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In order to expose the errors of globalism, the author argues it is necessary to interrogate the proclaimed correlation of transnationalism & cosmopolitanism, as well as the assumption that an increased and social connectivity will lead to greater levels of cosmopolitanism. Gaining conceptual clarity with regard to the task of conceptualizing trans-nationalism and cosmopolitanism is based on the argument that the transnational experience should be conceived as involving several layers leading from the construction of transnational social spaces to the formation of transnational communities. The disjunction between image and reality underlying who appears to be a "cosmopolitan" versus a "transnational" identifies how contemporary discourse blends the line between description & prescription. The distinctions between transnational social spaces & cosmopolitan local continuum are located in the increasing volumes of cross-cultural interaction that increase open or closed postures. Cosmopolitanism is related to the presence or absence of the transnational experience, & the divergence between cosmopolitan & locals are identified. The relationship between trans-nationalism & cosmopolitanism is concluded to not be linear, but rather the extension of transnational social spaces into the global cultural him review is responsible for producing both cosmopolitan & local attitudes. Making a choice between the two is a matter of ethics & moral judgment. References. J. Harwell

An examination of how women's work is influenced by globalization & how gendered global labor networks are established. The author argues that analysis of the major trends of the most recent period of globalization & the gender dimensions is important to effectively address the abuses of women face. Examination of the latest wave of globalization that began in the 1960s identifies the complementary micro & macro trends of the gendered effects of globalization. Macroanalysis of causal links between the spread of multinational corporations into different areas of the world, & the use of structural adjustment policies is related to increases in women's participation in the informal sector. Microanalysis of the three gendered sectors of sex work, domestic labor, & export oriented production mind the similarities in the wide range of risks, low wages, no benefits, long hours, lack of security, and lack of rights. A multilevel analysis addresses the increased reliance on markets globally & the widespread adoption of the export oriented development strategy, as well as the unlikeliness of governments to pay attention to the concerns of women workers. These clear analytical linkages between the dimensions of globalization & women's presence in gendered labor networks supports the author's recommendations, & a call to fundamentally reconsider the usefulness of current institutions & determine whether they can be transformed or with a new ones are needed. References. J. Harwell

Applies theoretical, typological, conceptual, & empirical analysis to the changes within the European catch-all political parties. This article focuses on the 'crisis' of the changes in the catch-all party (Vokspartei) since the 1970s & the restructuring of the Western catch-all parties as society & the Parteienstaat, or party state, where they function. Three waves of party building are identified & four resulting types of parties are described. The author argues that O. Kirchheimer's term, 'catch-all' party has been used inappropriately since he referred only to the outgrowth of the mass-integration party. Most of the major parties in Europe are still catch-all, however, & since the 1980s, they have experienced lower levels of organization & societal penetration. Social democratic, Christian democratic, & conservative parties have adapted by becoming smaller, less structured, & more flexible in order to remain electorally competitive. The disadvantages of these changes have been their 'short-termism' & 'ad-hockery' in their programs & electoral appeal as well as their inability to socially integrate & mediate. The Spanish, Portuguese, & Greek parties that have traditionally been ad hoc mobilizers have adapted better than the more structured German SPD or the social democrats in Scandinavia. The catch-all parties are not in a crisis of legitimation, but have remained stable & have generally been able to reorganize enough consent to re-equilibrate the system. L. A. Hoffman

New agricultural biotechnologies that can design agricultural products at the molecular level are beginning to impact society in social, technical, & ethical ways without the safeguards of democratic rules & regulations. Not only can these methods transform the agrifood system, but they can alter ecosystems, the organization of agriculture, & the development, or lack of development, of Third World countries. As industries create microorganisms, plants, & animals to specifically meet human needs & desires, moral & ethical dilemmas are raised; & the expanded claims to intellectual property rights for genetic advancements could privatize plants & animals that were once public domain. Such changes could take the market of crops such as cocoa, vanilla, sugar cane, & coffee away from Third World countries; & give unprecedented power to large corporations. Most of this transformation is taking place quietly within the private sector without public awareness, input, or decision making. While claims of humanitarian reasons for increasing agricultural output are given, the taking of jobs from Third World countries leaves their peoples without the means of purchasing food & other necessities. The author details current biotechnological advances in plants, enzymes within foods, & animals. While biotechnologies could benefit society, they need to be democraticized to ensure that they are used for beneficial purposes. 1 Table. L. A. Hoffman

The task of critical globalization studies is to present new narratives & architectures that will critically remap the global terrain by locating resistance to global power & unrecognized forms of participation by actors typically presented as powerless, victims, or uninvolved in global conditions. Taking the definition of the term globalization as a starting point, the author identifies the process of subnational activism in the use of human rights instrument & non-cosmopolitan forms of global politics & imaginaries that, although local, are part of global lateral networks and other localized efforts. The destabilizing components of globalization are identified as older hierarchies & scales that often trump the emergent rescalings resulting in a multiscaler character of various globalization processes. The task of recovering place includes the cities in the analysis of economic globalization, & a new economic geography of centrality defines the role of valorization of capital present in global cities. The last visible localizations of the global reintroduces the community & the household is an important economic space in global cities, resulting in cross-border political work of multi-scaler interaction. The political dimensions of this type of critical mapping of spaces of globalization does not identify a political practice of the cosmopolitan route to the global, but rather settings that are transformed into micro environments located on global circuits. They represent a community of practice that can emerge that creates multiple lateral, horizontal communications, collaborations, solidarities, & supports. References. J. Harwell

The crucial intervening variable in the globalization & inequality-poverty matrix is asserted to be the role of national economic governance to create & sustain forms of national economic governments associated with the maintenance of institutional capacities. The author argues that strategic economic planning continues to be vital to the types of economic structure & forms of economic growth that are most conducive to reducing inequality & poverty. A brief historical narrative discusses the nature of state institutions & their relation to economic growth from the Weberian tradition of bureaucratic incompetence economic governance as related to the cases of South Korea & Malaysia. Recent scholarship of the dramatic poverty reductions in Korea have identified a consequence of improvements in economic growth without significant recourse to anti-poverty or redistribution policies that is contrasted with the explicit anti-poverty & redistribution of policies of the Malaysian development project. The historical contingencies that sustain an institutional apparatus capable of the effective management of the domestic economy in an age of globalization has had the unsurprising result of national development projects that have their own hearings to poverty, inequality, & a reduction of both. Although the conclusion that national economic governance is vital to reducing inequality & poverty runs counter to neoliberal theorizing, and it is a conclusion that demand serious attention from national & international agencies & from the development community at large. References. J. Harwell

The acceleration of globalization & international migration in recent years, & the potential impact on the course of human history, is accompanied by a surprising lacunae of exchanges among scholars working within the two fields. The few immigration scholars interested in understanding the effects of transnationalism a have called for a paradigm shift that recognizes the importance of globalization & a critical examination of traditional bipolar dichotomies utilizing a dialectical approach that entertains the possibility of contradictory processes occurring together. Analysis of the Guatemalan & Salvadoran migration to the US indicates how globalization stimulates international migration on one hand, & how migrants have shaped global processes on the other. The shaping of Central America by foreign countries throughout history is discussed in relation to resistance movements responding to oppression & exploitation throughout the region. The various scholarly debates on transnationalism & processes are examined in aspects of remittances, the creation & expansion of a supporting connected infrastructure, immigrant cross-border organizing, & immigrant related cross-border initiatives find non-immigrants. The author concludes that the relationship between globalization & international migration needs to be historically grounded to clarify the contest text of "transnational spaces", to question dichotomous & mutually exclusive categories, & to pay attention to the possibility of multiple, dialectical outcomes of international migration in relation to globalization. The attempt to understand the mutual impacts of globalization & international migration is a contestation of the notion of the hegemonic order to acknowledge that globalization is not neutral, but neither is it exclusively the domain of the powerful. References. J. Harwell

In this forward by the Editor in Chief of Foreign Policy magazine, the author contextualizes the surprising developments in Venezuela over the past decade to counter the common wisdom about the primacy of an incompetent opposition funded by displaced Venezuelan elites as the context for an exploration of Venezuelan history and its role in the region. The particularity of Venezuelan history in the 21st century can be interpreted as either a relic of the past or a harbinger of things to come in Latin America & elsewhere in the developing world. As a model in the region, the politics of rage, race, & revenge used by Chavez to mobilize supporters are reflected in new political movements sprouting throughout the region. Their grievances all stem from their countries poor economic performance, the chronic inability of governments to deploy more effective social policies, & an intense democratization process that has enabled the emergence of new political actors capable of challenging the traditional political parties. The assumption that corruption is the single most important cause of poverty & inequality has become an impediment to political, economic, & social progress threatened the region. The Venezuelan experience serves as an example of the collateral damages caused by ineffective, misguided & bankrupt war on corruption. The dominant thought that the money is there, it's just a matter of distributing it better is refuted to show the money stopped being there years ago. Whether the conclusion that "in revolutionary times stealing is more important than ideas" will be answered if Venezuela replaces real achievements with corruption, rage, & revenge to define the nation's political soul. J. Harwell

"Brief sketch of research on mass media portrayal of recent election campaigns in the United States. Most of this research involves media coverage of the 1980 presidential election campaign. The focus is on the substance of information conveyed by mass media stories and on the research methods used to assess the substance of coverage. The general discussion is followed by an analysis of the substance of coverage of the 1980 presidential election by the New York Times. In the paper, 1980 findings are compared to findings from prior elections, particularly the 1976 election. All findings about mass media coverage of presidential campaigns are based on the author"s previous research and involve use of the same type of detailed coding methods. The validity of such content analysis findings, based on well-established research techniques and routines used by most other researchers, is then questioned. Do the usual content-analysis techniques yield adequate information about media content? Do they give a wholly accurate, partially accurate, or totally inaccurate picture? To answer these questions, the paper reports findings from a content analysis of New York Times stories of the 1980 election done through the technique of 'assertion' coding. The results of traditional content analysis and assertion content analysis are then compared. The findings clearly demonstrate the shortcomings of current content analysis methods. They also suggest the direction in which current research findings need to be modified to present a more accurate picture of mass media protrayal of election campaigns." (author's abstract)

"Zahlreiche Studien belegen, dass Jugendliche und junge Erwachsene türkischer Herkunft auf dem deutschen Arbeitsmarkt in besonderer Weise benachteiligt sind. Der Beitrag untersucht vor diesem Hintergrund, ob hierfür neben den formalen Bildungsqualifikationen weitere gesellschaftsspezifische Kapitalien verantwortlich sind. Während die assimilationistische Perspektive in diesem Zusammenhang vor allem einen Mangel an zentralen Ressourcen und Fertigkeiten des Aufnahmelandes vermutet, wird im populären Konzept der Segmented Assimilation betont, dass unter Umständen gerade die Pflege eigenethnischer Kapitalien und Orientierungen ein Rezept gegen den strukturellen Misserfolg bilde. Die beiden Grundpositionen und die verwandte multikulturalistische Perspektive werden in diesem Beitrag abgegrenzt und mit Daten des Sozioökonomischen Panels überprüft. Danach sind für die Arbeitsmarktprobleme junger Türkinnen und Türken vor allem mangelnde Deutschkenntnisse und eine mangelnde Einbindung in Netzwerke der Aufnahmegesellschaft verantwortlich, während eigenethnische Kapitalien weder einen Ersatz darstellen noch einen zusätzlichen Nutzen versprechen. Die Bedingungen des deutschen Arbeitsmarktes scheinen also weitgehend den in der assimilationistischen Perspektive vermuteten zu entsprechen." (Autorenreferat). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten.;;;"Many studies show that second generation Turks face specifically severe disadvantages in the German labour market. In this paper the author analyses whether, besides formal education, a lack of country-specific capital may account for this fact. While an assimilationist approach would regard several host-country specific resources and skills as necessary for labour market success, the popular concept of Segmented Assimilation argues that, in contrast, under certain conditions it is ethnic capital and orientations that may advance it. The paper delineates both positions as well as the related concept of multiculturalism and tests their empirical relevance using data from the German Socio-economic Panel (GSOEP). It turns out that the labour market problems of young Turks can be explained by a lack of German language proficiency and low access to German social networks, while ethnic capital neither compensates for host country specific capital nor promises any additional gain. The conditions of the German labour market thus seem to correspond largely to the assimilationist perspective." (author's abstract).

The relationship between global war & global social unrest is investigated in the recent empirical research by Arrighi & Silver to argue that there has indeed been an intimate link that is traceable back to the late 18th century age of war & revolution in the Atlantic world, & a speeding up of social history that is visible from one world hegemonic transition to the next. The author draws on empirical research on the world historical dynamics of labor unrest to describe the cycle of war & labor unrest that characterized the first half of the 20th century. Comparative analysis of the transition from Dutch to British world hegemony in the late 18th & early 19th century to the transition from British to US world hegemony in the late 19th & early 20th century a reveals the recurrence of a "a vicious cycle" in both transitions, as well as the increased scale, scope, & speed of the cycle. The implications of these past patterns for understanding the dynamics of war, world politics, & social conflict are related to the theory that the role of aggressive new powers seeking to dominate their neighbors has lessened from transition to transition, whereas the role played by the declining hegemon attempting to cement their slipping preeminence into an exploitative hegemony, has increased. The intuitive response of mass social protests to US attempts to convert declining hegemony into empire through military force suggest particular points of strategic bargaining power for movements. The hope is that actors & global protesters will change the course of the United States, & facilitate a relatively smooth transition from the decaying hegemonic order to a more peaceful & equitable world order. References. J. Harwell

To place the Marxist observation that ". the country that is more developed industrially only shows the country that is less developed, the image of its own future" in its proper context requires reading the preface to that phrase that "social antagonisms that spring from the natural laws of capitalist production (of)." Read in this way, the incompleteness of the development of capitalist production that Marx noted throughout the European continent can be applied to "signs of the times" in Latin America. The author explores three aspects of the internal reorganization of the state in Latin America, & the evidence of an emphatic turn across the region to the systematic pursuit of international competitiveness & the opening up of a new phase of class struggle. Competition authorities have proliferated across the region over the last decade, reflecting a fundamental reorientation in the political economy of the region. Current hyperactivity around the issue competitiveness is demonstrably a reaction to the "palpable evidence" of rapid development in East Asia, & the poor performance of the region. The international organizations are engaged in a shared project of building "competition cultures" at global & regional levels. The current projects of "market led development based on international competition" in Latin America goes beyond the adjustment oriented policies promoted by the IMF to internalize at a national level the logic of capitalist reproduction & hegemony. US empire in the region is concluded to be part of the rivalry between the advanced capitalist countries that extends the social relations of capitalism across the multiplicity of nation-states. Imperialism, it turns out, is the pioneer of capitalism after all. References. J. Harwell

Der Beitrag berichtet über die Ergebnisse zweier Studien, die den Zusammenhang zwischen staatsbürgerlichen Wissen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Orientierungen - hauptsächlich die Einstellung gegenüber Fremden - näher untersuchen. In der ersten quasi-experimentellen Studie wird den Effekten von kognitiven Komponenten (Wissen) auf die (politischen) Einstellungen (Attitüden) in ihrer Varianz vom Alter bei Adoleszenten nachgegangen, während die zweite Studie mittels einer Befragung von Schülern die Korrelation zwischen schulischer Leistung und den Einstellungen untersucht. Beide Studien zeigen, dass staatsbürgerkundliches Wissen nur eine geringe Rolle bei der Entwicklung einer toleranten Einstellung gegenüber Ausländern spielt. Die geringe Relevanz der traditionellen staatsbürgerkundlichen Erziehung erzwingt für den Autor eine grundsätzliche Revision der Ziele und Curricula politischer Bildung. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2002 bis 2004.;;;Different ways in which school may affect adolescents' attitudes are briefly addressed, with a particular focus on the acquisition of knowledge. After that, some empirical findings are presented that shed light on the role which knowledge may play in the formation of tolerance in the political and social domain. ... In the following... two examples, taken from the research, that address the relationship between civic knowledge and civic orientations, namely concerning attitudes towards foreigners [are presented]. In the first study, an experimental intervention is used to examine the effects of knowledge on attitudes, while checking for spurious associations due to age-graded changes in both variables. Based on a larger set of questionnaire data collected in schools, the second study examines correlations between knowledge and attitudes depending on the students' grade levels. [The author concludes], if knowledge has any effect on tolerance, this seems to be mainly the case among students in the higher-grade levels. It has to be noted that the research presented could contribute to [the] thinking about civic socialization in school, but it falls short of providing conclusive evidence. More research is needed before arriving at a solid judgment on information-based civic instruction as a way to foster students' tolerance. (DIPF/orig.).

This article is part of the publication of contributions delivered at the 24th annual conference of the Association for Teacher Education in Europe (ATEE), held at the University of Leipzig, 30.08.-05.09.1999. "A change of perspective has taken place in teacher education: It is no longer seen as the problem-solving agent of education but rather as just another source of educational problems. In this article, the author tries to trace the roots of such a negative image. The most obvious approach is a historical one. An enormous number of attempts have been made to reform teacher education. The most important and positive among these attempts has been the academic orientation of teacher education. Yet, seen from the educationalists' perspective, there have appeared a number of traps and false conclusions, possibly due to a misinterpretation of what the role of science in education should be. The reorientation of teacher education, i. e. the turn from purely didactical and practice-oriented courses at educational colleges to mainly academically oriented courses at universities, have brought up new problems that urgently need to be solved. The author discovers major problems in the fact that the great variety of research interests have to be brought in order to make them accessible to students. Didactics which are said to be the most important of all professional disciplines for teachers need to be applied to the structure of the educational discipline as a whole. An agreement on a fundamental canon of topics, methods and knowledge is necessary. This demand is, however, not meant to minimize the range of areas of study; instead, it should rather be considered to broaden specific fields of interest in order to avoid one sided academic points of view. The still unsolved problem of theory and practice is another point to be discussed. The author's question here is: "Where should educational knowledge be grounded - in the discipline or in the profession?" As it is not possible to make a clear distinction between theory and practice but rather to distinguish between the production and the application of knowledge, a curriculum is needed where those two aspects can be put together interactively. This seems to be a solution to many unsolved problems, as it would lead to a more specified target of academic teacher education. In Germany, the academic foundations for the teaching profession are laid in the initial phase of training at university. One should be careful not to ascribe tasks to academic studies that can realistically only be part of the probational second phase of teacher education. Yet, as education needs to be perceived as an action-oriented system of reflection, a significantly stronger combination of practical school experience and theoretical reflection is needed. Ideally, there would be greater stress on the combination of observation and analysis of school work which could be a means to reflect on professional practice. Also, the didactical aspects of teacher training, which are constantly being claimed as being of major importance to teachers, need to be rethought on the level of university teaching. This is a demand going with professionality on the side of academic teachers but it is also meant as a kind of compensation for the lack of practice-related teaching. Seminars and lectures would then be turned into didactical workshops. Another field of possible improvement is seen in an intensified form of investigative learning where school research is seen as a task for both students and teachers. For matters of quality ensurance university teachers need to be willing to co-operate and start to develop ideals and criteria which can later be evaluated. But as the great day of general consent on the national level can not be expected and as new regulations only will not bring real change, innovation can alone be expected by people bearing responsibility at the basis of different universities. The financial crisis of public households should not focus an saddening thoughts an economic efficiency that keep real innovation in the minds of idealists without being ever put to practice." (DIPF/Orig.).

The present article is a summary of a quantitative Social History in three volumes (can be obtained directly from the author) treating of the 24 cathedral chapters of the Old German Empire in the 17th and 18th Century. The research on the cathedral chapters which were as well spiritual as secular corporations, until now is rather traditional in its methods, i.e. focusing on the constitutions and the biographies of the canons. Actually there are only a few monographies. Our study which comprehends all chapters examines 5 725 cases. The case-unit is not the person, but the prebend. The following variables are taken up: name (locality) of the chapter, dignitaries, degrees (for commoners), the ways of applying to and retiring from the chapters, social status (seven categories for the nobility, two for the commoners), advancements in rank, origin, cumulations. The completeness of the data is generally more than 90%, often towards 100%. All data is published in form of chronological lists of the canons in every chapter, besides an index of names is given. Therefore our work serves as a reference-book too. The data were processed with SPSS, crosstabulations and other statistics are published also. For regional inquiries the chapters were classified into three groups: Northern Germany, the chapters of the Knights of the Empire (i. e. Rhineland and Franconia), Southern Germany and Austria. To show the chronological development we divided the entire period (1601-1803) into four periods of about fifty years. The article presents some important results for every variable. Some general Statements are possible. From the viewpoint of social history the hypothesis of three regional types has been verified. Chapters at the border of the Empire form a particular group which shows more and more deviations to the Standard. On the other hand the chapters in the center assimilate. Spatial mobility decreases, local recruitment increases. There are tendencies to closeness and occasional provincialism. Cumulations increase in the second half of 18th Century. Canons from the middle and lower classes were almost completely eliminated during the two centuries. Thus the European feudal reaction can clearly be demonstrated using the example of the German cathedral chapters. Our research shows that the chapters get into a crisis in the late 18th Century. They could no more accomplish their functions as providing institutions for the German nobility. For many reasons the run to the prebends grew as well as the commoners' criticism influenced by the Enlightenment. They disapproved the loss of the chapters' spiritual functions, the prevalence of the nobility, the grewing exclusion of the commoners and the enormous cumulations. Proposals to a reform failed. The difficult Situation in the Empire during the Napoleonic Wars forced the secularization (1803) which brought the end to the old German cathedral chapters.