Suchergebnisse

Foreword --How Should International Arbitrators Tackle Corruption Issues? --Notes on Amiable Compositeurs under Argentine Law --Arbitraje y Derecho de Defensa --The Opportunity to Be Heard: Accommodating Amicus Curiae Participation in Investment Treaty Arbitration --Jurisdiction of Arbitral Tribunals in Islamic Law (Shari'a) --Arbitration and Mediation Combined. The Independence and Impartiality of Arbitrators --Deliberation and Drafting Awards in International Arbitration --ICSID Versus Non-ICSID Investment Treaty Arbitration --Commercial Arbitration and the Italian and EC Antitrust Legislation with an Emphasis on Intellectual Property Rights. --Bernardo Cremade's Contribution to the Development of Arbitration Law in Latin America --Arbitrabilité et Droit de la Concurrence --Polygamy of Treaties in Arbitration - A Latin American and MERCOSUL Perspective --May Courts in Latin American Countries Refuse Recognition and/or Enforcement of a Foreign Arbitral Award that Is Being Challenged at the Place of Arbitration? --Advocacy and the Functions of Lawyers in International Arbitration --The Arbitrator's Failure to Disclose Conflicts of Interest: Is It Per Se a Ground for Annulling the Award? --El Turismo Arbitral, ¿Realidad o Espejismo? --Validity in Spain of Bills of Lading's Jurisdiction Clauses and Anti-Suit Injunctions in the European Union --Collection of Evidence in International Arbitration --Leveraging the Arbitral Process to Encourage Settlement: Some Practical and Legal Issues --The New Law on Arbitration in Syria --Ethics in Arbitration --Clearer Ethics Guidelines and Comparative Standards for Arbitrators --Set-offs Are Not Counterclaims in International Arbitration --Remarks on the Sovereign Immunity from Execution and Its Interpretation by Some Systems and Their Courts --International Arbitration and Jura Novit Curia - Towards Harmonization --Contra los Recursos Infundados --La Ironí a de Compétence-Compétence --Attorneys' Fees Agonistes: The Implications of Inconsistency in the Awarding of Fees and Costs in International Arbitrations --Cultural Clashes in International Commercial Arbitration: How Much of a Real Issue? --Non-Signatories and Arbitration: Recent Developments --Elena Gutiérrez García de Cortázar --Misconduct by Proxy? Trying to Understand Article 22 of the ECT --State Intervention in the Financial Crisis and International Investment Arbitration --Electronically Stored Information and Privilege in International Arbitration --When is an "Investment" an "Investment"? - Formalities of Approval and Limitations on Their Application --Economic Crisis and Arbitration --Juan-Carlos Jiménez-Mancha --Brief Reflections on the Application of Norms by International Arbitrators --Applications for "Revision" in Investment Arbitration: Selected Current Issues --Fraud and Corruption in international Arbitration --Multi-Step Dispute Resolution Clauses --Countermeasures, Diplomatic Protection, and Investor-State Arbitration --The Entitlement of the State and Public Entities to Arbitrate Under Lebanese Law --Some Considerations About Current International Arbitration Conduct --¿Existe Hostilidad Hacia el Arbitraje de Inversión en América latina? --Bilateral Investment Treaty Arbitration in the Early 21st Century --Collisions of Legal Regimes in World Society. The Umbrella Clause as a Substantive and Procedural Mechanism of Legal Coordination --Some Comments on Denial of Justice in Public and Private International Law After Loewen and Saipem --Ventajas e Inconvenientes del Arbitraje Institucional --Limits of Consent - Arbitration without Privity and Beyond --The Principles of international Arbitration Practice in France --Use of Arbitration in the WTO --The Evolving Nature of Provisional Measures --How Case Law Made Mexico a True International Arbitration Place --Selected Nationality Issues in ECT Arbitration --Arbitration and Anti Suit Injuctions in the Case Law of the European Court of Justice --Unlawful interference with International Arbitration by National Courts of the Seat in the Aftermath of Saipem v. Bangladesh --International Arbitration as an Analogue to the International Civil Society --Evidence in International Arbitration: A Synthetic Glimpse --Investment and Economic Development – The World Bank Connection --Arbitration Is Useful Only if It Is Better than Court Proceedings --Fast-Track Arbitration Agreements of MAC Clauses --The Right of Foreign Investors to Access the Domestic Spanish Markets – An Analysis of Art. 2 Para. 1 of the Spanish Bilateral Investment Treaties --Belated Jurisdictional Objections in ICSID Arbitration --The Application of Arbitration to Public Entities. The Spanish Case --The 2000 Hague Convention on Jurisdiction and Foreign Judgments. A Latin American Perspective --Most Favoured Nation (MFN) Clauses in Bilateral Investment Treaties --Preliminary Judgments, Lis Pendens and Res Iudicata in Arbitration Proceedings --The Document Production Master and the Experts' Facilitator: Two Possible Aides for an Efficient Arbitration --Interviewing and Preparing Witnesses for Testimony in International Arbitration Proceedings: The Quest for Developing Transnational Standards of Lawyers' Conduct --A New Approach to International Investment Agreements (IIAS) in Brazil --Treaty Planning: Current Trends in international Investment Disputes that Impact Foreign Investment Decisions and Treaty Drafting.

Proposed Amendments to the Polish Constitution.
The Sixth Congress of the Unified Workers' Party resolved to actively implement Socialist development in the People's Republic of Poland and with this end in view, concluded that the present Constitution, in effect since July 22, 1952, has outlived its usefulness. This decision came about as the result of certain developments in Polish constitutional law.
In pre-communist Poland, both the Constitution of March 1921, and that of April 23, 1935, were conceptually unequalitarian, but in July 1944, the newly created People's Republic recognized de facto the legality of judicial statutes in effect in Poland on September 3, 1939, at the same time declaring illegal all legislative activity carried on by Polish ex-authorities in immigration in the West. Hence, the fundamental democratic principles of the 1921 Constitution remained in effect until July 1952, when replaced by the present Constitution.
The 1952 Constitution has undergone some changes, but only of secondary importance. Today's proposals are more far-reaching and aimed at adapting the text of the Constitution to contemporary economic and social conditions on the premise that it should not only reflect durable changes which have taken place in Poland and in the World at large since 1952, but also Poland's actual position on the ladder of Communist achievement.
Proposed amendments to the Constitution will be submitted to national public debate at the end of 1973, or early in 1974, and will probably be adopted by the Polish Diet on or before July 1974, to coincide with the thirtieth anniversary of the Polish People's Republic. They will be introduced in accordance with procedure stipulated in the present Constitution (article 91).
Together with the amendments, there will be certain additions to existing provisions : for example, that which assigns the role of leader ship to the Unified Workers' Party, underlining its alliance with the Unified Farmers' Party and with the Democratic Party and reinforcing its activity with regard to registration in the Unified National Front ; to that which applies to farmer and worker self-management ; to the role of mass media (the press, publications, radio and television) ; to the role of trade unions ; and to the present defense system.
As indicated by the above, the prescribed amendments concern all parts of the Constitution, the Introduction as well as the principal chapters. The basis for these modifications resides in the resolution of the Sixth Congress of the Polish Unified Workers' Party, already mentioned. In previous decisions made in the Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party and in suggestions presented by the three political parties and by different social organisations. An effort will be made to formulate the aims of State in accordance with the present-day situation and evolution in Poland, taking into account Polish integration in COMECON, the principles of present agricultural policy, actual conceptions with regard to private property and the role of individual consumption.
The chapter concerning citizens' rights, liberties and obligations will be incorporated in the chapters devoted to State organizations. The rights of the citizen will be enumerated in greater detail and certain rights and obligations will be more clearly defined. No important changes in the functioning of the Diet and of the government are expected. The desired enforcement of the role of the Diet depends mainly on the exercise of its functions. However, important alterations may take place in the State Council, and it is even possible that the office of President of the Republic may be introduced.
In local State organisations such as the People's Councils (Rady narodowe), there is a proposal to separate administrative and legislative control functions. In line with the introduction of community presidents (in December 1972), departmental (powiat) and provincial (voievodie) administrative chiefs, will probably be appointed by the central government.
The power of the Supreme Court to emit directives pertaining to jurisprudence will also be reinforced and its duties enlarged ; whereas, the functions of the procurator will not be significantly modified.
Certain changes in electoral practices may equally be anticipated, in particular with regard to local elections. The tenure of delegates to the Diet may be prolonged from four to five years, in this way changes in the legislature will take place at the same time the new five year plan gets under way. On the other hand, the mandate of the People's Councils (Rady narodowe) may be shortened ; in any event, elections to the Diet and the People's Councils will not take place simultaneously.

Le désir de convertir en une autre monnaie les données soviétiques en roubles a fait l'objet de nombreuses controverses et a toujours forcé l'attention des économistes soviétiques et occidentaux. L'intérêt académique accordé à la formule de conversion a été renforcé par des préoccupations pratiques : comparer le budget soviétique de défense nationale, les efforts d'investissements dans la recherche et le développement. L'intérêt récent des Soviétiques pour la technologie occidentale et la coopération économique avec les pays hautement développés, donne une nouvelle dimension au problème de la convertibilité, à savoir la conversion des données soviétiques concernant les coûts et les profits, la fixation du prix des innovations technologiques et des produits nouveaux.
Cette étude entend résumer et passer en revue la situation actuelle de l'art de calculer des taux de conversion rouble/dollar, résultant de comparaisons binaires effectuées en termes de quantité et de prix entre l'Union Soviétique et les Etats- Unis. L'auteur a plus précisément voulu réaliser une analyse comparative des 22 taux rouble/dollar dont il examine le caractère rationnel, la méthode de calcul et la crédibilité. Il présente à la fin de l'article neuf observations générales concernant les taux examinés. Etant donné que les taux d'origine occidentale, analysés ici, ne tiennent pas compte des modifications de prix effectués en U.R.S.S. en 1967 et des changements institutionnels récents, issus des réformes économiques, deux problèmes sont posés : (1) les modifications qui se sont produites après 1955 dans les systèmes américain et soviétique supposent-elles un ajustement en hausse ou en baisse des taux fondés sur les prix de 1955 ? (2) l'applicabilité des déflateurs de prix soviétiques officiels à l'ajustement des taux fondés sur les rapports de prix soviéto-américains de 1955.
En tant que cas particulier des indices de prix, un taux rouble/dollar est sujet à toutes les mises en garde usuelles en ce qui concerne ce type d'instrument de l'analyse économique. Malheureusement, les conclusions afférant aux capacités de production, qui peuvent être tirées des indices quantitatifs résultant de comparaisons binaires entre deux pays, sont limitées par la situation de l'équilibre concurrentiel. L'article débute par un examen des aspects méthodologiques essentiels des comparaisons binaires entre pays et par l'énumération des caractéristiques et des limites des taux de prix. Ensuite, l'auteur procède à l'analyse comparée d'une sélection de taux de conversion rouble/dollar qui se présente en deux parties. Premièrement, il prend en considération et examine vingt taux de conversion (15 d'origine occidentale et 5 d'origine soviétique), estimés de manière explicite. Ces vingt taux sont comparés dans le Tableau I et s'accompagnent de commentaires critiques. En outre, il propose deux taux de conversion implicites, concernant les biens de production durables et estimés sur la base de données soviétiques. Dans la seconde partie, l'auteur évalue ces vingt taux (voir Tableau II) en fonction de six critères : connaissance de la manière dont on les a calculés, objectifs, type et caractère adéquat de la méthode utilisée, détermination des prix, déterminations des pondérations, pondérations utilisées.
L'étude se termine par les principales conclusions suivantes : 1) Sauf rares exceptions, les méthodes employées par les divers auteurs n'étaient pas suffisamment connues pour permettre d'adopter la série requise de taux de conversion rouble/dollar pour la comparaison des économies soviétique et américaine en général ou en termes d'un effort spécifique (budget de la défense, investissements dans la recherche...) ; 2) Pratiquement tous les taux de conversion occidentaux, présentés dans le Tableau I, sont fondés ou utilisent les résultats d'une étude de Becker, effectuée sur un échantillon de prix soviétiques de 1955 pour les biens de production durables. Cependant, les rapports de prix de 1955 n'ont plus qu'un intérêt historique depuis les révisions de 1967 et les transformations institutionnelles, accompagnant en U.R.S.S. les réformes économiques. De toute évidence, les temps sont mûrs pour une étude détaillée, fondée sur les prix soviétiques actuels et les données concernant la production afin de calculer une nouvelle série de rapports de prix pour les biens de production durables, qui servira à étayer des taux de conversion rouble/dollar acceptables ; 3) Pour huit raisons au moins, y compris des données fragmentaires découvertes dans la littérature soviétique, on peut supposer que les taux réels ont pu être supérieurs à ceux de 1955 ; 4) Dans les sources occidentales aussi bien que soviétiques, on s'est sérieusement interrogé sur la validité de l'utilisation des indices de prix soviétiques officiels, notamment ceux qui concernent les industries de construction de machines et de travail des métaux, pour ajuster à d'autres années les taux rouble/dollar de 1955. Les principales réserves à l'égard des indices de prix soviétiques se rapportent aux méthodes utilisées pour leur calcul et au caractère limité de l'échantillonnage.

Christian Pelras
This article results from an investigation about the origins of the first book ever published in the West in the last quarter of the XVIIth century about South Sulawesi, then a place quite out-of-the-way except for a handful of Dutch traders and perhaps a few Portuguese smugglers as well as for very occasional stranded travellers. In any case, none of these could possibly have provided the wealth of detailed and accurate details which the book is teeming with and which can only have been reported by somebody well acquainted with the Makassar language and society (although with a shallow historical knowledge).
From research about the author, Nicolas Gervaise, a French priest of the Company of the «Missions-Étrangères», whose family background, individual character, and life story might provide fantastic materials for a talented biographer, it appears that, although he did travel to the East, this was in quality of prospective pupil at the French Catholic Seminary of Ayuthia, and that he never travelled beyond the Kingdom of Siam from where he was sent back home in 1685 by his superiors. On his return he set to write a Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, in which he displays the usual prejudice over, and no particular knowledge of, the cultures of the Muslim peoples such as the Malays, the Cham and the Makassar then living in Ayuthia. Probably at the time the latter book was sent to press, Nicolas Gervaise was appointed the private tutor of two young Makassar princes called Daéng Ruru and Daéng Tulolo (aged 14 and 13 years) who had arrived in Paris in September 1687. They appear to have been the sole survivors of a rebellion which their father Karaéng Mangallé had led the previous year against the Siamese King Phra Narai. Taken on the battlefield with their arms in hand they were however, due to their young age, not put to death but confided to the representative of the French East India Company who sent them to the French King Louis XIV for their education. As Gervaise published his Historical description of the Makassar kingdom a few months only after having been put in charge of the two youths, they seem to have been his main informants, although there is some evidence that some supplementary information may have had another origin.
Of the subsequent life story of these so-called « Indian » princes with French- Makassar names (Louis-Pierre Daén Rourou de Macassar and Louis-Dauphin Daén Toulolo de Macassar), much still remains to be brought to light. From what is already known, one can point to the fact that they were raised in the best college of their time in Paris together with the flower of the French society, that they received all their life long an allowance directly taken from the French King's civil list, and that they were later admitted in the most prestigious French Naval Academy with the best titled French nobility, thus showing their full acceptance as aristocrats among others aristocrats, without apparently suffering the slightest trace of any racial prejudice.

The crisis of authority in the U.S.S.R. (1988 - July 1991).
After a preliminary reference to the ideological options open to Mikhail Gorbachev, initiator of the break-up of Stalinism, and the mistrust which be inspires, both among some of his opponents as well as among right-wing conservatives, the author considers the recent evolution of the Soviet Union, from the monopoly of Party rule to the difficult birth of a pluralistic regime.
He first raises the question of the Party's attitude to perestroika. Article 6 of the Constitution of 1977, which aknowledges the leading role of the Party, was reluctantly annulled by Gorbachev, but annuled it was, thus leaving the way open for pluralism. Condemnation of factionalism within the body of the Party has not prevented the emergence of various "tendencies" (particularly the democratic Platform and the marxist Platform) which find official expression. Similarly, political and social groupings, independent of authority, began to proliferate : from groupings moved by a common principle, for example tne Safeguarding of the national heritage, or the defense of the environment, they rapidly became popular fronts, lending the system a de facto pluralism which would only later enjoy a de jure existence.
This spontaneous development took shape first of all in the Baltic countries, and then with increasing momentum spread to all the republics. In parallel with this, the communist Party leadership initiated a reform of the political system, which found expression in the semi-free elections of March 1989, marked by the defeat of various party and State notables. This was the beginning of a multi-party system, there having been two major opposing tendencies during the campaign for the regional elections in the spring of 1990 : the democratic Russia bloc (liberal) and the patriotic Russian bloc (conservative), surrounded by a multiplicity of organizations of the most diverse and constantly evolving tendencies. The charge levelled against them is that they have no autonomous ideas or initiative, and have only one single programme : mass rejection of the Party apparatus. Some observers are of the opinion that a deep schism will develop within the CPSU, and that this will give rise to a real multi-party system. The first stage of this development has just begun, with the movement for democratic reforms, which was launched in July 1991 by frontline reformers.
The other major problem which arises is that of the preservation or the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The authority of the Center is in question, and already six republics have decided to leave the union, proclaiming their sovereignty loud and long (the three Baltic states, Armenia, Georgia and Moldavia). But although the right of scission is officially acknowledged, its implementation is a vast battleground (see the law of 3rd April 1990). The upsurge of centrifugal forces has led the republics, one after the other,
to proclame their sovereignty (primacy of republican laws over federal laws, economic autonomy, ownership of the soil and mineral deposits, etc.) or their outright indépendance. Autonomous Republics and territories followed suit, opposing the authorities of the republics to which they belonged. Inter-ethnic conflict broke out all over.
The dispute over federal authority led to a "way over laws", setting the Centre at odd with republics resolved to insist on recognition of their rights (ownership of all the ressources found on their territory, freedom to exploit these resources, etc.). In this context, the question of finance and the budget had pride of place, together with that of material and technological supplies. The entire supply system was disorganized, with the republics refusing to carry out the orders of the State, or to deliver consumers' goods outside of their frontiers, in order to avoid a worsening of their own shortages. The Soviet government tried to combat the supply problems, at least in part, by setting up commodity markets. A series of economic programms was worked out, including V. Pavlov's anti-crisis plan (April 1991) which was adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, but it is not entirely clear how the economic responsabilities will be apportioned among the Central authorities, the republics and the lower-rank administrative bodies, and what will be the share of the state and private sectors. Also, it is not known how he proposes to overcome the present crisis, and how long this will take.
Another major source of discord is the army and the police. The republics demand the right to raise armed forces, and to assume the responsability for maintaning order within their territory. Certain of them, who have been the victims of attacks by the special forces of the Ministry of Interior, the OMON, have organized militias and defense groups, wich are virtually republican armies in embryo.
In the end, there was an overriding necessity for redefining the Union, and the first version of the new Union Treaty was adopted by referendum on the 17th March 1991. A slightly modified version of it was published on the 19th June, but neither the one nor the other gives a very clear idea of the respective areas of competence and the common areas of competence of the Centre and the constituent republics of the Union (and still less of the fate in store for secessionist republics). On the other hand, one can be sure that the Treaty will be the source of innumerable controversies and disputes, especially on the particularly explosive issue of the budget, taxation and the distribution of ressources. In the final part, the author ventures some thoughts on the future. He sets perestroika in the continuing context of the history of the Russian empire, recalling that the demands made (individual freedoms and democracy, self-determination and decolonization) were already those of the protagonists of the Russian democratic revolution of February-March 1917, which was "taken over" by the Bolshevik coup d'Etat. Now that the empire has fallen victim to its contradictions and weaknesses, and finally disintegrated, what will take its place ? The cure prescribed by the Union Treaty seems ill-adapted to the task, and several outcomes are possible : a resolute commitment to the way of democracy and decolonization, a return to an authoritarian régime but one establishing a market economy, the option of passivity while waiting for a solution "which will come of itself, or a return to thorough-going, tough dictatorship accompanied by a blood bath. If Gorbachev does not once more take his courage in both hands, and proceeds to decolonize the empire, however slow and piecemeal the process, others will do it for him. And in that case, we may fear the worst.

Loin d'être limitée aux barbelés des camps ou aux frontières d'un seul pays, la détention des militaires allemands demeure un aspect méconnu dans le contexte particulier des relations triangulaires entre Ottawa, Washington et Londres. Comment traiter les « soldats d'Hitler » ? explore donc la dynamique politique établie entre les autorités canadiennes, américaines et britanniques à l'égard du traitement des prisonniers de guerre allemands. Au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ces forces alliées détiennent quelque 600 000 « soldats d'Hitler » sur leur territoire respectif. Bien que gérées par chaque État, ces opérations d'incarcération soulèvent plusieurs enjeux associés à la coopération interalliée. Cette analyse détaillée compare le régime de captivité développé par chaque gouvernement selon ses prérogatives nationales et fait état d'importantes divergences entre les trois Alliés de l'Atlantique Nord dans la prise en charge de ces soldats ennemis. Jean-Michel Turcotte fait le bilan des politiques respectives et communes de ces autorités qui résultent de la participation à des projets conjoints, de rencontres périodiques visant à mieux coordonner leurs actions, de la consultation et de la correspondance les uns avec les autres, des échanges sur les problèmes liés à la détention de guerre et aux solutions apportées. Il présente également le positionnement des États concernant la Convention de Genève de 1929, la mise au travail des détenus et le programme de dénazification. Les conditions de la captivité des soldats allemands sont donc le résultat d'une influence mutuelle, entre les trois principales puissances détentrices sur le front Ouest, issue de l'expérience de chacun. Suivant cet argument, l'auteur met en lumière le rôle déterminant qu'occupe le Canada au sein des Alliés à cette époque. ; Far from being restricted to barbed wire camps or within the borders of a single nation, the detention of German soldiers remains a little-known part of history in the specific context of the triangular relationships between Ottawa, Washington, D.C., and London. It is from this perspective that the book Comment traiter les « soldats d'Hitler ? » (How to Treat "Hitler's Soldiers"?) explores the political dynamics between Canadian, American, and British authorities regarding the treatment of German prisoners of war. Throughout the Second World War, these Allied forces detained close to 600,000 of "Hitler's soldiers" on their respective territories. While managed by each state, these incarceration operations raise several issues involving interallied cooperation. This detailed analysis compares the captivity regimes developed by each government according to their national prerogatives and looks at important differences in how the three North Atlantic Allies dealt with enemy soldiers. Turcotte takes stock of the countries' common and respective policies, which stemmed from participation in joint projects, regular meetings looking to better coordinate their actions, consultations and correspondence between them, as well as discussions on problems tied to the detention of prisoners of war and the solutions put forth. It also presents each state's position on the 1929 Geneva Convention, the forced labour of detainees, and the denazification program. The conditions of captivity for German soldiers were therefore the result of mutual influence between the three main detaining powers of the Western Front, which was shaped by each of their experience. Following this argument, the author brings to light the key role Canada played within the Allied forces at the time. Published in French.