Objavljen u zajedničkom izdanju Hrvatskoga kanonističkog društva i Glasa Koncila, zbornik donosi radove s V. međunarodnog znanstvenog simpozija crkvenih pravnika, koji je održan u Zadru, od 21. do 22. listopada 2011. godine. U tome petom zborniku biblioteke "Studia Canonica croatica" sabrano je devet radova sa simpozija koji obrađuju strukturne pretpostavke različitih stupnjeva i različitih vrsta crkvenih sudova: sudovi prvoga stupnja, sudovi drugoga stupnja i sudovi Apostolske Stolice; biskupijski i međubiskupijski sudovi; redovnički sudovi; sudac pojedinac i sudsko vijeće (zborni sud) Radovi stavljaju naglasak na parnice za proglašenje ništavosti ženidbe, koje su uvijek imale posebnu važnost i sačinjavaju najveći dio suđenja u crkvenim sudovima.
U članku se razrađuje identitet grada koji je poistovjećen sa sudbinom samoga autora u tijeku najtežega dana napada na grad u Domovinskome ratu. Poistovjećujući se s gradom, on se istodobno pretvara i u središnji lik romana. Riječ je o posve drukčijemu i dosad nepoznatome ratnom pismu u Hrvatskoj jer je djelo posvema okrenuto transcendenciji. U romanu je rat tek sila zla, a ne politički proizvod. Tragičnost rata u Hrvatskoj kao književna tema prikazana je na sveopćoj civilizacijskoj razini kao iskonsko prokletstvo čovječanstva. Grad Zadar, smješten na obalama Sredozemlja, svojom povijesti i baštinom koja se razara preuzima na se ulogu Čovjekova glasnogovornika. Kada se ruši grad kao sveti prostor, čovjek gubi svoj vlastiti identitet. Povratak identiteta moguć je samo na simboličkoj i metafizičkoj razini pa roman obiluje simboličkim i arhetipskim slojevima i motivima. ; The article elaborates an identity of the city which is identified with the author's destiny during the hardest day of attacking the city in the Croatian War of Independence. Identifying himself with the city, at the same time he turns himself in the main novel protagonist. That is a completely different and so far unknown war letter in Croatia, because the work is completely turned to transcendence. In the novel the war is the evil force and not political product. Tragicalness of the war in Croatia as the literary topic is shown at the general civilization level as a true human damnation. City of Zadar, located at the Mediterranean coasts, with his history and destroying heritage takes over the role of human spokesperson. When a city as the holy area is destroyed, a human loses his/her own identity. Return of identity is possible only at the symbolic and metaphysic level, therefore the novel is full of symbolic and archetype motives.
In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European affiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. Adapted from the source document.
In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European affiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. Adapted from the source document.
Dubrovačko-neretvanska županija (ukupne površine 9272,37 km2, 122 870 stanovnika 2001. godine), najjužnija je županija u Republici Hrvatskoj, a teritorijalno je organizirana u 22 jedinice lokalne uprave i samouprave. Na temelju terenskih istraživanja i analize različitih izvora prostornih podataka te postojeće prostorno-planske dokumentacije (svih razina planiranja) obrađene su značajke i posebnosti prostornog planiranja u Dubrovačko-neretvanskoj županiji koje su značajno utjecale na povijesno-geografski te društveno-gospodarski razvitak spomenutog prostora. Prostorno planiranje svoje korijene na ovim prostorima ima u Statutu Grada Dubrovnika iz 1272. godine, a kao početak suvremenog razdoblja smatra se izrada Regionalnoga prostornog plana Južnog Jadrana (1964.-1968.) i Generalnoga urbanističkog plana Dubrovnika 1969. godine. ; Dubrovnik-Neretva County (area 9,272.37 sq km, population 122,870 in 2001) is the southernmost county of the Republic of Croatia and it is territorially divided into 22 units of local government and self-government. Characteristics and specifics of regional planning in Dubrovnik-Neretva County which considerably influenced historical and geographical as well as socio-economic development of the aforementioned area were analyzed on the grounds of field researches and analysis of different sources of physical data and available documents concerning regional planning (all levels of planning were studied). Regional planning in this area dates from the 1272 Statute of Dubrovnik, but Regional Plan of the Southern Adriatic (1964-1968) and General Urban Plan of Dubrovnik from 1969 are considered to be the beginning of the modern period of planning.
The author discusses some recent changes in the theoretical literature on globalization. He claims that the irreversibility of the globalization process is no longer taken for granted as in the enthusiastic literature on the subject during the 1990's. The globalization is no longer regarded as an untouchable structure, and for over a decade now, we are witnessing an overall questioning of the globalization process itself. Therefore, the author pays special attention to the theoretical works of Justin Rosenberg who claims that the age of globalization is over. For Rosenberg, the globalization was only an ideological construction supported by the so called globalization theory which has failed in all its aspects: as a general social theory, as a historical and sociological argument and as a basis for interpretation of actual events. As opposed to Rosebenrg, the author claims that globalization should be regarded as a 'metapolitical' concept with its semantic and political functions. Using the methodological assumptions of Reinhart Koselleck, the author shows that 'metapolitical' concepts reach their intellectual and political high point by accelerating history and by transcending the actual situation. After their revolutionary peak, they disappear or they change their meaning in order to refer to the 'new reality'. Based on the insights of Hannah Arendt, the author shows that globalization has lost its revolutionary potential, but also that the end of globalization theory would not necessarily follow. Adapted from the source document.
The author discusses some recent changes in the theoretical literature on globalization. He claims that the irreversibility of the globalization process is no longer taken for granted as in the enthusiastic literature on the subject during the 1990's. The globalization is no longer regarded as an untouchable structure, and for over a decade now, we are witnessing an overall questioning of the globalization process itself. Therefore, the author pays special attention to the theoretical works of Justin Rosenberg who claims that the age of globalization is over. For Rosenberg, the globalization was only an ideological construction supported by the so called globalization theory which has failed in all its aspects: as a general social theory, as a historical and sociological argument and as a basis for interpretation of actual events. As opposed to Rosebenrg, the author claims that globalization should be regarded as a 'metapolitical' concept with its semantic and political functions. Using the methodological assumptions of Reinhart Koselleck, the author shows that 'metapolitical' concepts reach their intellectual and political high point by accelerating history and by transcending the actual situation. After their revolutionary peak, they disappear or they change their meaning in order to refer to the 'new reality'. Based on the insights of Hannah Arendt, the author shows that globalization has lost its revolutionary potential, but also that the end of globalization theory would not necessarily follow. Adapted from the source document.
The author describes the political situation in Columbia from its independence to the present. In the first & the second part of the article the author shows the roots of Columbia's political problems & conflicts in the period 1830-1986. In the third part of the article, the author analyses the political situation in Columbia from 1986-2008, & presents the main argument of the article. It is argued that a new category of deficient democracies should be created -- named narcodemocracies. Columbia's deficient democracy could then be placed in that new category since all non-institutional actors influencing Columbia's deficient democracy are financed by narco-money, & the main institutional (constitutional) actor, the state of Columbia, is a recipient of a substantial financial help for fighting the narco industry. Adapted from the source document.
Having reflected on the concept of direct democracy & the possibility of its implementation, the author focuses on Germany & Austria. It is not possible to hold a federal referendum in Germany, although the Basic law explicitly states that the people exercise their power also through referenda. After analyzing the Weimar experience with direct democracy, the author argues that the reasons why there are no direct democracy mechanisms at the federal level do not lie in the "bitter experience of the Weimar Republic." Having considered the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms in the German provinces & in Austria, the author concludes that Germany & Austria are not the leading countries in employing direct democracy but they are surely not at the very back of the list. Adapted from the source document.
Knjiga je nastala na temelju rukopisa njezina zapovjednika kapetana bojnog broda Andre Vrkljana. Vrkljanov "ratni dnevnik" nastao je tijekom 70-ih i 80-ih godina 20. stoljeća na temelju sjećanja, zabilješki, istraživanja i dopisivanja s nekadašnjim legionarima. Poslije napada nacističke Njemačke na Sovjetski Savez 22. lipnja 1941, u borbe na Istoku uključila se i Nezavisna Država Hrvatska. Iako nije službeno navijestio rat Sovjetskom Savezu, poglavnik NDH Ante Pavelić na istočno je bojište uputio dobrovoljačke postrojbe okupljene pod zajedničkim imenom Hrvatska legija. Time su se priključili brojnim postrojbama koje su njemački saveznici ili okupirane europske zemlje slale kao pomoć u Hitlerovom pohodu protiv boljševizma, kako ga je tumačila nacistička propaganda
The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.
The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.
The text begins with Richard Rorty's assessment that Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions, along with Rawls's A Theory of Justice, is the most important philosophical book written in the English language in the twentieth century. The author endorses this assessment, for it is impossible to think of a work in the fields of philosophy or scientific history which had such a dramatic agitating & inspiring impact on the public for which it was originally not intended. Namely, although Kuhn addressed in his work primarily philosophers & scientists engaged with natural sciences, the work was a source of major & fruitful discussion which involved, or could not be overseen by, anthropologists, sociologists, culturologists, political scientists, philosophers of morality, linguists, legal experts & many others. The author puts forward some of Kuhn's epistemological ideas which were creatively elaborated, reworked & recontextualized by non-epistemologists. The text is divided in two parts. In the first part, the author briefly sketches Kuhn's key concepts expounded in Structure... (paradigm, normal science, revolution). In the second part, he sets forth Richard Bernstein's interpretation of Kuhn's epistemology. The author opts for this interpretation because Bernstein, in his judgment, demonstrated better than any other philosopher that precisely the concept of incommensurability is to be given credit for Kuhn's enormous influence even beyond the boundaries of philosophy & scientific history. Together with Bernstein, the author concludes that incommensurability becomes a first-rate category of political thought due to the fact that it stresses in a conceptually adequate & analytically rigorous fashion the phenomenon of mutual understanding which overrides the imperative of choosing some unique superior scientific theory. Adapted from the source document.
