Introduction: paths of ambiguous transformation after 20 Years
In: 20 years after the collapse of communism: expectations, achievements and disillusions of 1989, S. 9-26
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In: 20 years after the collapse of communism: expectations, achievements and disillusions of 1989, S. 9-26
In: 20 years since the fall of the Berlin wall: transitions, state break-up and democratic politics in Central Europe and Germany, S. 221-248
In: 20 years since the fall of the Berlin wall: transitions, state break-up and democratic politics in Central Europe and Germany, S. 11-24
In: Kilometer Null: politische Transformation und gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen in Rumänien seit 1989, S. 11-23
In: Adolescence, careers, and cultures, S. 175-187
Questionnaire data derived from the 1995 module of the International Social Survey Program are drawn on to examine two dimensions of nationalist attitudes -- chauvinism & patriotism -- in 22 countries. Patriotism is the feeling of pride in one's people & country but with a critical understanding that can allow for other viewpoints & other peoples. Chauvinism, on the other hand, denotes blind acceptance of one's country & people as unique & superior. This latter, negative form of nationalism is likely to promote rejection of ethnic outgroups. Varying degrees of these two nationalist attitudes were found among the 22 countries, theorized to be mediated by ethnic competition, localistic orientation, contextual characteristics, & perceived ethnic threat. Cross-national analyses indicate a distinction between a country's patriotic vs chauvinistic nationalist attitudes in determining acceptance of ethnic outgroups. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton
In: 20 years after the collapse of communism: expectations, achievements and disillusions of 1989, S. 85-118
This chapter considers whether strong positive attitudes toward the ethnic ingroup of a given nation are related to strong exclusionist reactions to ethnic outgroups, a phenomenon defined as ethnocentrism or chauvinistic nationalism. The presence of this relation is comparatively examined among 22 countries, based on 1990s survey data. The primary aim is to discern whether the extent to which various dimensions of nationalist attitudes were related to various dimensions of exclusionist reactions differed systematically by socioeconomic population group & country, or whether these interrelations were universal & invariant, both within & across countries. The findings indicate a relatively strong relation between chauvinistic nationalism & resistance to immigrants, & this relation appears to be universal. Tables. J. Stanton
Massive waves of migrants fleeing poverty & refugees fleeing war have had a considerable effect on receiving countries. Focus here is on the emergence of latent resistance in 22 countries (based on 1995 survey data) to the influx of migrants, manifested in the negative attitudes & exclusionist reactions of their citizens toward the foreigners: the more citizens with negative attitudes, the greater the public support for immigration restriction. In a cross-country examination of this situation, a distinction is drawn between economic immigrants & refugees in search of safety. Various theories, especially those of ethnic competition or threat & localist orientation, support the findings that ethnic majority individuals who were less educated, self-employed, poorly employed (manual labor), unemployed, & poor were more likely to feel negatively toward immigrants in general, though attitudes were far less negative toward refugees than economic migrants. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton
In: World orders revisited, S. 7-16
In: Confronting the Yugoslav controversies., S. 391-424
In: Die Juden im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland, S. 67-73
In: Fanon & education. Thinking through pedagogical possibilities., S. 102-104
In: Democratization, Europeanization, and globalization trends. Cross-national analysis of authoritarianism, socialization, communications, youth, and social policy., S. 213-227
"Numerous studies observed a negative correlation between education and authoritarianism. Most studies are based on single cross-sectional analysis. This chapter applies a longitudinal perspective based on Dutch survey data from 1970 to 1996. How stable are educational differences? What is the relative explanatory power of education in understanding trends in authoritarianism? How is the rapidly raising level of educational attainment in recent decades related to shifts in authoritarian attitudes? And how are changes in these attitudes connected to generational re-placement? We further explore why education works. How important are enhancing cognitive sophistication and strengthening ego-security to explain the reduction of authoritarianism? Findings show a clear, almost linear relationship between education and authoritarianism during more than a quarter of a century. Higher education is consistently correlated with lower authoritarianism. How-ever, the decline of authoritarianism from 1970 to 1996 was stronger than could be expected because of rising educational levels of the Dutch population. Including measures of cognitive sophistication and ego security only slightly improves our understanding of trends in authoritarian attitudes. Education seems a 'universal solvent,' but we need to know more about the content of educational differences (beyond formal levels of schooling) to settle the debate more definitely. This study is part of our research program 'civil society, globalization, and sustainable development' at GLOBUS, Institute for Globalization and Sustainable Development, Tilburg, The Netherlands: Tilburg University." (author's abstract).
In: "1989" und Bildungsmedien.