012. « La reconstruction entre politiques et cultures urbanistiques. Réflexions à partir de l'exemple de Beyrouth ». Majalat al-mi'mar al 'arabi (Journal of Arab Architecture), # 4-5: 175 89. It was first presented during the conference Waad: The uniqueness of experience. Workshop on the reconstruction of the Southern suburb of Beirut after the Israeli aggression in 2006, 12-13 June 2012. Since this translated version has not been revised by the author, might be sometimes unclear. Please refer to the French version as the reference version. ; International audience ; Urban reconstructions are times when political struggles are very visible. But such projects also have a very strong technical dimension. The purpose of this article is to articulate both dimensions of such town planning interventions, by elaborating a framework of analysis based on two axes composed of several criteria. The first axis refers to reconstruction politics and the second one to the cultures of planning. This framework is then applied to Lebanese planning. Four episodes of reconstruction in Beirut are analysed: the projects of 1977 and 1982-83, the Solidere project (beginning 1991) and, more in depth, Waad project in the Southern suburb of Beirut after the 2006 war. Regarding these projects as a series unravels the characteristics of each one of them and help identify the distinctive features of the Southern suburb operation. These are : the spatial choices made (rebuilding alike), the quick pace of rebuilding, the endogeneous financing (without market) and the culture of planning, which is both local and partisan, of municipal kind, as developed by Hizbollah.

Private military and security companies (PMSCs) have gained increasingly in importance over the course of the past two decades. Yet, given the intransparency of the industry and the heterogeneity of the companies that comprise it, we thus far know little about the actors involved. In this article, we offer preliminary insights into the self-representation of PMSCs, based on a gender-discourse analysis of the homepages of select companies and their main professional associations. We argue that survival in an increasingly competitive industry not only hinges on size, market share or effectiveness, but is also inherently gendered. PMSCs and their associations draw on the one hand on civilized and accepted forms of masculinity and femininity, presenting themselves as 'highly skilled professional' military strategists and ordinary businesses akin to banks or insurance companies. At the same time, however, PMSCs also engage in strategies of (hyper)masculinization and pathologization to set themselves apart from mercenaries, their private competitors and state security forces. In this respect, companies appear to view themselves as 'ethical hero warriors'. Whether intended or not, their strategies have political consequences. Within the security industry, they contribute to the creation and maintenance of a norm regarding what constitutes a legitimate PMSC, to which more or less all companies strive to adhere. Vis-à-vis other security actors, these strategies seek to establish PMSCs as being superior because, unlike these actors, such companies are super-masculine and able to live up to the growing and sometimes contradictory demands of changing security contexts. © The Author(s) 2012.

This book explores the relationship between gender and power in Burmese history from pre-colonial times to the present day and aims to identify the sources, nature and limitations of women's power. The study takes as its starting point the apparent contradiction that, though Burmese women historically enjoyed relatively high social status and economic influence, for the most part they remained conspicuously absent from positions of authority in formal religious, social and political institutions. The book thus examines the concept of 'family' in Burmese political culture, and reveals how some women were able to gain political influence through their familial connections with powerful men, even while cultural models of 'correct' female behaviour prevented most women from attaining official positions of political authority. The study also considers how various influences – Buddhism, colonialism, nationalism, modernisation and militarism – shaped Burmese concepts of gender and power, with important implications for how women were able to exercise social, economic and political influence. The book explores how the effects of prolonged armed conflict, economic isolation and political oppression have constrained opportunities for women to attain power in contemporary Burma, and examines opportunities opened up by the pro-democracy movement and recent focus on women's issues and rights for women to exercise influence both inside Burma and in exile. ; Using an interdisciplinary approach that draws on feminist, anthropological and social science discourses, placing them within an historical framework, the author offers a broad understanding of how power is obtained and exercised in Burma in order to reassess historical representations of Burmese women and so provide a more comprehensive and inclusive understanding of power relations in historical and contemporary Burma.

Este trabajo indica algunos problemas sobre el vínculo entre lenguaje y acciones en las políticas narrativas de los géneros y las sexualidades. Para eso, propone analizar un corpus de literatura argentina de los últimos veinticinco años, organizado en torno del eje temático de la legalidad, y cuyo criterio de selección y modo de lectura depende del concepto de discurso referido, es decir, la modalidad enunciativa que interviene pautando y organizando los usos, las citas, la repetición o la inclusión de voces y palabras en enunciados y relatos. A través de la escucha de esas voces y palabras que atraviesan los personajes, escenas y situaciones del corpus, intenta constituir una constelación crítica para leer modulaciones posibles de estas políticas de la narración respecto de las discusiones sobre memoria y testimonio en la Argentina actual. ; This paper lays out some problems presented by the link between language and actions regarding the narrative politics of genders and sexualities. A corpus of Argentine literature of the last twenty years - organized around the thematic core of legality - is analyzed. The selection criteria and reading method depends on the concept of reported speech, the enunciative form that organizes uses, quotations, repetitions and the inclusion of voices and words in enoncés [enunciated statements] and stories. Through the attentive listening of these voices and words that traverse the characters, scenes and situations of the selected texts, this author attempts to construct a critical constellation in order to read possible modulations of these narrative politics in relation to current discussions on memory and testimony in nowadays Argentina.

A country's land organization should respond to the relationship between the state's population and territory, as well as to a project built collaboratively by the diverse groups that make up society.Land organization in Colombia has not met these expectations; on the contrary, it has swayed according to the conflicts staged by the parties in power. This paper analyzes one of the developments in Colombia's land organization: the five-year term of Rafael Reyes (1904-1909). The author examines how a change in territorial division failed because of the tradition of treating the territory as an isolated element, without applying administrative, political, and economic measures that would make development and sustainability possible for all territorial entities. ; La organización del territorio de un Estado debe corresponder a la relación existente entre población y territorio, y a un proyecto de Estado construido concertadamente por los diferentes sectores de la sociedad. Históricamente, la organización territorial del Estado colombiano se ha mantenido distante de reflejar aquellos aspectos, al contrario, se ha sujetado al vaivén de las disputas partidistas de quienes han ostentado el poder político. En este escrito se da cuenta de uno de esos momentos por los que ha atravesado la organización de nuestro territorio, el cual se llevó a cabo durante el quinquenio de Rafael Reyes (1904-1909), observando cómo un cambio en la división territorial llegó a su fracaso por la costumbre de tratar al territorio como un elemento aislado, sin adoptar medidas en el plano administrativo, político y económico que posibiliten el sostenimiento y desarrollo de todas las entidades territoriales.

The North Caucasus as a topos of historical-political narrative has become the chief and the greatest source of trauma for the Russian mass consciousness since the decay of the USSR. The lasting presence of the topos «Caucasus» in mass media, in everyday talks and in political speeches has led to shaping steady narratives. According to the author, there are several of them: imperialcolonialist, anti-colonialist, post-colonialist, the Soviet and Islamic ones. The policy of strengthening Islam loyal to the authorities inevitably strengthens the structures that do not bind themselves by such loyalty. Judicial institutions as a rule automatically consider all non-loyal people to be undermining elements and take repressive measures against them. Repressions of the power structures make these «Islamist» either join armed underground or leave for Central Russia or abroad. Corruption is believed to be one of the main, if not the main, social evils in the North Caucasus. The attitude to corruption throughout Russia is similar to that but according to widespread opinion in Russia, corruption in the Caucasus is especially great. One of peculiarities of social situation in the Caucasus is strengthening the clan system that had become a feature of political systems in the 1990-s when the ruling structures of the Soviet regime had gone or stopped working and the new ones haven't emerged yet. The technology of restraining natural growth of modern social and economical structures at the expense of using pre-modern social mechanisms is mastered in the Caucasus as in a laboratory and then is spread throughout the entire country.

Автор рассматривает создание региональных краеведческих музеев в послесталинское время на основании изучения русского Северо-Запада, и в частности Новгорода, Пскова, Вологды. Эти города были населенными пунктами с конкретными историческими ассоциациями в русской культуре, что было подчеркнуто, переосмыслено, проигнорировано или оспорено в связи с их соответствием видению национальной истории, одобренному Советским государством. В то же время, участки локальной памяти были созданы в соответствии с центральными принципами послесталинский идеологии: преобразующая модернизация, улучшение материального благосостояния советского народа и демократическое правление были последовательно важными темами в любой презентации местной реальности. Возрождение интереса к местному прошлому породило вопросы общества к утвержденным историческим повествованиям и выражениям патриотизма, которые значительно отошли от консервативного и презентистского понимания местной идентичности в официальном дискурсе. ; The author examines the creation of regional post-Stalin kraevedcheskie museums based on the case study of the Russian North West, and specifically of Novgorod, Pskov, and Vologda. These towns were localities with specific historical associations in Russian culture that were emphasized, reinterpreted, ignored, or challenged in accordance with their correspondence to the vision of national history endorsed by the Soviet State. At the same time, sites of local memory were made to correspond with the central tenets of post-Stalin ideology: transformative modernization, the improvement in the material wellbeing of the Soviet people, and democratic governance were consequently important themes in any presentation of the local reality. The regeneration of interest in the local past gave rise to public challenges to established historical narratives and expressions of patriotism that departed significantly from the conservative and presentist understanding of local identity in official discourse.

In questo articolo si analizza il modo in cui la stampa nazionale italiana trattò il tema delle Brigate Rosse nel periodo che va dagli anni settanta all'inizio degli anni ottanta. In questo periodo temporale è possibile osservare come la maggior parte dei giornalisti italiani commise il grave errore di sottovalutare la potenza criminale del gruppo terrorista e si ostinò a collocare la banda armata ideologicamente tra i gruppi eversivi neofascisti, quando invece gli stessi brigatisti dichiaravano reiteratamente il loro marxismo-leninismo. Nella seconda parte dell'articolo, si parla di come vennero analizzati, da parte dei principali periodici italiani, il sequestro e l'assassinio dell'onorevole Aldo Moro e di come le Brigate Rosse, durante il rapimento del magistrato D'Urso, cercarono di utilizzare i mezzi di comunicazione per i loro fini criminali. ; In this article the author analyses the way in which the Italian mass media dealt with the issue of the Red Brigades from the beginning of the decade of the seventies and the first half of the eighties. It is possible to perceive how the majority of the Italian journalists made the enormous mistake of undermining the criminal power of the terrorist group during this period and how they placed the armed band ideologically among the neo-fascist groups, although the own members of the brigades declared their loyalty to the Marxism-Leninism many times. The second part of the article deals with the kidnapping and murder of the president of the political party «Democrazia Cristiana», Aldo Moro, and how, during the captivity of the magistrate D'Urso, the Red Brigades tried to use the Italian media for their own criminal purposes.

This article comes in three parts. First, what decision-makers could have learned aboutconflict-management in the light of the major conflicts the last few decades, beginning ifyou like with the lessons learned from (mis)handling the Balkans. Secondly, the authorargues that a series of initiatives could - and should - have been tried and found in vainbefore taking to the NATO bombing campaign in the name of protecting the Libyan people.It also disputes the stated motives of that decision even though it had a mandate from theUN Security Council. The third part makes up a status as of August 15, 2011; a series offacts are presented that have not been featured prominently in the Western mainstreammedia, including the fact that over 15% of the Libyan people have become refugees whichindicates a deficient protection. Next it makes 9 predictions about the future of Libya andargues that the NATO bombings may well be the starting point of a prolonged and complexviolent conflict. The article ends with some reflections - pertaining to Scandinavia but othertoo - on whether war has become "Salongfähig" with both the Right and the Left; it is thefirst time in the history of Denmark, Sweden and Norway that their parliament votes "yes"to NATO's intervention with one little xenophobic party in Sweden as the only exception. Insummary, although the author is strongly critical of this case of conflict-handling, the mainthrust is the article is the constructive perspective - and thus the title - that it could havebeen handled with much less violence had the knowledge, the tools, the interests and thepolitical will been present.Key words: Lybia, intervention, NATO, conflict-management, peace

В статье осуществлен анализ нормативного обеспечения учета и налогообложения совместной деятельности предприятий Украины. Автор рекомендует внести изменения в законодательство по учету совместной деятельности без создания юридического лица, в частности: уточнить адресность и формы представления финансовой отчетности оператором совместной деятельности, изменить названия пяти субсчетов к счетам учета расчетов и обязательств, рекомендованных для использования в совместной деятельности деловых партнеров; себестоимость переданных в совместную деятельность запасов и остаточную стоимость необоротных активов отражать в сумме, приходящейся: на долю других участников в расходах отчетного периода; на собственную долю партнера в расходах будущего периода. Учет предоставленных рекомендаций Министерством финансов Украины поможет усовершенствовать учет совместной деятельности, что позволит повысить достоверность показателей финансовой отчетности деловых партнеров по совместной деятельности. ; The article analyzes the regulatory support organization, accounting and taxation of joint activities in business partnership enterprises in Ukraine. The author recommended to amend the legislation to incorporate joint activities without forming a legal entity, including: targeting and clarify the presentation of financial statements of the operator superior, change the names of the five sub-accounts to the accounts of receivable and liabilities are recommended for use in joint ventures business partners, the cost allocated to the joint activity of stocks and the book value of intangible assets to reflect the amount that falls: the share of other participants in the cost reporting period at its own share partner – in prepaid expenses. Taking into account the recommendations made by the Ministry of Finance of Ukraine will help improve accounting of joint activities that will help improve the reliability of financial reporting indicators of business partners for joint activity.

В статье предлагается каталлактический подход к регулированию кредитного рынка создание условий, обеспечивающих возможность рынку работать везде, где он может работать. Регулирование рынка рассматривается как система, включающая в себя объект, субъекты регулирования, цели, принципы, методы регулирования. В основе регулирования находится корректное определение цели развития кредитного рынка, обеспечивающей его интегрирование в перспективную модель экономического роста. Предлагается привести принципы и методы регулирования кредитного рынка в соответствие с рыночными отношениями. ; Candidate of economic sciences, Associate Professor on department of "Economics and anti-crisis management" FSEBI HPE "Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation". He has thirty years' experience in teaching and has obtained a doctorate of the Finance University. He is the author of study "Strategic Management and marketing assets" and a textbook study on anti-crisis management. He has published both in Russia and abroad. The main areas of research a strategic anti-crisis management, strategic marketing, evaluation and management of marketing assets of the company, evaluation and cost management of business. The article offers catallactic approach to the management of the credit market, which means creation of conditions providing the opportunity to market work everywhere, where it can work. Market regulation is considered as a system that includes the object, the subjects of the regulation, objectives, principles and methods of regulation. In the basis of the regulation is the correct definition of the objective development of the credit market, ensuring its integration in the perspective model of economic growth. Principles and methods of regulation of the credit market are invited to align with market relationships.

Рассматривается институализация сферы связей с общественностью в контексте развития демократических тенденций в украинском обществе с целью выявления особенностей данного процесса. Социальный институт PR (связи с общественностью) анализируется как самостоятельное общественное образование в Украине, которое имеет свою логику развития, характеризуются особенности этого процесса. Социальный институт связей с общественностью в Украине представлен как социальная система, что существует исторически и имеет целью удовлетворять фундаментальные потребности общества в формировании и поддержании эффективной системы публичных коммуникацийно-информационных потоков. Отмечается, что объективное поступательное развитие процесса институализации паблик рилейшенз в Украине позволяет текущую стадию охарактеризовать как становление, что отражает одновременно и результативность, и противоречивость, и незавершенность. Одной из фундаментальных предпосылок институционализации сферы паблик рилейшнз в Украине является повышение общественного доверия к социальным структурам PR. ; The article defines institualisation of public relations sphere in the context of development of democratic tendencies in Ukrainian society with the purpose to highlight the characteristics of this process. The author analyses social institute of PR (public relations) as a separate public unit in Ukraine having its own logic of growth and supposes characteristics of this process. Social institute of public relations in Ukraine is represented as a social system which is historically stipulated with the aim to cover fundamental needs of the society to support efficient system of public communication-informative flows. The article points out that objective onward development of processes of institualisation of public relations in Ukraine allows to characterize the current stage as 'formation'. This reflects simultaneously efficiency, inconsistency and incompleteness of its social dynamics. The fundamental background for institualisation of PR in Ukraine is increasing of trustworthiness to PR social structures.

Актуальность и значимость данной статьи обусловлена растущим интересом к российскому институту президентства на протяжении последнего десятилетия. Несмотря на то, что в научной литературе институту президентства уделяется достаточно внимания как со стороны зарубежных, так и отечественных исследователей, тема лидерства Президента исследована недостаточно. Целью статьи является краткий анализ основных научных подходов к проблеме и выработка авторских методологических рамок для исследования проблемы Президента как политико-управленческого лидера. Автором рассматривается неоинституциональный подход к проблеме института президентства и дополняющая его персонифицированная социокультурная модель управления А.В. Тихонова. Данное сочетание позволит изучить президентство не только как государственный институт с соответствующими правами и полномочиями, но и как персонифицированную структуру, где в центре внимания находится личность самого Президента. ; The urgency and the importance of given article is caused by growing interest to the Russian institute of presidency throughout last decade. In spite of the fact, that in the scientific literature enough attention is given to presidency institute as from foreign and domestic researchers, the theme of leadership of the President is investigated insufficiently. Article purpose is the short analysis of the basic scientific approaches to a problem and development of author's methodological frameworks for research of a problem of the President as politic-administrative leader. The author considers the neoinstitutional approach to a problem of institute of presidency and supplementing it personified sociocultural management model of A.V. Tikhonov. The given combination will allow to study presidency not only as the state institute with the corresponding rights and powers, but also as the personified structure where in the attention center there is a person of the President.

Историческая сущность «Осевого времени» Карла Ясперса переход от этнической эволюции с ее социо-биологической природой к возникновению и эволюции государств, имеющих неэтническую природу и благодаря этому способных консолидировать крупные пространства и разнородные этносы. Государство, как более совершенный, гибкий и мощный тип социальной системы, в которой этническая идентичность отошла на второй план, победило неолитический этнос, на долгое время ушедший в тень институтов нового, политически сконструированного социума. Для объяснения механизма этнокультурной дивергенции как следствия кризиса гражданских наций в условиях глобализации автор вводит, и обосновывает гипотезу устойчивого (на протяжении ряда социальноэкономических формаций) параллелизма этноса и нации как пересекающихся, но существенно различных по генезу, механизму воспроизводства и функциям социальных групп. ; According to the authors, the historical essence of the «axial age» of Karl Jaspers is the transition from the ethnic evolution of its sociobiological nature to the emergence and evolution of the states with its non-ethnic nature and thus able to consolidate the large space and the diverse ethnic groups. The state, as more sophisticated, flexible and powerful type of social system in which ethnic identity is relegated to second place, won the Neolithic ethos, which for a long time gone into the background institutions of the new, politically constructed society. To explain the mechanism of ethno-cultural divergence, as a consequence of the crisis of civil nations in the context of globalization, the author introduces and justifies the hypothesis of stable (through a number of social and economic structures) parallelism of ethnos and nation, as overlapping but essentially different in origin, the mechanism of reproduction and functions social groups.