Izvēloties maģistra darba ietvaros strādāt pie tēmas "Miera uzturēšanas problemātika pēc aukstā kara – Viktorijas ezera piemērs", darba autori motivēja plašās diskusijas par Apvienoto Nāciju neskaitāmajām miera misijām gan Āfrikā, gan citos reģionos, un par spīti pieliktajiem lielajiem pūliņiem miera nodrošināšanā ANO miera misijas vairums gadījumu it sevišķi Āfrikā nesasniedz mērķi – situācijas stabilizēšanu un miera nodrošināšanu. Lai gan pētījumi šajā laukā ārpus Latvijas ir veikti lielā skaitā, tomēr Latvijas sabiedrībā šī tēma ir mazāk zināma. Darba mērķis ir noskaidrot iemeslus, kas neļauj nodrošināt mieru Viktorijas ezera reģionā; kādēļ nestrādā miera nodošanas ķēde: starptautiskā sabiedrība – reģionālās organizācijas – valsts; kādi ir iespējamie risinājumi, lai stabilizētu situāciju reģionā. Kā arī atbildēt uz jautājumu: vai starptautiskās sabiedrības iejaukšanās, miera nodrošināšanai Viktorijas ezera reģionā, ir priekšnosacījums situācijas stabilizēšanai? Darba teorētiskā bāze balstās uz B.Millera reģionālā miera uzturēšanas trīs stratēģijām: starptautiskā stratēģija, reģionālā stratēģija un vietējā jeb liberalizācijas stratēģija. Lai atbildētu uz pētījuma jautājumiem maģistra darba ietvaros tiek izmantotas vispārpieņemtas zinātniskā kvalitatīvās pētīšanas metodes, tai skaitā analīzes un sintēzes, loģiski konstruktīvās, kā arī zinātniskās indukcijas metode, kad no atsevišķiem faktiem tiek veidoti vispārīgi atzinumi vai sakarības, savukārt deduktīvā jeb zinātniskās dedukcijas metode, kad tiek izdarīti secinājumi, sistematizēti un teorētiski pamatoti gan citu autoru, gan savi personiskie pētījumi un pieredze. Pētījumā apstiprinājās tā izvirzītā hipotēze, ka starptautiskā sabiedrības iejaukšanās nav priekšnoteikums miera stabilizēšanai Viktorijas ezera reģionā. Tāpat darba ietvaros gūtas izvērstas atbildes par konflikta izraisītajiem iemesliem, par ANO, reģionālo un valsts nozīmi miera stabilizēšanā, kā arī par pēc aukstā kara miera nodrošināšanas problēmām. ; The master thesis Peace Making after Cold War – Example of Victoria Lake Region aims at determining whether stable situation in Victoria lake region is dependent on external power. Inspired by broad discussions about United Nations role and possibilities in peacekeeping in Africa and about new future for Africa that is connected with regionalism; the author of this thesis planned to find out the problems of peace making and lack of stability in Victoria lake region. An unprecedented number of peacekeepers are deployed worldwide to help bring peace and stability to conflict-ridden areas. Mandates of current peace operations are often multidimensional, authorising peacekeepers to perform a large variety of tasks, including monitoring ceasefires, organising and supervising elections, managing disarmament and demobilisation of combatants, and delivering humanitarian aid. In addition, the international community is considering ways in which peacekeeping forces should undertake efforts to ensure safety in the conflict area. Aiming to answer the question for theoretical background author has chosen Three Strategies for Peace-making – two are regional/domestic, while the third is international by Benjamin Miller. The international strategy can bring about only a relatively low level of peace (cold peace). This strategy could be performed by external power, in this work – United Nations. Cold peace can be promotional to the growing effectiveness of the regional strategies, starting from regional legitimacy/state strength strategy that results in normal peace, that can be created by regional powers or it can be managed by regional organizations. Normal peace is conducive to liberalization and as a result to the emergence of the highest degree of peace – warm peace, that can be conductive only by nation states themselves. This theory emphasizes if the first level of peace is not achieved, next level cannot be extended. This research proved that main problems to manage any level of peace in Victoria lake region is: question of refugees, displaced persons, boundaries that are not fixed between states, weapons and the easy way to get them, poverty, famine, waterborne diseases, non democracy, political pressure, illiteracy, illegitimacy, natural calamities, migration from rural territories to cities and of course ethnicity problem. These are causes that make this region unstable and neither external power, nor regional power can make it more stable until this moment. As it is seen in research international society become less interested in peace making in Africa, because they do not see strategic convenience. After cold war not only in Africa peace question has become important, because of intrastate conflicts.
In this article, Professor Pablo Nuevo analyzes the consequences that neglect of the doctrine of common good is bringing on Constitutional Law. He bases his analysis from the incorporation of values to the code of laws executed by the Spanish Constitution of 1978. It may seem that this incorporation endows the Chart with a material content by which it turns to the service of the individual's dignity and the values of justice, liberty, equality, and political pluralism.Notwithstanding this positivation of an axiological order, in Prof. Pablo Nuevo's opinion the understanding that the Constitutional Court has made of the value of pluralism helps weaken the constitutional State itself.Prof. Pablo Nuevo believes that the Constitutional Court, hand by hand with the principle of democracy and the people's sovereignty, has construed the pluralism value as relativism, thus denying the values a foundation beyond consensus. Understanding pluralism as equal legitimacy for every representation of humankind(**) and the world, which founds a right to follow this conception in all the aspects of social life, favors Constitution postulates to be understood like signifiers with no significance, meanings with no meaning, this having to be built form the majority principle.This leads to both the weakening of fundamental rights and the gradual erosion of the social conditions the constitutional Estate may favor. As stressed by the author, the modern Estate lives on assumptions that it cannot create but, indeed, in any case destroy.In Prof. Pablo Nuevo's opinion, the liberal, pluralistic and individualistic constitutionalism of our times lacks the conceptual tools needed to untangle the state of uncertainty and doubts posed by our present western societies torn between their fear of Leviathan and the insecurity of an anomy world. The author argues that only by turning around natural law it is possible to organize political life as to effectively respect the dignity of the human being. ; En el presente artículo, el profesor Pablo Nuevo analiza las consecuencias que el abandono de la doctrina del bien común tiene en el derecho constitucional, a partir del estudio de la incoporación de valores al ordenamiento jurídico que realiza la Constitución Española de 1978. Esta incorporación parecería dotar de contenido material a la Constitución, que pasa a estar al servicio de la dignidad de la persona y de los valores de justicia, libertad, igualdad y pluralismo político.No obstante esta positivación de un orden axiológico, a juicio de Nuevo, el entendiminiento que el Tribunal Constitucional ha realizado del valor pluralismo contribuye a debilitar el propio Estado constitucional pues el Tribunal, de la mano del principio democrático y de la soberanía popular, ha interpretado el valor pluralismo como relativismo, negando a los valores un fundamento más allá del consenso. Entender el pluralismo como igual legitimidad de toda representación del hombre y del mundo, que funda un derecho a seguir dicha concepción en todos los aspectos de la vida social, favorece que los postulados de la Constitución sean entendidos como significantes sin significado, debiendo éste ser construido a partir del principio mayoritario, lo que conduce tanto al debilitamiento de los derechos fundamentales, como a la progresiva erosión de las condiciones sociales en que puede favorecer el Estado constitucional. Como subraya el autor, el Estado moderno vive de presupuestos que no puede crear, pero sí en todo caso destruir.De igual manera, para el profesor el constitucionalismo liberal, pluralista e individualista de nuestros tiempos, carece de herramientas conceptuales para solucionar las aporías que plantea las sociedades occidentales de nuestro tiempo, que se debaten entre el miedo al Leviatán y la inseguridad de un mundo anómico. El autor sostiene que solo con una vuelta a la ley natural es posible ordenar la vida política de manera que efectivamente se respete la dignidad de la persona.
This article is part of the publication of contributions delivered at the 24th annual conference of the Association for Teacher Education in Europe (ATEE), held at the University of Leipzig, 30.08.-05.09.1999. "A change of perspective has taken place in teacher education: It is no longer seen as the problem-solving agent of education but rather as just another source of educational problems. In this article, the author tries to trace the roots of such a negative image. The most obvious approach is a historical one. An enormous number of attempts have been made to reform teacher education. The most important and positive among these attempts has been the academic orientation of teacher education. Yet, seen from the educationalists' perspective, there have appeared a number of traps and false conclusions, possibly due to a misinterpretation of what the role of science in education should be. The reorientation of teacher education, i. e. the turn from purely didactical and practice-oriented courses at educational colleges to mainly academically oriented courses at universities, have brought up new problems that urgently need to be solved. The author discovers major problems in the fact that the great variety of research interests have to be brought in order to make them accessible to students. Didactics which are said to be the most important of all professional disciplines for teachers need to be applied to the structure of the educational discipline as a whole. An agreement on a fundamental canon of topics, methods and knowledge is necessary. This demand is, however, not meant to minimize the range of areas of study; instead, it should rather be considered to broaden specific fields of interest in order to avoid one sided academic points of view. The still unsolved problem of theory and practice is another point to be discussed. The author's question here is: "Where should educational knowledge be grounded - in the discipline or in the profession?" As it is not possible to make a clear distinction between theory and practice but rather to distinguish between the production and the application of knowledge, a curriculum is needed where those two aspects can be put together interactively. This seems to be a solution to many unsolved problems, as it would lead to a more specified target of academic teacher education. In Germany, the academic foundations for the teaching profession are laid in the initial phase of training at university. One should be careful not to ascribe tasks to academic studies that can realistically only be part of the probational second phase of teacher education. Yet, as education needs to be perceived as an action-oriented system of reflection, a significantly stronger combination of practical school experience and theoretical reflection is needed. Ideally, there would be greater stress on the combination of observation and analysis of school work which could be a means to reflect on professional practice. Also, the didactical aspects of teacher training, which are constantly being claimed as being of major importance to teachers, need to be rethought on the level of university teaching. This is a demand going with professionality on the side of academic teachers but it is also meant as a kind of compensation for the lack of practice-related teaching. Seminars and lectures would then be turned into didactical workshops. Another field of possible improvement is seen in an intensified form of investigative learning where school research is seen as a task for both students and teachers. For matters of quality ensurance university teachers need to be willing to co-operate and start to develop ideals and criteria which can later be evaluated. But as the great day of general consent on the national level can not be expected and as new regulations only will not bring real change, innovation can alone be expected by people bearing responsibility at the basis of different universities. The financial crisis of public households should not focus an saddening thoughts an economic efficiency that keep real innovation in the minds of idealists without being ever put to practice." (DIPF/Orig.).
The situation in Kosovo up to 1999, and all attempts which failed in order to find a just and lasting solution for that problem, have fully justified the above criteria for a lawful humanitarian intervention which was undertaken by the NATO forces against the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It seems, however, that the responsible persons in the NATO were not aware of the competence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to investigate to prosecute persons responsible for use of prohibited arms and for destruction of some objects. Some of these unlawful acts constitute grave breaches of the 1959 Geneva Conventions and violations of laws and customs of war. In these circumstances it is the legal duty of the Prosecutor to undertake an investigation. In case that he fails in his duty, there are no statutory limits in respect of the crimes provided in the Statute of the Tribunal. (SOI : SOEU: S. 98f.) + Most legal writers in their writings confuse notions of humanitarian intervention, intervention of a State in order to protect its citizens abroad and humanitarian relief. The use of force for protection of citizens abroad, when they are in immediate danger of losing their lives or suffering serious injury, can exceptionally be justified by a state of necessity as regulated in article 33 of Drafts Article on State Responsibility by the International Law Commission. Further conditions for such an intervention are provided in the wording of the US State Secretar, Daniel Webster in the Caroline case of 1837, relating to the self-defence. Actions of humanitarian relief have nothing unlawful in their character, but a question can arise of the obligation of parties to a conflict to receive and allow its distribution to a who are in need. The 1949 Geneva Conventions and the First Protocol of 1977, provide in this respect a legal obligation of all parties to internation armed conflicts. Such relief actions can be imposed as obligation to parties to internal armed conflicts as well, by UN Security Council resolutions based on Chap. VII of the UN Charter. + In the view of this author there is no rule of positive international law granting a right to foreign States to intervene by force, either in protection of their citizens, or when a humanitarian intervention is required. The matter can only be of exceptional circumstances precluding wrongfulness of the use of force, which otherwise remains prohibited. When the matter is of humanitarian intervention, circumstances precluding the wrongfulness would, according to this author, be the following: (1) There should be a situation of systematic, repeated and widespread commission of international crimes by a State authority against its own citizens. Special problems are created to the international community by widespread practices of ethnic cleansing. (2) Such a situation constitutes itself a "threat to the peace" calling for an enforcement action by the Security Council according to the Chap. VII of the UN Charter. (3) In case that the Security Council fails in its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security and when there are no other means, a group of States or an organization can undertake a humanitarian intervention by use of force in order to stop the commission of crimes. In these circumstances it acts as de facto organ of the entire international community of States. (4) In these extreme and exceptional circumstances, States taking part in such an action cannot obtain any advantages in their profit. (5) Collective intervention by a single State acting in the name of several other States or an organization. However, even such an intervention should have priority over humanitarian intervention undertaken by a State acting in its o name. (6) It is self-evident that in performing a humanitarian intervention there should not be committed international crimes especially against protected persons, including civilian population
The paper sees the urban initiatives undertaken in La Coruña and Vigo carried out under the auspices of the then Extension Legislation as falling short of what could be properly called planned undertakings and being little wore than lay-out schemes that ignored any land administering object or the need for the same. It is admitted however that in the first case the plan did use some realistic criteria when fixing the scope of the project, in its absorbing of buildings already standing within its new blocks, in its bearing in mind of the suggestions forwarded in the Reform and Extension Plan drawn up for the city in 1.874 by the engineers baron and Yanez and in the «good sense» the whole could draw upon from the city architect Juan de Ciorraga who fathered it and then carried it through. In the case of the Vigo plan, the only planning as such would be the taking in of part of one drawn up in 1837 by the engineer Augustin de Marcoartu for docks and a new district, this in itself inspired by the Bilbao Puerto de la Luz and Ferrol Magdalena District projects or similar ones for Santander. For the author, even this cannot be considered as coming within the terms of Planned City Extension thinking but rather owes its all to the previous military school of thinking. The author thus sees Galicia as offering little of note within the Planned City Extension Movement and that little as being no more than the re-hashing of earlier projects answer legislative calls rather than any thorough-going thinking out and through of genuine projects. Planned Extension in other centres of population in Galicia such as Santiago, Orense or Pontevedra was undertaken in the light of the 1924 Act and thus is to be understood as being inspired by growth and overspill requirements although, even here, there is still a debt to the major groundwork of the early years of the century with its search for an allembracing vision of the urban fact. ; El artículo pretende mostrar las intervenciones urbanas que bajo la legislación de Ensanche se producen en las ciudades de La Coruña y Vigo, no tanto como verdaderos ensanches sino, en el primer caso, como proyectos de alineaciones con ausencia de verdadera voluntad y necesidad de ordenar suelo, pero sí manejando criterios realistas en la propia dimensión del proyecto, en la integración de lo construido en las manzanas propuestas, en la aceptación de propuestas de ordenación ya sugeridas en el Proyecto de Reforma y Ensanche de la ciudad realizado en 1874 por los ingenieros Barón y Yáñez, a través de sus alineaciones y, en definitiva, en el «buen entender» la ciudad del arquitecto municipal Juan de Ciorraga, su primer instigador y su ejecutor final. En el segundo caso, el Ensanche que se materializará en Vigo, se corresponde solamente con un fragmento de una ordenación de 1837 realizada por el ingeniero Agustín de Marcoartú para los muelles y nueva población de Vigo, siguiendo las trazas de actuaciones anteriores como el Puerto de la Paz de Bilbao, el Barrio de la Magdalena en Ferrol o las actuaciones de Santander. Ahora bien, este proyecto de nueva población tampoco puede entenderse con el lenguaje del Ensanche, sino conceptualmente en el tratadismo militar previo. Por todo ello, el episodio de los Ensanches en Galicia debe entenderse desprovisto de acentos significativos y resultado más de respuestas legislativas, a las que se incorporan distintos proyectos existentes, que de verdaderas propuestas proyectuales ex-novo. El desarrollo de «los ensanches» en otras poblaciones gallegas (Santiago, Orense, Pontevedra) se produce a partir de la legislación del 24 y deben entenderse ya como planes que se plantean a través del Ensanche y extensión, pero también con los grandes trazados de principios de siglo, buscando la visión global de la forma urbana.
The paper analyzes modern rural household in Yugoslavia, both by region and at the level of the country as a whole. The author begins by providing a statistical and sociological definition of basic terms, and proceeds with a combination of social and demographic analysis. The basic criterion used is the residential status of the population (permanent residence) based on the administrative distribution of settlements with the non-city ("other") population treated as part of rural population. The descriptive basis was formed on the basis of two types of sources: population census data and relevant studies, on the one hand, and comprehensive researches of rural family in the 1990s, on the other. The modernization theory has provided the basic framework for the analysis of the state and movement in rural households in Yugoslavia since the beginning of the 20th century, but the paper deals mainly with social and economic developments following the Second World War. The following components of the rural households are analyzed: dynamics and average size, as well as composition of households. With reference to the level of the social change they had undergone and some demographic special features, rural households are classified into four main types: 1) purely agricultural; 2) mixed (with income earned from agricultural and non-agricultural activities); 3) non-agricultural; and 4) households of elderly people. The appearance and growth of mixed households during the pest-war period, following adoption of the socialistic command economy, came as a result of objective contradictions in transformation of an individual agricultural household into a modern market-oriented holding, and its cooperation with the state-owned cooperative sector. Since early 1980s, however, with deterioration in its position, agricultural production is gradually given up or maintained at the subsistence level, while most family members earn their living from the non-agricultural sector. These tendencies were most rapidly observed in Vojvodina, which is the most fertile region of the country, and most slowly in central Serbia. As a result of the above social and economic transformation the village was also exposed to a strong demographic transformation, which was most readily observed in ageing and feminization of population and its labor force and narrowing down of family structure to conjugal family united through marriage, which is made up of aged parents without an heir. The rural household and/or family have undergone crucial changes in respect of three main segments: 1) size; 2) structure; and 3) position and role of family members. This last aspect has been the subject of numerous comprehensive studies into the way of life in villages. The analysis of family relations in a village was conducted in two segments: intra-generation (between spouses and between children, especially of different gender) and inter-generation (parent - children relations). Segregation of roles by gender is still characterized by male domination, husband - head of the family, and son - the heir. Housework, parenthood, and the homestead itself (due to the increased engagement of the husband in non-agricultural activities) are the main sources of self-realization of women. Marriage and bearing children (especially male children) represent the main social promotion channel for young girls in a village environment, while education and earning income from work outside the village do not ensure a significant role in making decisions on family life in general, children's future or even personal destiny. Incidence of conflict in marriage is rare. Satisfaction with a twofold role of the mother and housekeeper is very high as well as understanding for tl1e difficulties of the social position of a man - the "bread winner" in the current social crisis and disintegration. The author points to the lack of data on rural households in Kosovo and Metohia caused by the boycott of the latest census by the majority, ethnic Albanian population. An attempt was hence made to compensate for the lack of quantitative information by presenting results of representative investigation of Albanian zadrugas in Kosovo and Metohia.
The author elaborates his proposition concerning the distinction of cultur-historical and political identity by differentiating cultural-historical majorities and minorities from political winners and losers. He points out to a democratic paradox according to which a state is governed by political minorities of winners and not by political majorities of losers. In multiethnic societies, holds the author, both popular and political culture have to be developed, that is, both the cultural and the political tolerance. + After all, European peoples, including Croatians are today facing a process of transformation of the new-age concept of democracy as a form of legitimation of sovereignty of nation state. Europe is rapidly being transformed into a multinational political unit sui generis, the sovereignty of which, as it seems, cannot be legitimized either by ethnic or political majorities. Activist Europeans today require their citizens to gradually renounce segments of their state sovereignty for the sake of cooperation witli other sovereign States of the European Union. For citizens of Croatia this sounds too much like the Brezhnevs doctrine of limited sovereignty. But, what does this restruction of sovereignty of the existing nation States in the European Union really mean? It: means a restriction of democratic popular will as a traditional sovereign of a state. A part of sovereignty should be transferred to a new political entity and ist institutions, i.e. to European Union. However, this Sovereign suffers democratic deficit since it lacks both ethnic and political majority. This is where the mushrooming of non-democratic judicial and bureaucratic powers comes from. It should, therefore, be asked whether the much debated democratic deficit in the European Union really is an indicator of a qualitatively new transformation of political relations among Europeans? If there is no possibility in the Europe of Nation States for the creation of supranational democratic majorities, then Europe faces significant difficulties which call for a transformation of the inherited notion of democracy. As it seems, Europe is becoming less the guarantor of sovereignty of nation states and more the guarantor of human rights regardless of ethnic and political identity. Europeans have to, when rethinking their political past and future learn to make democratic decisions about their human and civil rights. These rights are clearly wider than national and political rights and in this sense one could expect them to be more acceptable to individuals in the long run, since they provide for more safety. + It seems to us that Europe is in a critica phase of the process of transformation of democracy from a political form that legitimized power and sovereignty of a nation state into a political form that legitimizes human and civil rights within the European Union. Europeans, certainly, are preoccupied with their history much more than Americans, and shall never understand Europe as a melting pot but as an institution that guarantees higher standards of human and civil rights than the former nation-state. In this way democracy shall get a new form in which common business and culture are to play the integrative role which is being denied by eurosceptics who have in mind the existing deficit of democracy and nation state, contending that common culture and business do not suffice for the formation of the European political subject. European democratic majority, if it ever comes into being, shall decide about what rights of individuals are. Namely, it seems that only this can be the new substance of the European democratic form. However, if it turns out that this democratic form is incapable of absorbing this heterogeneous political and ethnic substance, then European prospects as an active political subject are not good in the near future. This is the fundamental political issue in Croatia today. (SOI : PM: S. 83; 87f.)
Obvious transformational changes have become prevalent in the socioeconomic evolution of civilization at the end of the XXth century: former socialist countries have refused a planned economy and have chosen a market economy; developed countries are creating a post-industrial (informed) society; developing countries are shaping industrial-agricultural structures; all countries have to solve global problems. These are several examples of our world transformation affecting both each country's future and the existence of civilization in general.Quite important, hard to foresee, and sometimes difficult to understand, transformational changes are taking place in the countries of former command economies. The author tried to systematize the present economical and political events, indicating their tendencies to persist, end, or be modified. Every theoretical conclusion was not intended to be illustrated by definite facts. Outlined theoretical statements were made on the basis of Lithuanian economical transformational practice, as well as on similar processes in other countries and those described in scientific literature.The transformational period of the economic system is that particular period when the process of changes of the economic system is occuning (the previous system is being destroyed, and the new system is being built). During this period, neither system usually works well. This period is influenced by an old inert system and a new dynamic one. The situation determines a rather primitive, vulgar, changeable, and temporary transformational periodical economy characterized by lots of mistakes and a stressed ideology.Transformational processes may be natural or artificial. The transformation of economic systems is, therefore, the whole complex of some natural and some artificial processes. The transformational period in Lithuania may, then, be considered as a return to the natural development of the world economy. The article analyzes the problems of the interaction of natural, artificial, economic, and political processes.The duration of the transformational period depends on how quickly the principal parameters of the new economic system are formed. This, of course, may last for some years or several decades. Theoretically, the transformational period may continue long enough if natural evolution is combined with effective outside interference (government regulations), i.e. artificial processes. It is quite clear why political reforms should be well-founded and well-combined with economic reforms, why the priorities of the country's development should be stated and their takeover and continuity be ensured while the governmental staff changes. Otherwise, the transformational period may extend for a very long time, while economic crisis, social discomfort, and even doubts about the necessity of a market economy rise.The socioeconomic problems of the transformational period considered in the article are:1. The importance of changing the dominate economical tendency based on economic freedom.2. The eagerness to overcome the present economical retardation, to stimulate the speed of economic growth and the attempt approach the level of economy as that of developed countries.These two problems may be called a country's strategic tasks of the transformational period.Solving these tasks would mean corresponding changes in owning property, in technology, management, consumption, investment, infrastructure, and in the population's way of thinking. To solve the first problem is to return to the natural mode of world development. To solve the second one is to reach (or at least approach) the world economic level.The author then analyzed the conditions which are essential for a successful solution to the main problems:1. Establishing effective prerequisites for the functioning of a market economy.2. The inevitable costs of the new economy.3. Subjects and their activities.Without the above mentioned conditions, it is impossible to succeed. The sooner the prerequisites for the functioning of a market economy are created, the more significant the problem of stimulating economic growth will be.The second macroeconomic problem requires:1. Chosing a high speed of economic growth.2. Finding and accumulating the necessary resources which are, of course, associated with internal investments and foreign investments.
A politological analysis is presented in this book of the more than seventy year long period of US — Panama relations. Particular interest is devoted to the diplomatic and international law aspects, since in the author's opinion they are of paramount, fundamental significance. The main stream of these considerations is preceded (section 1) by a description of the circumstances governing the founding od Panama as an independent state. The author sees this as the resultant of a number of causes, both internal and also external, and hence not merely as a product of US policies. In section 2 is presented the initial state of bilateral relations, in particular the circumstances accompanying the signing of the Hay — Bunau-Varilla agreement, analysis of its clauses and also the legal and practical consequences of this agreement as the plane of the links between' Panama and the United States. Panama — US relations in the years from 1904—1964 are shown (section 3), analysing selected problems in a dynamic conception. Dealt with here are such problems as: guaranteeing independence and the policy of intervention, titular and eminents sovereignty military and economic questions and also matters concerning the conflict of 1964. It is the author's view that the situations analysed determine the principal lines of division and differences in the interests of the two sides, and also make it possible to discern — in a negative sense — future and desired foundations of these bilateral relations. Also comprehended in the field of interest is the question of the interpretation of the 1903 convention^ the evolution of Panama's attitude towards its principal terms and also certain legal modifications. The last two sections deal with the story of the negotiations lastingover many years and also the analysis of the currently binding agreements on the Panama Canal. Attention is drawn to the internal and international determinants governing the attitudes of the two sides. The author evaluates the new foundation of US — Panama relations in finding answers to the question: to what degree have the three groups of already historical controversies between the two sides been eliminated. These involve: 1) the legal and factual position of the Canal Zone; 2) the legal situation of the canal; 3) the rights held by USA extending over the whole Panamese relations results from the overcoming of a certain barrier, impossilbe to surmount in the earlier period, which determined the limiting (referring both to intentions and also to pacts negotiated) to modification of the Hay — Bunau-Varilla agreements without making any changes in its basic terms. In this sense the actual treaties are an incomparable qualitative state (chiefly due to annulling the clause on the permanence and titular sovereignty of Panama over the Canal Zone) that is achieveable due to the determination of the Torrijos government and also of the Carter administration. The present situation is of a clearly temporary character (up to 2000 AD). Although many anachronistic regulations have been annulled and in many cases conditions for cooperation have been created, intractable problems for the future are discernible. These result from the different interpretations by the two sides of the function of the Panama Canal. Panama aims to extract maximum direct and indirect advantages from the canal. As a small country its policy is to achieve demilitarisation and neutrality understood as the elimination of foreign bases and the obtaining of international guarantees safeguarding against external intervention. For the USA the economic question, although important (the advantages are rather indirect), does not play such a dominant role. Moreover, the canal itself has a strategic significance, the more so in view Of the lack of stability in Central America. From the aspect of Panamese rights further doubts are raised by the plans for building a canal at sea level. Among the varied problems to be confronted in the coming decade, these major items are most likely to govern US — Panama relations: the economic viability, of exploiting the canal, the method of implementing its strategic function and matters relating to the plans for building a new canal.
Articles entitled "Latin American Trade Puzzles", "Obregón plans Huge and Deal", "Vega Inauguration to be Historic. Fete", "Mexican Progress", "The uplifting influence", "Hope for modification", "Scheme for uprising disclosed as leaders are jailed on border", "Democracy in Mexico", "Mexico after glafters", "Mexican labor found efficient", "Calles not permitted to ballot", "No decision concerning Pichilingue", "Mexico's place in the sun", "Consul scouts Flores revolt", "Pay roll of Mexico cut by Calles", "Author loses honor abroad", "Quota act cuts aliens exodus", "Dry fight on in Mexico", "Governors meet Calles in move to gain harmony", "Graft war is started by Calles", "Guard shot in battle when armed brigands invade envoy's hotel", "Doheny asked to help out Mexico by cash advance", "Many are called" and "El pueblo americano pide equidad y justicia para México". These articles analyze the religious conflict, the U.S. preeminence in the international stage, Gen. Alvaro Obregón's visit to Los Angeles in order to solve personal issues, Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' opinions on keeping pace and goodwill. Reports on rebel Delahuertista parties. The conditions of the democracy in Mexico. Complaints about violation of mail. The Mexican labor force and its efficiency in the industry. Provisions for the municipal elections. The return of the Pichilingue island to Mexico. The Mexican presidential succession. Angel Flores's revolt to get the Presidency of the republic. Gen. Calles' project to reduce staff in the public administration. Blasco Ibañez' visit to Mexico. The immigration to the United States issue. The need to support the American Methodist Church. A Governors' meeting to support the Federal Government. Eduardo Ruiz' arrest during Gen. Alvaro Obregón's administration. The Bolshevik tendencies in Mexico. Edward L. Doheny's statements on the increase of taxes in the Oil industry. Contention in the cabinet due to the governor's election in the state of Mexico. The American people's support of the recognition of Mexico. / Artículos intitulados "Latin American Trade Puzzles", "Obregón plans Huge and Deal", "Vega Inauguration to be Historic. Fete", "Mexican Progress", "The uplifting influence", "Hope for modification", "Scheme for uprising disclosed as leaders are jailed on border", "Democracy in Mexico", "Mexico after glafters", "Mexican labor found efficient", "Calles not permitted to ballot", "No decision concerning Pichilingue", "Mexico's place in the sun", "Consul scouts Flores revolt", "Pay roll of Mexico cut by Calles", "Author loses honor abroad", "Quota act cuts aliens exodus", "Dry fight on in Mexico", "Governors meet Calles in move to gain harmony", "Graft war is started by Calles", "Guard shot in battle when armed brigands invade envoy's hotel", "Doheny asked to help out Mexico by cash advance", "Many are called" y "El pueblo americano pide equidad y justicia para México", que analizan el conflicto religioso, la preminencia de Estados Unidos en el marco internacional, la visita del Gral. Alvaro Obregón a Los Angeles para el arreglo de asuntos particulares; opiniones del Gral. PEC en el sentido de mantener la paz y la buena voluntad; reportes de partidos rebeldes delahuertistas; las condiciones de la democracia en México; demandas por violación de correspondencia; la mano de obra mexicana y su eficiencia en la industria; medidas adoptadas para las elecciones municipales; la devolución a México de la isla de Pichilingue; la sucesión a la Presidencia en México; la rebelión de Angel Flores por la Presidencia de la República; proyecto del Gral. Calles relativo a la reducción de personal de la administración pública; visita de Blasco Ibáñez a México; el problema de la migración a Estados Unidos; necesidad de apoyos a la Iglesia Metodista Americana; reunión de Gobernadores para dar su apoyo al Gobierno Federal; el arresto de Eduardo Ruiz durante la administración del Gral. Alvaro Obregón; las tendencias bolcheviques en México; declaraciones de Edward L. Doheny relativas al aumento de impuestos a la industria petrolera; disensiones en el gabinete por la elección de Gobernador del Estado de México; apoyo de los estadounidenses al reconocimiento de México.
There is much written history for the military professional to read, but little is of value to his education. While many works are often wonderful reading, they are too broad or narrow in scope, often lacking the context to be used for serious study by professional soldiers. This work was written with two audiences in mind; my colleagues in the academic world, along with my many comrades who are professional soldiers. The present work was originally conceived as a contribution to historical literature on the subject of military education. More specifically, it was to be an exploration of the concept of operational art and the manner in which planning was doctrinally conducted to articulate battle on the Eastern Front in the Second World War. Any study of war devoid of the theory and doctrine of the period would be of little use to academics and military professionals alike. By the same token, it is often necessary for an author to relate the unfamiliar feelings of combat to a reader in order to give the perspective needed to understand war. Military professionals should study history to become better decision makers. Peter Paret best explained the role of history in relation to military professionals or historians when he said, " By opening up the past for us, history added to the fund of knowledge that we can acquire directly and also made possible universal concepts and generalizations across time. To enable history to do this, the historian must be objective or as Clausewitz would have said- "as scientific or philosophical as possible." Decision making must be looked at through the lens of what Clausewitz called "critical analysis." Clausewitz sought to answer the question of "why" something happened in terms of cause and effect. A decisions being examined can only be understood if we know something of the character of the man who made it. These thoughts together provide the foundation on which greater understanding of the art and science of war is built, thus giving the military professional the tools to deconstruct a decision in terms of the problem historically in time and space. This facilitates a greater appreciation and understanding of his trade. The "reenacting process" allows scholars and professional soldiers to reconstruct problems in terms of the terrain and material used during the period; giving a clearer view into the heart of the problem. As students of the art and science of war, we must make every effort to morally, mentally and physically put ourselves in a position to understand why leaders made the decisions they did. While the sheer terror of combat can never be properly replicated, our studies must find a way to understand them. The English language, or any language for that matter has a poor ability to explain in words, written or spoken, the horror of war. War is not just the extension of policy by other means, it is a societal interaction where human beings struggle within the phenomenon called war. We must understand war to be a human activity, thus a social affair. Grasping human emotions, we see events capable of motivating or terrifying combatants in the lonely hours with the extreme violence typical of combat. In this light, we correctly educate ourselves about the true nature of war. War studied at the strategic, operational or tactical-levels should always consider decisions made, particularly in terms of their moral, mental and physical properties. Common elements to the offense or defense are the weather and terrain being fought on. While the weather will ultimately affect each differently, weather has the ability to complicate terrain in ways man to this day cannot conquer. The following pages reflect a military professional's understanding of the events at Leningrad, Narva and Sinimäed from 68 years ago. Understanding of these events was achieved through German plan for Operation BLAU. An examination of this and other operational-level documents has yielded a tremendous understanding of how the Germans envisioned the retrograde of their forces into the Baltic states. It brings the author joy to know this work can be used to explain the monumental events and sacrifices of others. To this end, I have made my finest attempt.
En este trabajo se realiza un análisis político de algunas de las lecturas de René Zavaleta Mercado sobre política autoritaria en América Latina. Revisitar a Zavaleta permite discutir el abordaje en la región del fascismo como un modo autoritario de política estatal (Zavaleta, 1976, 1979, 1984) constituido en determinadas condiciones sociopolíticas. Modo que en consecuencia se distancia de la lectura hegemónica del fascismo en el que se le asigna la centralidad conceptual como un fenómeno histórico de principios del siglo XX propio de Italia y Alemania. En contraste, a través de las lecturas de Zavaleta se habilita poner el acento en la cuestión política del fascismo en la región. Esto se traduce en una propuesta, que interroga tanto las condiciones históricas de su constitución y disolución, como el abordaje teórico y metodológico que daría la apertura para comprender los modos de emancipación hacia vías igualitarias y democráticas. Así, el argumento central en este escrito sostiene que la principal contribución del autor, se afianza en estos puntos señalados. Por ello, se busca además mostrar cómo en su tarea analítica (inscripta en el marco de la tradición del marxismo latinoamericano) realizó lecturas no sólo descriptivas de las particularidades históricas, económicas y políticas del fascismo en los diversos contextos de emergencia, sino fundamentalmente que lo formulaban como un problema político a interrogar. Tarea que le implicó previamente pensar el método de trabajo conceptual para la emergencia de categorías situadas y sostener un abordaje heterodoxo del marxismo sobre el problema de los modos autoritarios de la política, con especial atención a la historia y al conocimiento local de Bolivia y de América Latina. A continuación, este articulo se propone presentar esta lectura en dos ejes: I. En el primero, a partir de una reconstrucción de las lecturas sobre el fascismo como una modalidad de política autoritaria en América Latina. Así como la presentación de la conceptualización sobre la condición democrática como límite del fascismo. II. En el segundo, la interrogación por la politicidad como un modo singular de inscripción dentro de la tradición marxista. ; This paper is a political analysis from some of the readings of René Zavaleta Mercado about authoritarian politics in Latin America. Rethinking Zavaleta allows us to think about the regional approach of fascism as an authoritarian modality of state policy (Zavaleta, 1976, 1979. 1984), built on particular sociopolitical conditions. This modality that consequently distances itself from the hegemonic reading assigning to it the conceptual centrality of fascism as an historical phenomenon from early XX century specific to Italy and Germany. In contrast, the readings of Zavaleta allow placing the emphasis on the political question of fascism in the region. This translates into a proposal that questions both the historical conditions of its formation/dissolution and the theoretical and methodological approach enabling openings for emancipatory transformation towards egalitarian and democratic ways. Thus, the central argument developed here holds that the main contribution of the author to this theoretical field is rooted in the two aforementioned points. Therefore, this work intends to show how in his analytical work (rooted in the Latin-American Marxism tradition) he realized readings not only descriptive of the historical, economic and political singularities of fascism in various contexts of emergence, but also fundamentally expressed as a political issue to examine. To the author, this implied, in consequence, thinking methodologically about the conceptual work for the emergence of categories and building an unorthodox approach of Marxism on the topic of the authoritarian modalities of politics, with special attention to local history and knowledge in Bolivia and Latin America. Hereafter, this article proposes discussing this reading of Zavaleta following two axes: I. In the first, from a reconstruction of the readings of fascism as an authoritarian policy modality in Latin America. And the presentation of his conceptualization about the democratic condition as a limit to fascism. II. In the second, the interrogation about a singular way of inclusion within the Marxist tradition. ; Fil: Salamanca Agudelo, Katherine. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Estudios Avanzados; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
Brochure for Brooks Hays' gubernatorial campaign ; BROOKS HAYS - A TRULY DEDICATED MAN BROOKS HAYS, A FRIEND OF PRESIDENTS, WILL BE A GREAT GOVERNOR OF ARKANSAS Born in Pope County, Arkansas, and a graduate of the University of Arkansas and the George Washington University School of Law, Brooks Hays has a record of public service matched by few men of his time. Holds honorary degrees from College of the Ozarks, John Brown University and nine other universities. BROOKS HAYS IS A DISTINGUISHED DEMOCRAT Here are the facts: Secretary, Democratic State Convention, 1922. Assistant State Attorney General, 1925-26. Served on Democratic National Committee, 1932-39. A member of the Democratic Party Convention's Platform Committee, 1952. Representative from the Fifth District of Arkansas to the United States Congress, 1942-58. Delegate, United Nations Assembly, 1955. Director, Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959-61. Assistant Secretary of State, 1961. Special Assistant to President John F. Kennedy, 1962-63. Consultant to President Lyndon B. Johnson, 1964-66. Personal friend and adviser to four Democratic Presidents: Kennedy, Johnson, Truman and Roosevelt. "Brooks Hays is one of the great Congressmen. I have always been his friend and admirer." -Harry S. Truman. A MAN OF STRONG CONVICTIONS Brooks Hays has given much of his time to church and civic causes. His varied contributions and accomplishments in these areas include: President, Southern Baptist Convention, 1957-59. Chosen as Churchman of the Year by Religious Heritage Foundation of America. Member of the Board of Religion in American Life. National Brotherhood Chairman, National Conference of Christians and Jews, 1964. Author of "This World: A Christian's Workshop." Co-author, "The Baptist Way of Life." Received Freedom Foundation Award for an address on religious liberty. President, Arkansas Conference of Social Work, 1932-34. District Governor, Lions Clubs, 1925-27. Member, National Council, Boy Scouts of America. Received Silver Buffalo, highest award of the Boy Scouts of America. Thirty-third Degree Mason. Life member, Elks. A RECORD OF STATESMANLIKE LEADERSHIP While a Member of Congress from the Fifth District of Arkansas, Brooks Hays was: Speaker Sam Rayburn's appointee to the House Personnel Committee. Also a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Banking and Currency Committee, the Select Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations and the Select Committee on Space Exploration and Astronautics. "I do not know of a man in the House of Representatives in whom I have more confidence than I do in Brooks Hays . . . his counsel and advice are constantly sought by me." -Speaker Sam Rayburn. Arkansas' Man of Achievement, Brooks Hays was: One of the leaders of the bill in Congress in promoting the development of the Arkansas River. One of the four sponsors of the amendment to give priority to the Dardanelle Dam. Instrumental in getting the Little Rock Air Force Base established in Arkansas. Active in securing funds for a large expansion program at Fort Roots Veterans Administration Hospital. A proponent of rural electrification. A pioneer in the fight for the repeal of the poll tax. The Congressman who introduced the Rural Development Bill to establish industries in small communities. An advocate of strengthening the responsibility given to states and cities by periodic checks of Federal grants in aid. A Man Who Can Get Things Done in Washington, he was: One of the authors of the bill for Federal aid for schools. A member of the Education Committee said: "There would have been no National Defense Education Act without Brooks Hays." Besides supporting Federal aid to education, Hays was active in early phases of legislation for Federal aid to libraries, hospitals and the interstate highway system. Fought for sound anti-inflationary measures as a member of the House Banking and Currency committee. "Brooks Hays has been a tower of strength in Congress, a friend and valued advisor . a great public servant." -John F. Kennedy.
"Admonitory: Cablegram from Calles to Causaranc". Newspaper clipping from"La Prensa" January 4, 1936. The author, Mateo Podan, writes about the reply from Gen. Calles to Dr. José Manuel Puig Causaranc on December 19, 1935 regarding the dinner with Josephus Daniels. Newspaper clipping of the article "Statements by Dr. Puig Causaranc. The book of B.A. Gaxiola and an article by B.A. Alessio Robles". Handwritten note stating "El Universal" Wednesday September 14, 1938. Transcription of a letter sent from Dr. Puig Causaranc to the director of "El Universal" clarifying statements by the historian Miguel Alessio Robles. The letter refers to the book by B.A. Javier Gaxiola and the dinner in Cuernavaca with the Ambassador Josephus Daniels in which he would give Gen. Calles a letter from President Roosevelt. Puig makes an account of the events. Newspaper clipping of a note signed by "the wax man" showing caricatures of Inclán. It has the title "Museum of the Press. Dr. José M. Puig Casauranc". "La Prensa" November 3, 1938. Commentary regarding the same matter of the letter. Newspaper clipping of the column "Admonitory" with the article "Another Causarancada" by Mateo Podan published in "La Prensa" on November 7, 1938. It refers to the same matter of the letter. Article "Letter to the Maximum Chief" by Mateo Podan on November 8, 1938. He addresses a letter by Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles in which he regrets the disloyalty of his friends. The author criticizes the letter. / "Admonitorias. Cable de Calles a Casauranc". Recorte de prensa con una editorial en la que se hace constar a máquina: La Prensa, enero 4, 1936, escrita por Mateo Podan, quien transcribe y comenta algunos párrafos de la respuesta que el general PEC dio el 19 de diciembre de 1935 al Dr. José Manuel Puig Casauranc respecto a la cena con Josephus Daniels. El general PEC acusa a Puig de atacar al régimen callista cuando formó parte de él. Con esta nota editorial el autor quiere hacer ver a Calles lo se siente cuando se publican documentos censurados y frases fuera de contexto, considera que Calles da una respuesta débil y explica por qué. Recorte de prensa titulado "Aclaraciones hechas por el Dr. Puig Casauranc. El libro del Lic. Gaxiola y un artículo del Lic. Alessio Robles". Con letra manuscrita se hace constar: El Universal, miércoles 14 de septiembre de 1938. Transcripción de una carta que el doctor Puig Casauranc envió al director de El Universal aclarando supuestos hechos que publica en artículos el historiador Miguel Alessio Robles, colaborador de ese diario. La carta se refiere al libro del licenciado Javier Gaxiola y a la famosa cena en Cuernavaca en la que el embajador norteamericano Josephus Daniels entregaría una carta al general PEC enviada por el presidente Roosevelt, misma que no se efectuó por no contar con la aprobación del presidente Rodríguez. Puig hace una detallada relación de los hechos y explica su participación en ellos, rectificando artículos de Alessio Robles que comentan y transcriben textos del libro de Gaxiola. Recorte de prensa de una nota firmada por El Hombre de Cera, que se ilustra con caricaturas de Inclán, titulada: "Museo de La Prensa. Dr. José M, Puig Casauranc". La Prensa, 3 de noviembre de 1938. Comentario al mismo asunto de la carta, la cena y la participación de Puig, que fue quien guardó indebidamente la carta. Recorte de la columna periodística "Admonitorias", de Mateo Podan, titulada "Otra casaurancada más.!", publicada en La Prensa el 7 de noviembre de 1938. Comenta el mismo asunto de la cena, la carta, la participación y aclaraciones de Puig; en tono burlón lo descalifica. Recorte de la columna periodística "Admonitorias", de Mateo Podan, titulada "La carta del Jefe Máximo", publicada el 8 de noviembre de 1938. Comenta una carta del general PEC, publicada recientemente en la que se lamenta de la deslealtad de quienes fueron sus amigos y que cuando cayó en desgracia lo traicionaron. La nota critica la carta por marrullera, innecesaria y pueril.
Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Gopalapur Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characterstics, classification and use potentials of the soils in the microwartershed. The present study covers an area of 571 ha in Gopalapur microwatershed in Gundlupet taluk of Chamarajanagar district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought prone with an average annual rainfall of 734 mm. Maximum of 254 mm precipitation takes place during south–west monsoon period from June to September, the north-east monsoon contributes about 268 mm and prevails from October to early December and the remaining 212 mm takes place during the rest of the year. An area of about 74 per cent is covered by soils and 26 per cent by waterbodies, settlements, forest and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 8 soil series and 22 soil phases (management units) and 7 land management units. The length of crop growing period is about 150 days starting from the 3rd week of June to 3rd week of November. From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated. Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 250 m grid interval by using kriging method. Land suitability for growing major agricultural and horticultural crops were assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated. About 74 per cent area is suitable for agriculture and 18 per cent is not suitable for agriculture but well suited for forestry, pasture, agroforestry, silvi-pasture, recreation, installation of wind mills and as habitat for wildlife. About 41 per cent of the soils are very deep (>150 cm) to deep (100 - 150 cm), 9 per cent moderately deep (75 - 100 cm), 30 per cent are moderately shallow to shallow (25-75 cm). About 54 per cent of the area has clayey soils and 25 per cent loamy soils at the surface. About 45 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (200mm/m) in available water capacity and about 53 per cent low (50-100 mm/m) and very low (0.75%) in organic carbon. An area of 28 per cent has soils that are low (57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus About 39 per cent medium (145-337 kg/ha) and 40 per cent high (>337kg/ha) in available potassium. Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in available sulphur. Available boron is low (4.5 ppm). Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils. About 72 per cent area has soils that are deficient (0.6 ppm). The land suitability for 27 major crops (agricultural and horticultural) grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Gopalapur microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 246 (43) 83 (15) Guava 211 (37) 71 (12) Maize 272 (48) 57 (10) Mango 149 (26) 82 (23) Red gram 272(48) 57 (10) Sapota 211 (37) 71 (12) Groundnut 123 (22) 206(36) Jackfruit 211 (37) 71 (12) Sunflower 123 (22) 149 (26) Jamun 149 (26) 82 (14) Cotton 123 (22) 180 (31) Musambi 211 (37) 71 (12) Onion 149 (26) 180 (31) Lime 221 (39) 61 (11) Beans 149 (26) 180 (31) Cashew 211 (37) 71 (12) Potato 149 (26) 180 (31) Custard apple 272 (48) 114 (20) Beetroot 149 (26) 180 (31) Amla 262(46) 67(12) Turmeric 149 (26) 180 (31) Tamarind 149 (26) 82(14) Horse gram 272 (48) 57 (10) Marigold 272 (48) 57(10) Field bean 149 (26) 180 (31) Chrysanthemum 149 (46) 180 (31) Banana 149 (26) 133 (26) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 7 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fibre and horticulture crops that helps in maintaining the ecological balance in the microwatershed. Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc., Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS OF FARM HOUSEHOLDS Baseline socioeconomic characterisation is prerequisite to prepare action plan for program implementation and to assess the project performance before making any changes in the watershed development program. The baseline provides appropriate policy direction for enhancing productivity and sustainability in agriculture. Methodology: Gopalapur micro-watershed (Gopalapur sub-watershed, Gundlupet taluk, Chamarajanagar district) is located in between 11043' – 11045' North latitudes and 76034' – 76036' East longitudes, covering an area of about 584 ha, bounded by Kannagal, Lakkipur and Kallipura villages With length of growing period (LGP) 120-150 days. We used soil resource map as basis for sampling farm households to test the hypothesis that soil quality influence crop selection, and conservation investment of farm households. The level of technology adoption and productivity gaps and livelihood patterns were analyses. The cost of soil degradation and ecosystem services were quantified. Results: The socio-economic outputs for the Gopalapur micro-watershed (Gopalapur sub-watershed, Gundlupet taluk, Chamarajanagar district) are presented here. Social Indicators Male and female ratio is 56.7 to 43.3 per cent to the total sample population. Younger age 18 to 50 years group of population is around 59.4 per cent to the total population. Literacy population is around 81.0 per cent. Social groups belong to schedule caste (SC) is around 30.0 per cent. Liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) gas is the source of a cooking among sample households. About 40.0 per cent of households have a Yashaswini health card. Only 10 per cent of the sample farm households are having MGNREGA card for rural employment. Dependence on ration cards for food grains through public distribution system is around 40 per cent. Swach bharath program providing closed toilet facilities around 90 per cent of sample households. Institutional participation is only 13.4 per cent of sample households. Rural migration to unban centre for employment is prevalent among 10.0 per cent of farm households. Women participation in decisions making are around 55 per cent of households. 2 Economic Indicators The average land holding is 0.98 ha that majority of farm households are belong to marginal and small farmers. The dry land account for 81.9 % and irrigated land 18.1 % of total cultivated land area among the sample farmers. Agriculture is the main occupation and agriculture is the main agriculture labour is the subsidiary occupation of 45.9 per cent and non agriculture labour is subsidiary occupation for 35.2 per cent of sample households. The average value of domestic assets is around Rs.17498 per household. Mobile and television are popular media mass communication. The average farm assets value is around Rs.44759 per household, about 100 per cent of sample farmers owen plough and sprayer (20 %). The average livestock value is around Rs.18687 per household; about 66.7 per cent of household are having livestock. The average per capita food consumption is around 536.44 grams (1357.4 kilo calories) against national institute of nutrition (NIN) recommendation at 827 gram. Among all sample households are consuming less than the NIN recommendation. The annual average income is around Rs. 91083 per household. About 60 per cent of farm households are below poverty line. The per capita monthly average expenditure is around Rs. 834. Environmental Indicators-Ecosystem Services The value of ecosystem service helps to support investment to decision on soil and water conservation and in promoting sustainable land use. The onsite cost of different soil nutrients lost due to soil erosion is around Rs.1080 per ha/year. The total cost of annual soil nutrients is around Rs. 487243 per year for the total area of 570.84 ha. The average value of ecosystem service for food grain production is around Rs 83589/ha/year. Per hectare food grain production services is maximum in turmeric (Rs. 343218) followed by horse gram (Rs. 22618), tomato (Rs. 194638), maize (Rs. 8734), sunflower (Rs. 7053), sorghum (Rs. 4952) and ragi (Rs. 3913). The average value of ecosystem service for fodder production is around Rs. 1381/ ha/year. Per hectare fodder production service is maximum in sorghum (Rs. 2806) horse gram (Rs. 1853) and maize (Rs. 617) and ragi (Rs. 247). The data on water requirement for producing one quintal of grain is considered for estimating the total value of water required for crop production. The per hectare value of water used and value of water was maximum in tomato (Rs. 100314) followed by turmeric (Rs. 81856), sorghum (Rs. 43655), sunflower (Rs. 34682), maize (Rs. 30183), horse gram (Rs. 22808) and ragi (Rs. 12073). 3 Economic Land Evaluation The major cropping pattern is sorghum (34.6 %) sunflower (27.9 %), followed by sunflower (27.9 %), turmeric (11.8 %), horse gram (7.8 %), ragi (7.8 %) and maize (4.7 %). In Gopalapur micro-watershed, major soil series are soil of alluvial landscape of Hundipur (HDR) series is having shallow soil depth cover around 33.2 % of area. On this soil farmers are presently growing maize. Devarahalli (DRH) soil series having moderately shallow soil depth cover around 8 % of area, crops are sorghum (27 %) and turmeric (73 %). Kallipura (KLP) soil series are having deep soil cover around 13 % of area, respectively. The major crops grown are sorghum (43 %), sunflower (46 %) and tomato (12 %). Annurkeri (ARK), Honnegaudanahalli (HGH) and Kalligaudanahalli (KDH) series is having very deep soil depth cover around 13%, 4% and 9 % of area, respectively. On this soil farmers are presently growing horse gram, ragi, sorghum and sunflower. The total cost of cultivation and benefit cost ratio (BCR) in study area for maize ranges between Rs. 33256/ha in HDR soil (with BCR of 1.28). In sorghum the cost of cultivation ranges between Rs.49825/ha in KDH soil (with BCR of 1.15) and Rs.28702/ha in KLP soil (with BCR of 2.13). In tomato the cost of cultivation Rs 86618/ha in KLP soil (with of 3.25). In sorghum the cost of cultivation range between Rs. 49825/ha in KDH soil (with of 1.15) and Rs.28702/ha in KLP soil (with BCR of 2.13). In sunflower the cost of cultivation ranges between Rs.59730/ha in KDH soil (with BCR of 1.14) and Rs.35323/ha in HGH soil (with BCR of 1.64). In horse gram the cost of cultivation is Rs.11364/ha in ARK soil (with BCR of 3.15) and ragi the cost of cultivation is Rs. 32970/ha in ARK soil (with BCR of 1.19). The land management practices reported by the farmers are crop rotation, tillage practices, fertilizer application and use of farm yard manure (FYM). Due to higher wages farmer are following labour saving strategies is not prating soil and water conservation measures. Less ownership of livestock limiting application of FYM. It was observed soil quality influences on the type and intensity of land use. More fertilizer applications are deeper soil to maximize returns. Suggestions Involving farmers is watershed planning helps in strengthing institutional participation. The per capita food consumption and monthly income is very low. Diversifying income generation activities from crop and livestock production in order to reduce risk related to drought and market prices. Majority of farmers reported that they are not getting timely support/extension services from the concerned development departments. 4 By strengthing agricultural extension for providing timely advice improved technology there is scope to increase in net income of farm households. By adopting recommended package of practices by following the soil test fertiliser recommendation, there is scope to increase yield in maize (70.2 %), sorghum (54.9 to 44.3%), ragi (67.6), tomato (8.5%), sunflower (47.2 to 32.3%) and horse gram (24.1%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
