Suchergebnisse

In ihrem Beitrag beschreibt die Autorin den Strukturwandel im Familienleben bzw. Restaurationstendenzen patriarchalischer Strukturen von 1945 bis zur Gegenwart. Auf folgende Phasen bzw. Themenkomplexe wird eingegangen: 1947 waren 22% des Wohnraums völlig zerstört und in Frankfurt lebten z.B. 54% der Familien in Untermiete. Bis 1950 strömten 12 Millionen Flüchtlinge in die Westzonen. 1946 zählte man 7.283.000 mehr Frauen als Männer, von denen 6-7 Millionen im heiratsfähigen Alter waren. Auf dem Hintergrund dieser knappen statistischen Daten beschreibt die Autorin die Sorgen und Nöte des Alltags hauptsächlich der Frauen. Ein Abschnitt geht darauf ein, wie sich diese Lage in der deutschen Familiensoziologie von 1947 bis 1957 widerspiegelt. Die Autorin schildert Lebensstile der "Fassadenfamilie" mit "Kühlschrank-Waisen" in den 60er Jahren mit folgenden Merkmalen: hohe Mobilität, Funktionsverlust als Produktionsstätte, Reduktion auf die Kernfamilie, Privatisierung und Partnerschaftlichkeit. Eingegangen wird auf Sexualvorstellungen und Ehemoral. Entscheidende "Öffnungen" brachten Frauen- und Studentenbewegung ein seit Ende der 60er Jahre. Neuste Entwicklungen u.a. zum Ehescheidungsrecht werden dargestellt. (BE)

The author analyzes the use & rhetoric of 'conflict prevention' in Africa. In the post-cold war era the notion of conflict prevention, became a popular one among politicians as well as political scientists. The notion was then picked up by African policy makers & diplomats as a way to garner outside support to fight continental conflict. However, the structure of African government made it relative ineffective. In this chapter, the author analyzes the concept of conflict prevention & how it has been used in Africa, focusing on the work of the continent's inter-governmental institutions. These institutions, run by political elites, represent some of the more powerful institutions on the continent. The author prefaces this discussion with comments on the concept of conflict prevention & mediation.

The author asks why the design and establishment of political institutions can sometimes contribute to the collapse of peace agreements and power sharing regimes, and further the development of centralized institutional arrangements. Focusing on institutional design after civil war, the author suggests that peace implementation should be viewed as a two phase process. The short term phase centers around confidence building phase, while the long term phase is focuses on security building. The challenges facing rival parties in the both phases are addressed, followed by a discussion of the way these challenges create strain and affect the commitments made to support an agreement. Finally, the author takes the long view, examining how the two step processes affects long term institutional design.

The author contrasts the dangerous linear world view of dialectics with the totemic view of knowledge & "sacred balance" of spatial patterns & timing in the ecosystem that is shared by many indigenous peoples. The relationship between animal & human energies is related in a Kayapo myth & the anthropogenic landscapes of indigenous peoples. The author asserts that the tension between the reductionist commodification of nature that are institutionalized in international conventions verses indigenous intellectual property rights is a reflection of the actual motivations of science. The author concludes that the environmental crisis cannot be solved by technological tampering or superficial political measures, but rather civilization needs to relearn ecological knowledge & sustainable principles from indigenous & traditional peoples. References. J. Harwell

In this reprint from Parameters Autumn 1999 edition, the author asserts that the demise of empires has left the US without a national cause, and craving a new American mission. The author briefly traces the fall of 11 empires in the 250 year history of the US; the French, British, Mexican, European, Japanese, & German empires, as well as the empires of ideology in Korea & Vietnam. He goes on to argue that since America destroyed the old world, & had no vision with which to replace it, the US is perversely supporting oppression rather than taking the leadership role to amend borders peacefully & prevent ethnic cleansings, genocide, & violence. The author asserts that US national security goals should focus on international border issues & support for universal human rights -- with the understanding that sovereignty is the privilege of a just & successful state. The author proposes the formation of a Union of Democratic Nations that would act based on a majority, rather than unanimous, vote & whose purpose would strengthen the mission of a nation "condemned to lead". J. Harwell

The author discusses the lack of communication between African policy makers & regionalist researches in investigating, understanding, predicting, & preventing violent conflict in Africa. The author argues that collaboration between these groups is necessary, & that the first step towards collaboration is to identify research topics relevant to both groups. Research into conflict prolonging factors can serve as a starting point for mutual engagement. She then addresses both opportunities & obstacles for cooperation.

This article addresses some of the lessons learned from analysis of the adaptation of foreign models in Latin American policy reform. The author revisits the theoretical issues raised in the book's introduction, then discusses how foreign models are adapted to fit a country's particular circumstances & how models impact decision making. Finally, the author discusses potential costs & benefits of policy emulation in Latin America countries. References. B. Boyce

The article analyzes the reforms made to Brazil's social security system. Brazil opted to modify its pay as you go system & developed the existing voluntary system which has a higher guaranteed maximum. The author analyzes the reform process, including the strategies used by technical and political groups as they argued for reform. In addition, the author explores the pension privatization movement in Latin America. References. B. Boyce

In Zeiten fortwährender Implementationsdefizite setzt die Umweltpolitik zur Verbesserung ihrer Umsetzung heute zunehmend auf partizipative Entscheidungsfindung, wie eine Analyse der relevanten Begründungszusammenhänge in der aktuellen EU-Gesetzgebung zeigt. Hier stellt sich jedoch die empirische Frage, inwieweit partizipative Verfahren tatsächlich zu einer verbesserten Umsetzung von Politik und damit letztlich zu einem stärker nachhaltigen Umgang mit der natürlichen Umwelt beitragen. Noch sind die Wirkungen und speziell die Implementationseffektivität partizipativer Verfahren unzureichend konzeptionalisiert und empirisch untersucht. Der vorliegende Beitrag unternimmt den Versuch, Schlüsselmechanismen zu identifizieren und in einem Kausalmodell auf der Basis von Kontext-, Prozess- und Ergebnisvariablen zu systematisieren. Wie der Autor anhand einer Textanalyse der einschlägigen EU-Dokumente, in denen die Partizipationsanforderungen im Bereich der Umsetzung von gemeinschaftlichem Umweltrecht etabliert werden, darlegt, wird neben einer Erhöhung der Legitimität vor allem eine bessere Effektivität umweltpolitischer Maßnahmen erwartet. In einem Kausalmodell, das die vielfältigen und teils widersprüchlichen Hypothesen über die Wirkungszusammenhänge von Partizipation integriert, identifiziert der Autor 42 relevante Beziehungen zwischen 22 Variablen wie öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit, Sozialkapital, Akteursinteressen und -machtpositionen. Er versteht dieses Modell als analytischen Rahmen für Sekundäranalysen einer Vielzahl verstreuter Fallstudien aus dem Bereich der Partizipationsforschung. (ICA2)

Vor 1952 hatte die Demographie in Deutschland keine organisierte Struktur, keine wissenschaftliche Einrichtung, Zeitschrift oder Organisation. Eine Untersuchung der deutschen Demographie zwischen 1920 und 1950 musste sich daher eine empirische Basis schaffen. Eine Analyse von Publikationen aus den Bereichen Demographie und Wissenschaftsgeschichte ergab eine Liste von 391 Autoren, die in der Literatur genannt worden waren oder selbst einschlägig publiziert hatten. Diese Autoren repräsentieren eine Vielzahl von Disziplinen. Veröffentlichungsort ist in der Regel Berlin. Nur wenige Autoren tauchen in allen Quellen auf. Die Autoren sind über die Geburtskohorten zwischen 1860 und 1910 relativ gleich verteilt. Demographen zitieren jedoch zunehmend ältere, Historiker jüngere Autoren. Demographen zitierten mehr Autoren aus dem Bereichen Statistik, Mathematik, Wirtschaftswissenschaften und Anthropologie, Historiker eher Soziologen, Philosophen, Hygieniker und Geschichtswissenschaftler. 25 der zitierten Autoren mussten Deutschland im Dritten Reich verlassen, 67 starben in oder nach dem Krieg, 60 setzten ihre akademische Karriere nach 1945 fort, 22 von ihnen in offiziellen Funktionen und Ämtern. Bei den zitierten Verfassern handelt es sich also offensichtlich nicht um eine homogene Gruppe, auch nicht bezüglich ihrer Haltung zum Nationalsozialismus. Ihre Publikationen haben wissenschaftlichen, populärwissenschaftlichen oder politischen Charakter. (ICEÜbers)

The chapter examines shifts in British employment participation for married women & couples, analyzing the influence of husbands' economic & labor status; women's life-cycle (eg, marriage, childbirth) variables since the 1960s; & employment transition patterns. Longitudinal & life-cycle data indicate a trend toward married women's labor-force polarization, with reentry into full-time work after childbirth both swifter & more likely among the highly educated. Other findings support the prevalence of assortative mating; the influence of spousal income & education on women's work transitions; & the comparative weakness of social traditionalism & strengthening of individualism in GB, as opposed to, eg, Germany. 7 Tables, 5 Figures, 1 Appendix, 22 References. K. Coddon

Offers a world-systems explanation for the postmodernist movement in contemporary culture & thought that attributes this development to the influence of the capitalist world economy. It arose in the 1970s, a time when US hegemony within the world system had started to decline & a plurality of national powers (& international rivalries) was developing. Cyclical shifts between political conflict/economic crisis & periods of imposed peace/economic expansion are analyzed using a global version of Erving Goffman's frame analysis. Assumptions underlying the postmodern frame are explicated, with emphasis on its ideological influence on hegemony & rivalry. Shifts in art that parallel these political & economic cycles are identified, identifying different movements in different countries. 22 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Offers a world-systems explanation for the postmodernist movement in contemporary culture & thought that attributes this development to the influence of the capitalist world economy. It arose in the 1970s, a time when US hegemony within the world system had started to decline & a plurality of national powers (& international rivalries) was developing. Cyclical shifts between political conflict/economic crisis & periods of imposed peace/economic expansion are analyzed using a global version of Erving Goffman's frame analysis. Assumptions underlying the postmodern frame are explicated, with emphasis on its ideological influence on hegemony & rivalry. Shifts in art that parallel these political & economic cycles are identified, identifying different movements in different countries. 22 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines Max Weber's notion of plebiscitary leadership in the context of his general political orientation. Weber's political views are described as a complicated mix of liberalism, nationalism, & realism. These views developed over time into a form of social liberalism in which he sought a balance between the hope for democracy & the requirement of order. Important to the development of this balance was the cultivation of a form of responsible leadership that balanced the necessity of controlling the bureaucratic state with need to foster charismatic leaders who were also sensitive to institutional constraints. It was in parliament, therefore, that Weber saw that the intrinsic tension between charisma & bureaucracy might be negotiated. 22 References. D. M. Ryfe

Investigates the discursive construction of indigenous populations in Mexico in 4 government texts: a 1921 speech by a majority party spokeperson; a 1935 legislative initiative concerning the creation of a Dept of Indigenous Affairs; a 1948 presidential initiative creating the present National Indigenous Instit; & a 1990 legislative initiative by President Carlos Salinas. These texts construct indigeneous peoples in a discriminatory fashion. Binaries such as culture & economics, past, & present, & celebration & deficiency are deployed to separate indigeneous peoples from the majority & justify their continued mistreatment. While often portrayed as a bedrock of the National identity of Mexico, indigenous peoples are also described as a scandal requiring constant elite surveillance. 22 References. D. M. Smith