Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes transformation of the ideological factor of terrorism in 21st century. The author emphasizes transition from grand narratives (Marxism, fascism) to little narratives of new social movements. In his opinion terrorism without ideology is more dangerous than ideological terrorism.

The aim of this article is to present an overview of theoretical approaches to public policy. The author focuses on its two phases - design and implementation, not including evaluation. The article is an attempt to answer the following research questions: How do researchers define public policy? What are its phases? What are the characteristics of these phases? How is its implementation defined? And what do top-down, bottom-up, and hybrid approaches mean? What is considered to be an implementation success and what factors influence it? Which direction should future research on public policy processes take? In order to answer the above-mentioned questions, the author has reviewed the subject literature, mainly in English, dealing with the issues of designing and implementing public policies. The article is a synthesis of public policy theories.

The aim of the article is to answer the question: What role does nuclear weapon play in Israeli strategy of deterrence? The main hypothesis of the paper is based on the assumption, that the deterrence potential of the Israeli nuclear arsenal is strictly determined by deliberate ambiguity (so-called amimut). The author also assumes that nuclear deterrence plays a significant role in the general Israeli deterrence strategy. However, due to the changing nature of threats, it is not its core element. The author used the following theoretical research methods: critical analysis and comparative analysis of sources, scientific studies, strategic documents as well as selected speeches of the Israeli authorities. This article can be seen as an attempt to capture the specifics of the Israeli nuclear deterrence strategy and the features that distinguish it from deterrence of other nuclear states.

This paper attempts to present a review of higher education reform processes in Poland in 1990-2015 and 2016-2018 (when a draft of the so‑called Act 2.0 was prepared) and an assessment of the domestic "art of reforms". As the author has adopted the perspective of the public policy science, she focuses on issues of public policy making, i.e. the development and strategic programming policy, drafting legislation, and accompanying public consultations. Furthermore, the paper discusses three past and one current attempt to reform higher education in the context of the political economy of reforms that are globally perceived as a benchmark. The long, nearly 30‑year period covered by the paper's analyses allowed the author to draw conclusions with regard to the evolution of higher education policy, highlighting the problem of its quality (standards) as a public policy.

The subject of this paper is an analysis of the element of integration and desintegration in process of creating of Silesian ethnicity. The author proposes the political theory interpretation of processes, which took place on Upper Silesia in last three decades. For this purpose propose a category of Silesian politics, which is a term to named a specific of political life in this region. This political life is based on multi-directional relationship of politcal subjectivities, which expressed in dyad integration-desintegration. This dyad is an interpration scheme, which allows to describe negative dependence, when integration of first subject is conditioned of desintegration of second subject. In this paper the author propose to structuring of political life by pointing three levels (the organised subjects, public sphere, individual) of political life participants action, and in frame of this levels problems planes, which are include a issue, to which they relate.

Civil dialogue has an impact on the quality of public policy, in the online form it allows direct influence of stakeholders on the process of formulation and its implementation. It is also a new quality in the process of evaluating public policy. Civil dialogue is usually understood as a process of communication between the state authority and non-governmental organizations, but the author of the article indicates that it is possible to conduct civil dialogue in a direct way with citizens through social media. He presents the results of research aimed at verifying the use of social media by the authorities in order to establish a dialogue with citizens. The research consisted in measuring and analyzing communication conducted by selected Polish voivodeship cities on the Twitter social network. The author points out the characteristic styles of communication that can be interpreted from the perspective of civil dialogue.

The author presents three selected types of situations depicting the participation of persons with disabilities, their caregivers and supporting non-governmental organisations, in designing and monitoring the public policy towards disability in Poland. The first type of situations concerns supporting inclusive education. The second type concerns the support system for the caregivers of the persons with disabilities, while the last one refers to the alternative report prepared by NGOs, dealing with Poland's implementation of the U. N. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In each of these cases, the author examines the reasons behind the decision to participate, the process, and the final results of participation. The results show that - although the NGOs of the persons with disabilities have the possibility to participate in the discussion on disability policy - their influence on that policy is insignificant and limited to exceptional situations.

The article analyzes the possible options for the constitutional development of the Republic of Belarus. Among them: amending the current Constitution, the adoption of a new Constitution and the restoration of the 1994 Constitution. The author substantiates his approach to the forthcoming constitutional reforms.

The article conducts a multidimensional diagnosis of the state of the Polish economy after two years of the COVID-19 pandemic. The author assessed the impact of the pandemic on the situation of enterprises and Polish households. The reference to the analysis are above mentioned such variables as: gross domestic product (GDP), CPI/HICP inflation, domestic demand, retail sales of goods, registered unemployment rate, consumer situation (BWUK, WWUK), economic situation, bankruptcy proceedings, restructuring proceedings, etc. The issues raised in the article have been grouped into four thematic blocks, i.e.: 1) the restrictiveness of the policy of the government of Mateusz Morawiecki at individual stages (waves) of the pandemic, 2) the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on key economic indicators, 3) the impact of the pandemic on indicators regarding the perception of the economic and consumer situation, 4) the social perception of the impact of the pandemic on the standard of living of Poles, the perception of the government of Mateusz Morawiecki and the actions taken by it concerning economic restrictions. This part is based on the results of the public opinion poll Opinion of Poles on the activities of the government of Mateusz Morawiecki during the coronavirus pandemic, which was carried out under the direction of the author in May 2021. For the purposes of the article, the author formulated a research thesis, i.e. the COVID-19 pandemic affected the state of the Polish economy, slowed it down, but did not lead to a collapse such as regression.

The author analyses the selected mechanisms in the spatial (planning) policy as well as its outcomes. He points out at the sources of complexity within this area, patterns of order and chaos. His hypothesis claims that unsatisfactory results come from the low level of the state's governability in the area of policy formulation, implementation and evaluation. It also derives from inadequate institutional and analytical potential. As a consequence, public institutions are not able to use the regulatory instruments in an adequate way as well as to pay a proper attention to the policy analysis, including the consequences and long-term effects of spatial chaos. According to the author, cultural background seems to be important while trying to understand the state's problems in the area of spatial policy. It leads to the fact that spatial issues are rather lower on the public agenda among other public concerns (like economic or developmental goals).

The aim of the article is to deepen the discussion on the conceptualisation of migration policy as a specific public policy. The author analyzes the definitions of this policy formulated by Polish researchers and points out that their characteristic features are: the concentration on activities of state institutions and the reference to the functional and technical level of policy appropriate for public policy. At the same time, she observes that particular areas of public activity, including immigration, emigration and often also integration policies, are included in the scope of migration policy. The author proposes her own definition of migration policy as the totality of instruments, political actions and decisions designed and/or undertaken by the state authorities in relation to migration processes and their participants. She argues that migration policy should be distinguished from migration management, the term which was coined in order to name the (ostensibly) depoliticized, global migration control system.

The author of the book analyzes the constitutional foundations of the government systems of modern Ukraine during the years 1917–2017. The book is devoted to the analysis of enacted constitutions, the complete or partial amendments to the constitution and the analysis of directions introduced or initiated changes.

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors - the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and the institutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups and backstage actors of politics.

The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.

The author focuses on the analysis of the participatory budgeting issue. He presents the outcomes of its three-year implementation in Warsaw's Ursynów District. He emphasises more the conclusions drawn from practice than from the confrontation of the reality with the assumptions of participatory budgeting. The participatory budget is defined as a process aimed at enabling the community to directly influence the decision to allocate part of the public budget. Within its scope the inhabitants report proposals for projects worth funding. It is a way of including them in the planning of spending public funds that have been given by the authorities at their disposal. The author formulates the thesis that the practice of the participatory budget functioning in Poland is subject to numerous procedural defects. Local governments do not always produce the right patterns for its implementation. They struggle to match these budgets to their realities and often duplicate mistakes. It is a challenge for self-government councils to use their democratic mandate to more actively shape public spending processes.