Hungary has a unitary government system with 19 counties, 23 "cities with county rank" and about 3200 local (municipal) governments. The financial architectureof local governments is quite complicated and budget constraints are "halfway" between soft and hard. After an early and temporary "municipal bond boom" in the middle of 1990's, the size of indebtedness started to increase considerably, first in 2002. By the end of 2011 the size of financial obligations deriving from local borrowing amounted more than 4.7% of GDP.The paper is aimed at examining factors that might have been behind indebtedness and tries to separate the effect of internal and external variables for the period between 1990 and 2011. According to the results of the empirical analysis local authorities' borrowing activity cannot be explained only with help of quantitative macro-economical indicators such as total sub-national revenues, expenditures, CPI and GDP.Namely, the formation of debt was mainly determined by behaviour patterns of local governments and byrandom (unforeseeable) shocks caused by changes in central regulation. The short term patterns in borrowing attitude are due to the four-year long election cycle of local representatives while adapting to random shock happens quickly within one year. Four different time-phases (periods) can be determined, which can be described by different characteristics and makes explanation for the formation of local debt: Early development of subnational debt markets (1990-1995); restriction (1996-1997); moderate growth (1998-2006); municipal bond-boom (2007-2010).
Year 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of 'grass-root' initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society's self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems.
Year 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of 'grass-root' initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society's self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems.
This article examines the Upper Silesia plebiscite of 20 March 1921. The plebiscite was recognized by the Supreme Council of the Paris Peace Conference as the most effective instrument for appraising the local population's political preferences and their support for remaining in Germany or merging with Poland. Despite seemingly equal campaigning efforts and similar voter turnout, the proposed solution featured several limitations with more profound consequences for Poland. Only a part of Upper Silesia was covered by the plebiscite; the date of the plebiscite was announced less than a month before the event (both the local residents and the emigrants could vote); the German administration and representatives of the middle class (the bourgeoisie) and the upper class (aristocrats) exerted political pressure on local communities with Polish sentiments; the number of peacekeeping troops was insufficient to guarantee a fair Polish campaign and the emigrants' participation in the vote, including in the plebiscite area. Although their impact is difficult to determine, the above factors undoubtedly contributed to the absolute victory of German supporters. Despite the above, the proposed solution was not effective in dividing Upper Silesia into separate regions occupied by Polish and German communities.
Tekst traktuje o zagranicznych echach wyborów sejmowych w PRL z 1957 roku. W bloku wschodnim kampania wyborcza i same wybory budziły niepokój, ponieważ pojmowano je jako ciąg dalszy przemian polskiego Października. Stąd też, pozytywne dla władz z Warszawy wyniki głosowania, przyjęto z widoczną ulgą, podkreślając wagę wyborczego sukcesu PZPR. Inaczej wybory sejmowe w PRL interpretowano w innych państwach komunistycznych – Jugosławii i Chinach, dla których najistotniejsze w tym kontekście były własne interesy polityczne. Z kolei główne państwa Zachodu odbierały wydarzenia 1956 r. w Polsce, w tym wybory, przez głębszy pryzmat ówczesnych stosunków z blokiem wschodnim. Wyniki polskiego głosowania tłumaczono w kategoriach możliwości uzyskania większego marginesu swobody w relacjach PRL z ZSRR.The article discusses the foreign echoes of the parliamentary elections in the Polish People's Republic in 1957. The electoral campaign and the elections themselves aroused concern throughout the Eastern Bloc, as they were interpreted as a continuation of the Polish October Revolution. The outcome of the vote, which proved satisfying for the authorities in Warsaw, was received with obvious relief; the importance of the electoral success of the Polish United Workers' Party was strongly emphasised. But some communist governments, namely those of Yugoslavia and China, demonstrated a different attitude, as they interpreted these results in the light of their own political interests. At the same time, major Western countries perceived the Polish events of 1956, including the elections, in a wider context of current relations with the Eastern Bloc. The results of the vote were cited as an opportunity for Poland to obtain a greater margin of liberty in its cooperation with the USSR.
Tekst traktuje o zagranicznych echach wyborów sejmowych w PRL z 1957 roku. W bloku wschodnim kampania wyborcza i same wybory budziły niepokój, ponieważ pojmowano je jako ciąg dalszy przemian polskiego Października. Stąd też, pozytywne dla władz z Warszawy wyniki głosowania, przyjęto z widoczną ulgą, podkreślając wagę wyborczego sukcesu PZPR. Inaczej wybory sejmowe w PRL interpretowano w innych państwach komunistycznych – Jugosławii i Chinach, dla których najistotniejsze w tym kontekście były własne interesy polityczne. Z kolei główne państwa Zachodu odbierały wydarzenia 1956 r. w Polsce, w tym wybory, przez głębszy pryzmat ówczesnych stosunków z blokiem wschodnim. Wyniki polskiego głosowania tłumaczono w kategoriach możliwości uzyskania większego marginesu swobody w relacjach PRL z ZSRR.The article discusses the foreign echoes of the parliamentary elections in the Polish People's Republic in 1957. The electoral campaign and the elections themselves aroused concern throughout the Eastern Bloc, as they were interpreted as a continuation of the Polish October Revolution. The outcome of the vote, which proved satisfying for the authorities in Warsaw, was received with obvious relief; the importance of the electoral success of the Polish United Workers' Party was strongly emphasised. But some communist governments, namely those of Yugoslavia and China, demonstrated a different attitude, as they interpreted these results in the light of their own political interests. At the same time, major Western countries perceived the Polish events of 1956, including the elections, in a wider context of current relations with the Eastern Bloc. The results of the vote were cited as an opportunity for Poland to obtain a greater margin of liberty in its cooperation with the USSR.
The reform of the civil service is one of the crucial issues of the political transformation in Poland after 1989. Constructing of the appropriate system of values, principles and procedures aiming to fulfill State's duties through the operating numerous clerks still poses a number of problems for the legislator. Thereby, the authors are also making an attempt to evaluate the regulations concerning the civil service from the perspective of anticipation of new directions of further changes in order to guarantee them compliance with the Polish Constitution from 2 April 1997 and the assurance of the effectiveness of the civil service. ; Reforma służby cywilnej należy do istotnych zagadnień w procesie transformacji ustrojowych w Polsce po 1989 r. Skonstruowanie odpowiedniego systemu wartości, zasad i procedur służących realizacji zadań państwa przez działający w jego strukturach korpus urzędników nastręczało i w dalszym ciągu stwarza ustawodawcy wiele problemów. Dlatego autorzy niniejszego opracowania podjęli próbę oceny regulacji prawnych dotyczących służby cywilnej pod kątem wskazania kierunków dalszych zmian w celu zagwarantowania ich zgodności z Konstytucją RP z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r. oraz zapewnienia efektywności działania administracji publicznej.
According to a contemporary Pole, Ukraine is a country which, having broken out of the clutches of communism, makes its way towards Europe, the place it has always belonged to. The proof of that are the Ukrainians' European aspirations—to become a member of the EU or NATO, as well as the events of the Orange Revolution, which proved that Ukrainians are mature enough to break free from Russia for the sake of democratization of the country, following the example of Western European countries. However, Ukrainians themselves are no longer so unanimous. A careful look at the country of our neighbours makes it evident that both in the sphere of politics as well as culture the Ukrainian nation is strongly divided. This was demonstrated by the Orange Revolution, which made the West realise that in Ukraine a fight is taking place, where the choice of an eastern or western variant is at stake. Ukrainians are also divided as far as their identity is concerned, both cultural and national, for whose roots they are still searching, both in Russia and Western Europe. We may say that as far as the matter of their place on earth is concerned, Ukrainians are almost in exactly the same place as they were eighty years ago.
Socio-economic conditions of refugees' settlement in Bulgaria in the 1920s.The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups. ; The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups.
The attempts of maintaining the USSR not only resulted in failure, but even accelerated the process of its collapse. That was determined by the imperial structure and functioning system of the Soviet state. Along with the initiation of perestroika even the strict executives were conscious that the party had been losing the initiative to lead the nation. The question arose: to continue the policy or to return to the current methods? The continuation was opted for with the maintenance of system-forming elements characteristic for the Soviet state. The conclusion of a new union treaty was to be a solution. etween 1990 and 1991, the y ear of the d issolution, five d rafts h ad been published. The changes were to concern, among others, the catalogue of the treaty entities and mechanisms of implementation of their interests, as well as economic functioning of the new union and entities. With existing variety of nations, nationalities and peoples, decentralizing actions were initiated all over the country. They weakened the national and state structure and created new conflicts. Mutual expectations led to the delegitimization of union authority, the party's role and state unity, and consequently the element consolidating the territories of the empire being under the influence of the Western, Orthodox and Muslim cultures ; Próby utrzymania ZSRR nie tylko zakończyły się niepowodzeniem, ale przyspieszyły proces. Zdecydował o tym imperialny model budowy i funkcjonowania państwa radzieckiego. Wraz z rozpoczęciem procesów znanych jako pieriestrojka nawet ścisłe kierownictwo było świadome, że partia traci inicjatywę w kierowaniu społeczeństwem. Powstało pytanie: kontynuacja polityki czy powrót do dotychczasowych metod. Opowiedziano się za kontynuacją przy zachowaniu elementów systemotwórczych dla państwa radzieckiego. Rozwiązaniem miało być zawarcie nowego układu związkowego. W okresie od 1990 do rozpadu ZSRR w 1991 r. opublikowano pięć projektów. Zmiany dotyczyć miały m.in. katalogu podmiotów układu i mechanizmów realizacji ich interesów oraz ekonomicznych podstaw funkcjonowania nowego związku oraz podmiotów. Przy istniejącej różnorodności narodów, narodowości i ludów, na obszarze całego kraju uruchomiono ruchy odśrodkowe. Osłabiły one strukturę narodowo-państwową i stworzyły nowe konflikty. Wzajemne oczekiwania doprowadziły do delegitymizacji władzy związkowej, roli partii i jedności państwa, a więc tego, co było elementem scalającym obszary imperium znajdujące się pod wpływami kultury zachodniej, prawosławnej i muzułmańskiej
Canada took part in creating United Nations Organization and actively participated in many UN specialized organizations. It was also the co-author of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Contributed in negotiations in the matter of the prohibition of continuing the experiences with the nuclear weapon, supported Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems. Canada acted as a leader of the British Commonwealth, the allied of United States, moderator in the Atlantic Alliance, mediator in solving international conflicts. Canada was involved as the economic power in solving global problems, and also offered help for undeveloped states. Beginning from the end of years 60. the politics of Canadian governments brought to the reduction of defense expenses, and in the result brought some problems with the Canadian identity. The Canada balances among the necessity of the co-operation with United States and the protections of own independence. New defense strategy introduced in 2008, Canada First. Defense Strategy, created possibilities of change in the defense policy. New strategy give possibility of the armed forces strengthening and the strengthening of the international position of the Canada, however these introduced changes are meeting some difficulty after years of negligence s.
The article is devoted to aspects of the functioning of public administration. Due to the nature and the properties of its functioning, the administration has many characteristics (acts on behalf and for the account of the State, it is of political nature, it works in the public interest, etc.). In addition to the fact that the administration has those characteristics, it also has to meet the specific functions such as controlling, performance of public duties, and management of organizations' resources. Therefore, the activities of administration fulfill four important from the perspective of citizens' spheres of activity: asset managment, social services, regulation services and the development managment. The condition for efficient administration are the considerations which include: appropriate organizational structures, staff, maintaining the appropriate relationship between people, appropriately structured work process and technical equipment and information. It should be stressed that all activities are compliant with the European Code of Good Administrative Behaviour and the Charter of Fundamental Rights, the documents constituting a kind of moral statement in the administrative field and an integral part of public administration in the European Union
The author presents a new European security environment after the cold war, including not only the challenges and threats to international security, but also the essentia conditions and problems of the evolution of European security at the beginning of XXI century. He shows the d ynamic and constant changes taking place within the international environment and those related to the progress of civilization. Moreover, he stresses that the current policy and security measures are not capable of effective action against having to appear before the new challenges and threats. Then, there is taken the problem of unity and identity in the transatlantic relationship. According to the author, in complicating sphere of international conditions increases the role of effectiveness of multilateral institutions of international cooperation. Due to the increasing importance of interdependence and internationalization, European security challenges are European-wide problem, and even transatlantic. Addressing them requires the preservation of unity, and this will be possible by strengthening the common identity based on shared values and common interests ; Autor przedstawia nowe środowisko bezpieczeństwa europejskiego po zimnej wojnie, w tym nie tylko wyzwania i zagrożenia dla międzynarodowego bezpieczeństwa lecz też zasadnicze warunki i problemy europejskiego bezpieczeństwa na początki XXI wieku. Pokazana tu została dynamika i ciągłość zmian zachodzących w międzynarodowym środowisku związanych z postępem technicznym. Ponadto podkreślony zostaje fakt, że środki, jakimi dysponuje współczesna polityka bezpieczeństwa nie są zdolne do skutecznego przeciwdziałania i zapobiegania nowym wyzwaniom i zagrożeniom
This article concerns problems of evolution of the Polish position towards the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) of the European Union (EU) since the Polish aspirations to accession to the EU. Therefore, the first point is addressed to the Polish position on these issues prior to accession to the EU. There are analyzed the then EU's relations with NATO, including the problem of their mutual competition, and Polish anxiety concerns to this issue. There are discussed the efforts of following governments and key political positions. It is proved that the process of gradual improvement of relations between the EU and the NATO meant that Poland became increasingly modify its skeptical position towards the European initiatives. The main attention is focused on the possibility of the implementation of Poland's national interests. There is presented intensification of Polish involvement in the creation of the ESDP. A particular manifestation of Polish involvement in the development of the ESDP became our involved in the creation of the EU Battlegroups. There are presented problems relating to the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty and changes in the documents of the Polish national security, too. Moreover, there are analyzed changes in the international situation and relations between major Polish partners in the EU. An important issue, which is discussed in this article, is the involvement of Poland in the EU mission in Africa, and the importance of Polish initiative of the Eastern Partnership . The author argues that Poland needs for its national security the two institutions, both the EU and the NATO. Therefore, in the interest of Poland is to support European initiatives to strengthen the ESDP.
In the present paper the author attempts a general characterization of the national security policy of Ukraine in the context of its constitutional foundations and geopolitical location. The security policy of Ukraine is determined by several factors and in particular by the economic interests, geographical position, political system ("oligarchic democracy") and possible alliance with the European Union, United States and NATO. These factors work together with the historical experiences and political relations with countries of the Post-Soviet area, especially with Russia under V. V. Putin regime. Russia's annexation of Crimea in 18 March 2014 violated rules of international law, because for the end of the Cold War the borders in East Europe were redrawn by use of force. The author tries to present the conceptions, documents and practical implications of the Ukrainian national security policy ; W przedstawionym artykule autor dokonuje generalnej charakterystyki polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego Ukrainy w kontekście jej podstaw konstytucyjnych oraz położenia geopolitycznego. Polityka bezpieczeństwa narodowego tego państwa jest uwarunkowana paroma czynnikami, szczególnie jej interesami ekonomicznymi, położeniem geograficznym, właściwościami systemu politycznego ("demokracja oligarchiczna") oraz możliwymi sojuszami z Unią Europejską, Stanami Zjednoczonymi oraz NATO. Te czynniki współgrają z ukraińskimi doświadczeniami historycznymi oraz stosunkami politycznymi z państwami obszaru postradzieckiego, szczególnie z Rosją, pod rządami W.W. Putina. Rosyjska aneksja Krymu dokonana 18 marca 2014 r. złamała reguły prawa międzynarodowego, ponieważ po zakończeniu ery zimnej wojny, granice w Europie Wschodniej zostały zmienione przy użyciu siły. Autor podejmuje próbę prezentacji koncepcji, dokumentów oraz implikacji praktycznych ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego
