Suchergebnisse

The author and journalist Morten Jentoft reviews the book Herring in Fur Coat – 20 Years in Putin's Shadow, written by Kristoffer Lieng.

Author and journalist Halvor Tjønn reviews Erik Kulavig's book, Face to Face with the Russians: From the Middle Ages to the Present (Pantheon, 2020).

Autor propituje ulogu ideologije, mita i klase u razumijevanju kompleksnih procesa savremene političke subjektivizacije u BiH. Polazeći od revolucionarnog konteksta s početka devedesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća koji razumijeva kao paralelni proces nacionalne i kapitalističke reaproprijacije, autor na pitanje pod kojim uslovima, diskurzivnim i institucionalnim, određene etničke razlike postaju politički relevantnima, postaju izvorom političke moći i mobilizacije, razvija odgovor u vidu antireprezentacionalističke hipoteze po kojoj su to s jedne strane diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi "nacionalne države" shvaćene kao države homogenog etnonacionalnog domaćina i zanemarive etnonacionalne manjine, a s druge strane njima komplementarni diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi kapitalističkog poretka iz kojega se nacionalni poredak historijski izdiže, a koji podrazumijeva klasnu strukturiranost. Subjekt proizvodnje nacionalno-kapitalističkog poretka je vladajuća klasa, u slučaju BiH klasa etnopolitičkih poduzetnika koja je u posjedu sredstava za proizvodnju društvenog života uopće: i materijalnog i onog simboličkog. ; Author investigates the role of ideology, myth and class in understanding the complex contemporary processes of political subjectivization in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Starting from the revolutionary context from the beginning of the 1990s, which the author understands as a parallel process of national and capitalist re-appropriation, the author poses the question: which are the conditions, discursive and institutional, for specific ethnic differences to become politically relevant, to become the source of political power and mobilization. The answer is explored on the basis of the anti-representationalist hypothesis according to which, on the one hand, these are the discursive and institutional conditions of "nation-state" understood as a state of homogenous ethnonational host and negligible ethnonational minority, and, on the other hand, the discursive and institutional conditions of capitalist order from which nationalist order is historically developed presupposing its class structure. The subject of the production of national-capitalist order is the ruling class; in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the class of ethnopolitical entrepreneurs which is in possession of the means of production of social life in general: both in the material and in the symbolical sense.

Abstract in English:Fragments of the Past – History's Role in Russian Contemporary Literature Fragmenter av fortid – Historiens rolle i russisk samtidslitteratur is a thorough analysis of the utilisation of history in post-Soviet Russian literature. The author argues that literature functions as a 'place of reflection' that can produce vital alternatives to the monolithic understanding of history promoted by the authorities, and as such, literature has regained its traditional influence in Russian society following the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

U radu na osnovu arhivske građe, relevantne štampe i literature autorica analizira način otvaranja muslimanskih kiraethana širom Bosne i Hercegovine početkom 20. stoljeća. Pod kojim uslovima su se otvarale kiraethane, kakva pravila su imale, koje ciljeve te koliko je vlast nadzirala njihov rad neka su od važnih pitanja u radu. Posebna pažnja je posvećena kiraethanama u manjim mjestima gdje su one predstavljale centar svih društvenih dešavanja. Kiraethane nisu bile samo preteča biblioteka i čitaonica, one su najčešće u samom sastavu imale i druge sekcije poput muzičke i antialkoholne. Autorica također posebno analizira unutrašnje odnose na koje utječe političko stanje u zemlji te lični animoziteti uprave, ali i članova. ; Based on archival material, relevant press, and literature, the author analyzes the way of opening Muslim reading rooms throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the 20th century. Under what conditions the reading rooms were opened, what rules they had, what goals, and how much the government supervised their work is an important issue in the work. Special attention was paid to the reading rooms in smaller towns where they were the center of all social events. Reading rooms were not only the forerunners of libraries, they usually had other sections, such as music and anti-alcohol sections. The author also analyzes the internal relations that are dependent on the political situation in the country and the personal animosities of the management and members.

Små russiske hverdager är norsklektorn Torunn Berntsens oredigerade minnesbilder av livet i det sena 1990-talets Ryssland. Navet i berättelsen är köket hos Berntsens hyresvärdinna i Sankt Petersburg, där en stor del av vardagen försiggår och funderingar uppstår. Författaren grubblar mycket över Rysslands väsen och framtid.
Små russiske hverdager (An Average Day in Russia) are Norwegian lecturer Torunn Berntsen's unedited memoirs of life in late 1990s Russia. The hub of the story is the kitchen at Berntsen's landlady in St. Petersburg, where a large part of everyday life takes place and thoughts arise. The author ponders a lot about Russia's essence and future.

Rysk november. En intervjuresa i nordvästligsta Ryssland er en reiseskildring fra Kola-halvøya og Karelen i Russland, der forfatteren beskriver egne møter underveis med representanter for både sivilsamfunnet og det offentlige. Boka er lettlest og engasjerende, og egner seg for alle som er interessert i samfunnsutviklingen i Russland og arktiske spørsmål.
Rysk november. En intervjuresa i nordvästligsta Ryssland is a travelogue from the Kola Peninsula and Karelia in Russia, where the author describes his own meetings along the way with representatives of both civil society and the public sector. The book is easy to read and engaging, and suitable for anyone interested in the development of Russian society and the Arctic.

U prvom dijelu ove studije, objavljenom u prvom broju časopisa "Svjetionik", autor je ukratko izložio osnovne elemente filozofije politike karakteristične za historiju savremenih nacija u kojem je analizirao odnose pojedinca, naroda, nacije i države. Drugi dio ove studije fokusira se na odnos Bošnjaka prema kolektivnom sjećanju koje je, kako autor smatra, pod utjecajem dugoročne političke strategije susjeda, dovedeno na prag amnezije. Autor smatra da poljuljana kolektivna memorija predstavlja najneuralgičniji problem i najveću opasnost za historijsku reintegraciju i homogenizaciju Bošnjaka kao naroda i nacije. Autor naglašava da je "Bosanac" teritorijalna odrednica i potpuno isključuje nacionalnu odrednicu "Bošnjak". Koketiranje s formulacijom "Bošnjaci/Bosanci", koja se često koristi, ne samo što ne afirmira etničku i nacionalnu pripadnost Bošnjaka nego još dodatno negira njihovu posebnost – a time dovodi u pitanje i samo postojanje Bošnjaka. Bošnjak se rađa, Bošnjak se ostaje. "Bosanac" se postaje, "Bosanac" se prestaje biti. Bošnjak koji živi u Bosni ujedno je i "Bosanac". "Bosanac" koji nije Bošnjak, nigdje, pa ni u Bosni, ne postaje Bošnjak. Bošnjak koji ne živi u Bosni ostaje Bošnjak, ali prestaje biti "Bosanac". Cilj supstituiranja historijskog imena Bošnjaci teritorijalnom odrednicom "Bosanci", očigledan je: Razbiti homogeno jezgro Bošnjaka brisanjem svijesti o njihovoj etničkoj posebnosti, imenu, nacionalnom jedinstvu, zajedničkoj historiji, kulturi, jeziku, ukratko – zajedničkoj prošlosti, sadašnjosti i budućnosti. Također u studiji se podsjeća na razliku savremenog shvatanja nacije od načina na koji je ovaj društveni fenomen bio tumačen sve do sredine 20. stoljeća. Iza razgraničenja nacije od naroda, kao njegove navodno superiorne forme, u pozadini se krije nastojanje da se narod, kao objektivna činjenica, relativizira, uzajamne veze njegovih pripadnika oslabe i da se cijelo stanovništvo podvede pod kontrolu centralne političke moći – kao prividno integrirana i homogena cjelina. ; In the first part of this study, published in the first issue of the magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar, the author briefly outlined the basic elements of the philosophy of politics characteristic of the history of modern nations in which he analysed the relations of the individual, the people, the nation and the state. The second part of this study focuses on the attitude of Bosniaks towards collective memory, which, according to the author, was brought to the threshold of amnesia under the influence of the long-term political strategy of their neighbours. The author believes that the shaken collective memory represents the most neuralgic problem and the greatest danger for the historical reintegration and homogenization of Bosniaks as an ethnicity and a nation. The author emphasizes that "Bosnian" is a territorial determinant and completely excludes the national determinant "Bosniak". Flirting with the phrase "Bosniaks/Bosnians", which is often used, is not only a denouncement of the ethnic and national affiliation of Bosniaks, but further denies their uniqueness – and thus calls into question the very existence of Bosniaks. A Bosniak is born, a Bosniak remains. A "Bosnian" becomes, a "Bosnian" cease to be. A Bosniak living in Bosnia is also a "Bosnian". A "Bosnian" who is not a Bosniak does not become a Bosniak anywhere, not even in Bosnia. A Bosniak who does not live in Bosnia remains a Bosniak, but ceases to be a "Bosnian". The goal of substituting the historical name Bosniaks with the territorial designation "Bosnians" is obvious: Break the homogeneous core of Bosniaks by erasing awareness of their ethnic identity, name, national unity, common history, culture, language, in short – a common past, present and future. The study also recalls the difference between the modern understanding of the nation and the way in which this social phenomenon was interpreted until the middle of the 20th century. Behind the separation of the nation from the ethnicity/people, as the supposedly superior form, lies the effort to relativize the ethnicity/people, as an objective fact, to weaken the mutual ties of its members and to bring the entire population under the control of central political power – as a seemingly integrated and homogeneous whole.

This article explores the evolution of the audience of the National Library of Russia (NLR) from the beginning of the XIX century until the present day. The author demonstrates how political and economic factors influenced social and gender characteristics of readers of the NLR, increase in the amount of readers, strengthening of the role of the library as one of the largest cultural and information centers in the world. ; Ovaj članak istražuje razvoj publike Nacionalne biblioteke Rusije (NBR) od početka 19. stoljeća do danas. Autori pokazuju kako su politički i ekonomski činioci utjecali na socijalne i rodne karakteristike čitalačke publike NBR-a, povećanje broja čitatelja, jačanje uloge biblioteke kao jednog od najvećih kulturnih i informacijskih centara na svijetu.

Naslijeđe jugoslavenskog socijalizma još je djelotvorno na identitarnu ravan država i naroda sljednika te bivše zajedničke države. Odnos komunističke doktrine i religije, u našem ispitivanom slučaju islama, posebno zaokuplja pažnju istraživača. Na marginama iščitavanja dvije recentne knjige o odnosu islama, Bošnjaka i socijalizma nastao je ovaj tekst. On kritički propituje mjesto i ulogu islama i institucije Islamske zajednice u savremenom i nacionalnom i političkom razvoju Bošnjaka s akcentom na recentna društvena zbivanja. ; The legacy of Yugoslav socialism is still viable in the successor states and the nations of that former common state as a form of identity. The relationship between communist doctrine and religion, specifically Islam, is of particular interest to researchers. This paper was written under the impression of two recent books recognizing the relationship between Islam, Bosniaks and socialism. The author critically questions the place and role of Islam and the institution of the Islamic Community in the contemporary national and political development of Bosniaks, with an emphasis on recent social events.

Djelo Budućnost islama, prema autoru, nastalo je iz pobude i pokušaja ponovne izgradnje odnosa Zapada s muslimanskim svijetom, posebno u svjetlu politike tadašnjeg američkog predsjednika Baracka Obame i njegove politike za "novim putem naprijed" (str. 6) nakon njegovog "historijskog govora" u Kairu - kako su to prenijeli zapadni mediji. Djelo je koncizno i unutar svoja četiri osnovna poglavlja nastoji odgovoriti na nekoliko ključnih pitanja: Kakva je budućnost islama - reformacijska ili revolucijska? Da li su islam i modernost kompatibilni? Koliko je rasprostranjen islamski fundamentalizam i da li je on prijetnja muslimanskim društvima i Zapadu? ; According to the author, the text The Future of Islam was produced as an incentive and attempt to re-build relations between the West and the Muslim world, particularly in the light of the policy of "a new way forward" (p.6) of the then U.S. president Barack Obama, after his 'historic speech' in Cairo – as reported by Western media. The book is concise, and its four basic chapters strive to answer several key questions: What is the future of Islam – reformation or revolution? Are Islam and modernity compatible? How widespread is Islamic fundamentalism and is it a threat to Muslim societies and the West?

Abstract: A tragedy of the Galician diversity: Murder and commemoration of Polish professors killed in Lviv during WWIIIn popular imagery, the former Habsburg province of Galicia and its capital city Lemberg/Lwów/Lviv have been acclaimed for their unique mixture of religions, cultures and nationalities. However, there are also darker sides of this Galician diversity, as became evident during the wars and crises of the first half of the twentieth century. It is instructive to explore how the entanglements between collective and individual choices, cultural genealogies and political aspirations looked in practice in this part of Europe, and how historical events of the twentieth century have reflected this complexity. This article explores one such event: the murder of a group of eminent Polish academics during the Nazi occupation of Lviv/Lwów. After the war, this tragic episode was commemorated quite independently in the two parts of Galicia now divided by the redrawn Polish–(Soviet)Ukrainian border. The episode remains controversial due to the contradictory interpretative frameworks and agenda-setting of various actors involved into the memorialization. The author draws on Michael Rothberg's concept of multidirectional memory to highlight how reverberations of Galician diversity can be approached from an anthropological perspective, focusing on meaning-making and agency.

I boken Urban Protest: A Spatial Perspective on Kyiv, Minsk, and Moscow utvecklas och testas ett teoretiskt ramverk för att kartlägga hur massprotester påverkas av den plats där de utspelar sig och den politiska kontexten. Modellen är gedigen och utan tvekan ett bra verktyg för att förstå hur en specifik plats bidrar till att möjliggöra eller begränsa protesters utveckling. Författaren borde nöjt sig med detta och inte strävat efter att modellen också ska förklara varför protester »lyckas» eller »misslyckas». En sådan kausalitet framställer, felaktigt, massprotester som någon slags demokratisk »quick fix» trots att politisk förändring i de allra flesta fall i stället är resultatet av en lång utvecklingsprocess.
Urban Protest: A Spatial Perspective on Kyiv, Minsk, and Moscow develops and tests a theoretical framework for mapping how mass protests are affected by the political context and the space in which they take place. This model provides a useful tool for understanding how a specific location contributes to facilitating or impeding a protest. However, the author should have stopped here, and not additionally tried to use the model to explain why protests 'succeed' or 'fail'. Such causality depicts mass protests as some kind of democratic 'quick fix – but, in the vast majority of cases, political change comes about as the result of a longer-term process.