Suchergebnisse

In this paper the author deals with the nature of culture, the culture of peace, education as an eminently cultural activity, & the projections of the future. The author defines culture as people's cooperation in improving the quality of their lives & considers it at the same time to be both a part of individuals & a part of communities. Furthermore, the author advocates the culture of peace & cooperation & argues that culture in principle promotes peace, eliminates war & immanently strives for the ascendancy of peaceful cooperation among people. For the sake of peace & understanding the author thinks that the united Europe ought to standardize learning & education concerning the optimal forms of togetherness. & finally the author promotes the concept of "project identity" i.e. emerging identity. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, & focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates' mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls & by applying Sinnott's model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions -- in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by half-baked electoral strategies of political parties & the unremarkable & dull campaigns -- that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate's perceptions of power & trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter & improve the electoral institutions & the practice of the ED political parties, states & institutions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting assumption is the domination of two undemocratic ideological orientations: liberalism & republicanism. The author sees republicanism & liberalism as the ideas proximate to the political or the democratic. These ideas operate semantically but cannot be identified with the political or the democratic. This is not possible as they are not commensurable structures. By providing a theoretical account of various historical traditions the author shows that European republicanism ignored democracy & considered it to be the worst form of government. This is partly true of the liberal political doctrine that evolved later. The author argues it is possible to convert republicanism to democratic pluralism i.e. that this is the biggest common good today. In this way republicanism may be spared its controversies. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into Scheler's philosophy of war as stated in his work The Genius of War. In the context of Germany during World War One, Scheler polemicized with various interpretations of the essence & the nature of war, particularly with those that reduce wars to economic or sociological roots, & claimed that the spiritual drive behind the "real" war was only to increase power. The war for him is part of the human nature, but not as a mere struggle for survival but as the struggle for power that maximally exalts, expands & deepens the common & indivisible values of our moral consciousness. The author argues that Scheler's intention is to glorify war, counter to Kant's universalism & rationalism. He is particularly dismissive of Kant's idea of "eternal peace" & all that is linked with cosmopolitanism & pacifism. The author concludes that Scheler's philosophy is self-delusional. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper explores the causes of the Middle East conflicts. The author considers that apart from historical & religious roots the main causes are the importance of the energy deposits, great & regional powers competition & collisions over energy resources, the complexity of water management in the region for its scarcity, traditional, religious & ethnic differences, social differentiations & conflicts, growing poverty among majority of people, demographic problems. The persistence & not solving of these problems clearly indicate that local terrorisms, wars & armed confrontations remain the ominous feature of the region, concludes the author. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the significance of Nietzsche' s work On the use and abuse of history for life through the reception of that work by the eminent historian Burckhardt. He suggests that their disagreements are paradigmatic for understanding the role of history & historical education in shaping the European spirit i.e. the meaning of the continuity of European history. The second part offers various interpretative possibilities in analyzing the relationship between Nietzsche's thought & the historical reality of National Socialism. The author concludes that Nietzsche has been seen as a radical thinker whose influence cannot be disregarded. References. Adapted from the source document.

The article is devoted to the doctrine & practice of the Law of Treaties. The author focuses his attention on the following four topics: (l) the Treaties & third States or third international organizations; (2) the Treaties that provide rights for third States or third international organizations; (3) the Treaties that set out obligations for third States or third international organizations. He pays special attention to the most-favored-nation clause. The author gives interpretations of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969 & the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties between States & International Organizations or between International Organizations 1986. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses the impact of exercising the right to access to information & respecting of transparency for the prevention of corruption in the EU institutions. These two issues are the key principles of good governance & basic prerequisites for democratic participation, allowing citizens to effectively protect their fundamental rights & liberties through public scrutiny. The EU standards are assessed by comparison with the internationally recognized standards, & five indicators have been used: the scope of the right to access, the scope of exceptions, the administrative & appeal procedure, the protection of whistleblowers, administration performance openness & political will. The author wonders if the adopted regulations & rules of procedure are strict enough to prevent emergence of corruption & maladministration in the EU institutions. References. Adapted from the source document.

The article considers the significance of the commitment of the state & its factors & forces in preventing the perpetrators of terrorism to manifest themselves in a violent way. The author takes as a starting point the fact that terrorist collectivities make great efforts to take their primary victim (state) by surprise. The response of the state should result in the efficient protection from this danger. The author considers subjective & objective limitations the anti-terrorist forces of the state are facing in the protection of the state from the terrorist surprise. This, among other things, results in porosity of the anti-terrorist prevention in some of its aspects. The volume & character of possible detrimental effects on the security of the state for the occasional porosity of the anti-terrorist prevention is treated within a separate chapter. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the thesis about the cognitive-theoretical & scientific-political congruence of George Soros' & Karl Popper's thinking. Although Popper is considered to be the originator of the idea & the concept of the open society while George Soros is thought of as a practitioner who attempted to implement the idea, the author nevertheless points out an array of dissimilarities between these two major thinkers of the 20th century & claims that the assumed identicalness cannot be convincingly defended. On the contrary, though it is possible to glean several potential reasons why Soros took up philanthropy, the desire to put Popper's concept into practice is not the most important one among them. Thus he concludes that their close relationship can be primarily explained at the level of emotive generosity, the result of very similar life experiences. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Autor u članku upozorava na potrebu provođenja temeljitog istraživanja tvrdnje da predstavnička demokracija dovodi do snažnog političkog otuđenja i da je u završnom stadiju propadanja. U pokušaju promišljanja porijekla i budućnosti predstavničke vladavine autor ističe da je najprije potrebno staviti na dnevni red temeljna shvaćanja predstavničke demokracije, kako bi se iznova razmotrila klasična tumačenja povijesnih korijena i modernog razvoja ideala predstavničke vladavine. Drugo, u članku se ističe da je potrebno razmotriti uspješnost postojećih predstavničkih demokracija s obzirom na različite izazove i pritiske s kojima se danas suočavaju. Treće, u nastojanju da se ukaže na budućnost predstavničke demokracije autor predlaže preispitivanje poznate Tocquevilleove tvrdnje da je jedna od velikih vrlina demokracije to što ona pravi "greške koje se mogu ispraviti", pitajući se je li Tocquevilleov uvid još uvijek primjenjiv na stvarno postojeće demokracije.* ; In this paper, the author points to the need for conducting an in-depth study of the claim that representative democracy leads to intense political alienation and that it is in its final stage of decline. In an attempt to reconsider the origins and future of representative government, the author points out that the fundamental concepts of representative democracy should first be included in the agenda, so as to reconsider the classical interpretations of historical origins and modern development of the ideal of representative government. Second, the paper points out that it is necessary to examine the performance of existing representative democracies, considering the various challenges and pressures with which they are faced today. Third, in an eff ort to point at the future of representative democracy, the author suggests that we rethink Tocqueville's famous claim that one of the great virtues of democracy is that it makes "errors that can be corrected", wondering if this Tocqueville's insight applies to actually existing democracies.

The author points out that energy reserves are adequate to meet demand till 2030. The principal uncertainty in global energy supply prospects is its price. We expect that international trade in energy, & fossil fuels in particular, will be on the rise. Technological advances & technology breakthroughs could radically alter the long-term picture of energy supply beyond 2006. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the questions of the right to abortion & John Rawls' political concept of justice. The political concept of justice was envisioned for modern democratic liberal societies whose main feature is a pluralism of various comprehensive doctrines. That is why its content ought to encompass solely those political values that are common to all citizens, regardless of which doctrines they espouse. The question of the right to abortion is also topical & interesting because its justification has been a bone of contention between various religious doctrines opposing it & the public legislation. The justification of this right in a pluralist society must stem from the public mind's limitations ie., must be based on the political values that all citizens share. The author builds upon Rawls' opinion on the right to abortion as stated in Political liberalism, & argues in favor of this right using this as his starting point. Finally, the article shows how the doctrines opposed to this right can nevertheless accept the political concept of justice & not be regarded as unreasonable or to feel excluded from public debate. In order for them to be reasonable it is essential for them to be accepting of the political values this right may be derived from without accepting the right itself. References. Adapted from the source document.