Suchergebnisse

Članek je podrobna rekonstrukcija začetkov šolanja za socialno delo v Sloveniji
v petdesetih letih 20. stoletja, ki pomeni začetke profesionalizacije socialnega
dela v socializmu. Oblast je po eni strani z nelagodjem gledala na socialno delo
in njegov razvoj, po drugi strani pa je bila Jugoslavija edina država nekdanjega
»socialističnega bloka«, ki je uvedla šolanje za socialno delo po vseh republikah
v državi. Utemeljeno na arhivskem raziskovanju, pregledu obstoječih pisnih virov
o socialnem varstvu iz petdesetih let 20. stoletja in profesionalni oralni zgodovini članek opiše vpliv šolanja v socialnem delu na Hrvaškem na nastanek šole
v Sloveniji, opiše ključne akterke in akterje na socialnovarstvenem področju in
tematike, ki so bile naslovljene v najzgodnejšem obdobju.

V članku obravnavam širitev dostopa do splava v Sloveniji od šestdesetih let 20.
stoletja, predvsem uvedbo socialnih indikacij kot samostojne kategorije upravičenih razlogov za dovoljeni splav. Opisujem pravno ureditev, vlogo socialnih
delavk v Komisijah za dovolitev splava in prakso odločanja o socialnih indikacijah, torej katere individualne, družinske in družbene razmere so bile upravičene
za odobritev splava. Ker so takoj po uvedbi socialne indikacije tovrstne prošnje
postale prevladujoče, je možno iz prakse odločanja o dovolitvi splava sklepati
na družbene norme v socializmu. Bistven je premik od razumevanja splava kot
medicinskega problema k razumevanju socialnih okoliščin, zaradi katerih so
ženske posegale po njem, in sprememba fokusa države na ustvarjanje pogojev
za politike načrtovanja družine.

Povzetek. Slovenska politična misel je v širši zgodovini
politološkega okolja razmeroma nova stvar. To ne bi
smelo biti radikalno presenečenje, saj je v luči celotne
evropske zgodovine tudi mnogo narodnih in nacionalnih identitet izjemno mladih – slovenska je ena izmed
njih. Čeprav je bil program Zedinjena Slovenija le negotova preambula, so konflikti in premiki zgodnjega in
srednjega 20. stoletja preoblikovali slovensko politično psiho in iz nje ustvarili rodovitna tla za vznik in
razvoj narodnega vprašanja. Skozi to stoletje ideologije
in oboroženih konfliktov smo spremljali velika imena
slovenske politične zgodovine, kot so Lončar, Kidrič,
Kocbek, Kardelj, Ude, Korošec in Bibič, ki so vsi pustili
svoj pečat na narodnoosvobodilnem boju. Refleksija na
Osvobodilno fronto (OF) in njene posledice nam lahko
prikaže mnogo realnosti o pravih koreninah slovenstva
in slovenske politične misli.
Ključni pojmi: zgodovina, politična misel, narodno
vprašanje, narodnoosvobodilni boj

Abstract. The article deals with the wide range of mechanisms in support of civil society institutions–government interaction in the context of developing and implementing European integration reforms in Ukraine. The
authors identified 6 strategic documents and 20 areas
of reform related to the process of European integration,
as well as the key issues concerning implementation of
the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the
EU. The authors conclude that positive trends are visible in recent decades in the institutional development
of Ukrainian civil society, which has become a driving
force of the country's European integration aspirations.
In this setting, civil society institutions (CSIs) work with
government agencies, engage in informal advocacy,
conduct monitoring policies, perform and publish policy analysis and recommendations, and work with and
lobby international agencies and other actors.

V Afganistanu je avgusta 2021 islamistično gibanje talibanov po 20 letih zahodne vojaške prisotnosti drugič prevzelo oblast, potem ko je v državi prvič vladalo med letoma 1996 in 2001. Po drugem talibanskem prevzemu oblasti se je mednarodna skupnost spraševala, ali bodo »študenti« ponovno uveljavljali brutalne politike do žensk, kakršne so izvajali v obdobju svoje prve vladavine. Kljub temu da so talibani nakazovali, da bi bil njihov odnos do žensk tokrat lahko manj restriktiven, pa so na koncu znova uveljavili zatiranje
ženskega spola. Negativen odnos talibanov do žensk je rezultat vpliva različnih, edsebojno prepletenih oziroma komplementarnih dejavnikov: etničnega, religijsko-ideološkega, socializacijsko-političnega in medkulturnega. Brez upoštevanja teh dejavnikov ni mogoče ustrezno razumeti talibanskih politik do žensk. Vendar
pa se zdi, da zahodni akterji ne razumejo teh kompleksnih ozadij in posledično uvajajo kontraproduktivne sankcije proti talibanskemu režimu, pri čemer tudi niso
sposobni samokritično oceniti posledic svoje dolgoletne in problematične vojaške prisotnosti v Afganistanu. Ključni pojmi: Afganistan, talibani, ženske, Paštunvali,
Deoband, Zahod, kultura

Namen pričujočega članka je analizirati gospodarsko diplomacijo treh majhnih držav – Avstrije, Slovenije in Srbije, v primerjalni perspektivi. Raziskati želimo, če in kako drugačna gospodarsko-politična struktura držav (Avstrija kot država s tržnim gospodarstvom, Slovenija kot potranzicijska država, Srbija kot država v tranziciji) vpliva na delovanje gospodarske diplomacije. S pomočjo primerjalne analize, ki je utemeljena na velikem številu intervjujev z akterji gospodarske diplomacije, ugotavljamo, da: (1) je ne glede na model, na podlagi katerega omenjene države oblikujejo svojo gospodarsko diplomacijo, pomen države vedno prisoten, še posebej v primerih težav ali zapletov na izbranem trgu (ex-post pristop); (2) se vse analizirane države soočajo z enakimi izzivi v gospodarski diplomaciji, ti pa niso pogojeni z njihovim gospodarsko-političnim sistemom, ampak z mednarodnim okoljem in delovanjem izvoznih ali investicijskih aktivnosti podjetij; (3) ostaja v primeru konceptualizacije in operacionalizacije gospodarske diplomacije znotraj diplomatskih študij še veliko neraziskanega, kar onemogoča njeno občo sprejetost, saj gospodarska diplomacija in sorodni koncepti tudi 20 let po začetku njenega aktivnega preučevanja še niso enovito konceptualizirani, hierarhizirani in umeščeni v kanon diplomatskih študij. Ključni pojmi: gospodarska diplomacija, Avstrija, Slovenija, Srbija, diplomatske študije

The study in this article addresses three research questions: a) how do college students view the effectiveness of technology-mediated virtual learning during the COVID-19 pandemic; b) how does virtual learning impact their perceived mental health; and c) what is the mode of learning they most prefer? It follows an explanatory research design and survey method. Data are collected using a questionnaire with a purposive sample of 102 students and interviews with 20 students and 40 faculty members in India. The conceptual framework of this study is quite similar to the modified version of the Technology Acceptance Model (Venkatesh and Davis, 2000). The study reveals that 86% of the students find virtual learning to be ineffective. Such learning not only fails to provide adequate opportunities for experiential learning for developing knowledge, skills, and leadership abilities but also creates several perceived mental health problems. This study may help higher education institutions while designing and implementing virtual teaching-learning systems in order to prevent their negative impact on student's perceived mental health in future crises. Keywords: Virtual learning, perceived mental health, COVID-19 pandemic, Behavioural Intention, Perceived Usefulness

The author starts with the relationship between Badiou's otherwise severe critique of democracy & Lefort's theory of democracy. Though accused of not being democratic, Badiou's theory in a certain sense presupposes democracy & even deepens it, yet not the democracy of today, the democracy of consensus, but a democracy that is not based on exclusion. Through the comparison of Badious's & Deleuze's critiques of representation, the author shows some consequences of Badiou's starting-point that "people think" for the conceptualization of the community, equality, & universality. Adapted from the source document.

The article is concerned with typology of differentiated author's opinions on the world economy phenomena, as internationalization, integration and globalization. The author examines, from the international political economy point of view, their differences and formulates three phases of internationalization process. The author defines also the relation of these phenomena to the process of integration and regionalization in the world economy and pays attention to frequently discussed topic of global governance as well. The author further examines the possibilities of measuring globalization process intensity on both world wide and national economy levels. The article assigns a set of characteristic features or indicators making possible to define main limits of when a given national economy can be hold as being incorporated and in what rate into the globalization process. This step of identification of globalization intensity rate is very important, as starting point, when a strategy of adaptation to globalization trends is needed to be formulated, evidently, closely with the competitiveness growth and catching-up strategy elaboration. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, the author gives a detailed critical discussion of the conditions of possibility of the politics &/or ethics of enjoyment such as that conceived by Sade. She begins by discussing the hypothesis advanced by a set of eminent interpretations of Sade's work according to which there is an irreducible antagonism between disruptive passions & social bonds. The central theme of this essay -- that society is rooted in the imperative of enjoyment -- is elaborated on. As a consequence of this discussion, the author turns to the question of the evil inherent to enjoyment. She concludes that the entire project of the politics & ethics of enjoyment is centered on the deculpabilization of passions & enjoyment since, in Sade, the evilness of enjoyment is imputed to Nature. It could thus be said, argues the author, that Nature is Sade's "symptom," denouncing in this way that Sade, the theorist of enjoyment, is unable &/or unwilling to assume the evilness of enjoyment. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract. Informal carers' telecare acceptance decisions
depend on how their care recipients perceive telecare,
yet this relationship has not been researched very much.
This article draws on qualitative data gathered from
informal carers to explore reciprocity in telecare perceptions
within dyads of informal carers and care receivers.
A 4-month intervention study was conducted from
2018 to 2019 in the Central Slovenia region. A purposive
sample of 22 older adults and their informal carers
tested two telecare solutions. Thematic analysis was
conducted using Atlas.ti 8, with four themes emerging:
1. the benefits of telecare use for older adults; 2. reluctance,
rejection or negative perceptions of telecare; 3.
the potential violation of older adults' privacy; and 4.
the importance of external and internal information
for effective telecare use. This study confirms that that
telecare perception is dyadically interdependent.
Keywords: assistive technologies, informal care, ageing
in place, dyads, older adults

The particle still remains a challenge for linguists given that its meaning
is determined each time it is used in a specific text. From a propositionality
aspect, particles are a kind of communication by an author, including their
mood; from a functional point of view, particle use can be either primarily
in modal (interpersonal) or connecting (text) roles. It was particularly
this communicative-pragmatic perspective, which includes the speaker or
author in the system of dictionary explanations, accompanied by definitions
of particles as part of speech, that featured among the many other
reflections on language that occupied Prof. T. Korošec. The article therefore
describes how the presentation of particles and particle use is solved in the
new explanatory dictionary of standard literary Slovenian. The most comprehensive
and functional semantic-circumstantial evaluation of particles
can be found in lexical representation.
Keywords: particles, particle use/role, modality, text, dictionary

The article analyzes three constellations of the notion we -- one coming from Hegel & two from Nietzsche. Their common feature is that in their inner sense, they should not be understood as something that designates a group of people, but rather instead as three different structures of nothing. By developing them, the author attempts to grasp some of the key differences between the two philosophical endeavors. Adapted from the source document.

This essay is an attempt to explore the status of otherness in politics & psychoanalysis by analyzing & bringing into question the seemingly self-evident relationship of the mutual exclusion between politics & psychoanalysis. In an attempt to move beyond the traditionally hostile polarities of the singular & the universal & to reverse the usual perspective, the author considers the relationship between psychoanalysis & politics from the point of view of the community "for all" constituted through a complex practice of disidentification & production of the "whatever" singularities. Adapted from the source document.

Through his analysis of classical sources, the author finds no convincing grounds for understanding the myth of Europe as the foundational myth of the modern political & cultural entity that calls itself Europe. In this Europe, however, it is widely believed that Greek myth is the European foundational myth. By taking over Greek & Roman interpretations of the myth of Europe as a love story, & the adjunct eroticizing & banalizing the rape of Europe, rape has become a constitutive element of European identity. Adapted from the source document.