En los últimos trabajos escénicos de Roger Bernat se conjuga la participación de los espectadores en el desarrollo de las obras, con la utilización de dispositivos tecnológicos y la problematización de cuestiones socio-políticas. En el caso de Pendiente de Voto (2012) y, sobre todo, de Numax Fagor Plus (2014) esa combinación desestabiliza la posición del dramaturgo en su propia creación. De hecho, su rol de autor se inserta en la propia estructura dramatúrgica de la obra, a través de un ejercicio de autoficción que consigue generar una profunda y amplia reflexión sobre la participación, la autoría, la democracia, la revolución y la posición que los medios tecnológicos ocupan hoy en día alrededor de esos conceptos. ; In the last performances by Roger Bernat, the involvement and participation of the audience is combined with the use of technological devices and the problematization of socio-political issues. In Pending Vote (2012) and mainly in Numax Fagor Plus (2014), that combination destabilizes the position of the playwright in his own creation. His role as the author is inserted into the dramaturgical structure of the pieces, through an exercise of autofiction, which produces a deep and wide reflection about participation, authorship, democracy, revolution, and the position of new media around those concepts nowadays.
In the last performances by Roger Bernat, the involvement and participation of the audience is combined with the use of technological devices and the problematization of socio-political issues. In Pending Vote (2012) and mainly in Numax Fagor Plus (2014), that combination destabilizes the position of the playwright in his own creation. His role as the author is inserted into the dramaturgical structure of the pieces, through an exercise of autofiction, which produces a deep and wide reflection about participation, authorship, democracy, revolution, and the position of new media around those concepts nowadays. ; En los últimos trabajos escénicos de Roger Bernat se conjuga la participación de los espectadores en el desarrollo de las obras, con la utilización de dispositivos tecnológicos y la problematización de cuestiones socio-políticas. En el caso de Pendiente de Voto (2012) y, sobre todo, de Numax Fagor Plus (2014) esa combinación desestabiliza la posición del dramaturgo en su propia creación. De hecho, su rol de autor se inserta en la propia estructura dramatúrgica de la obra, a través de un ejercicio de autoficción que consigue generar una profunda y amplia reflexión sobre la participación, la autoría, la democracia, la revolución y la posición que los medios tecnológicos ocupan hoy en día alrededor de esos conceptos.
Plug-in Electric vehicles (PEV), both as battery electric vehicles (BEV) and plug-in hybrid vehicles (PHEV) have noteworthy potential to reduce global and local emissions. Governments around the world have implemented monetary and non-monetary policy measures to foster PEV market diffusion. However, empirical estimates of their effectiveness are scarce. Here, we analyse data on PEV sales from Europe and the US with the policy measures active in these countries, e.g., direct subsidies, tax rebates, and public charging infrastructure. The aim of the present paper is to contribute empirical evidence to the discussion of policy aided market evolution of electric vehicles. We find income, gasoline prices and both direct and indirect subsidies to positively influence PEV adoption.
ABSTRACT This thesis aims to determine the extent to which the execution of criminal sanctions against misuse of the transport and / or commercial subsidized oil fuel and to determine the legal considerations of the judge in the case ruled on 588 / Pid.B / 2014 / PN SMR.This research was conducted in the District Court of Samarinda to do an interview to the parties of the agency is directly related to the issues to be discussed. The author also collecting data related to the object of study and a study of literature by way of examining the books, literature and legislation relating to the issues discussed in this thesis. The findings obtained from this study is the application of criminal law by the judge in a criminal case 588 / Pid.B / 2014 / PN SMR.Based on the results of the study, the authors considered was the fulfillment of the elements of a criminal offense under article 5 of Law 22 of 2001 on Oil and Gas. In this ruling the judge impose a criminal sanction against the defendant "Ilham Bin Muslims" form of imprisonment for six (6) months and a fine of Rp.3.000.000,00 (three million rupiah). This thesis aims to be useful as a source of public knowledge in understanding the definition of the crime of abuse of Subsidized Fuel haulage and know the elements of the offense in issue.The author expects completion of this thesis can be a useful contribution to society and appealed to the law enforcement agencies that the perpetrators of such offenses can be subject to strict sanctions according to the Law in force referred to in Article 55 of Law No. 22 of 2001 so as to minimize the occurrence of this criminal act. Keywords: subsidized fuel, Abuse, Event Transportation and Distribution of fuel.
Penyalahgunaan kendaraan dinas di lingkungan pejabat pemerintahan bukan suatu hal baru. Salah satunya merubah warna dasar Tanda Nomor Kendaraan Bermotor (TNKB), perubahan warna TNKB telah diatur dalam Pasal 280 Undang-Undang Nomor 22 Tahun 2009 Tentang Lalu Lintas dan Angkutan Jalan, dari fakta yang diperoleh masih banyak kendaraan dinas yang mengganti TNKB merah dengan TNKB berwarna hitam terutama di wilayah Lamongan. Penelitian ini untuk mengetahui penerapan Pasal 280 Undang-Undang nomor 22 tahun 2009 tentang Lalu Lintas Angkutan Jalan dalam Penegakan terhadap perubahan warnaTNKB mobil dinas di Lamongan. Untuk mengetahui kendala Kepolisian dalam menerapkan Pasal 280 UU LLAJ terkait perubahan warna TNKB mobil dinas di Lamongan. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum empiris yang mencakup penelitian terhadap identifikasi hukum dan penelitian terhadap efektifitas hukum, menggunakan metode kualitatif yaitu data yang diperoleh, baik primer maupun sekunder, akan disajikan secara deskriptif, dan kemudian diberi suatu kesimpulan, data diperoleh dengan wawancara dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian sebagai berikut: Polres Lamongan belum dapat menerapkan pasal 280 UU LLAJ secara maksimal, hal ini dapat dibuktikan dengan hasil penelitian yang ditemukan bahwa tidak semua pelanggar yang melakukan perubahan warna TNKB merah ke TNKB berwarna hitam diberikan tilangdan hanya diberikan teguran. Kendala-kendala yang dihadapi oleh Polres Lamongan yaitu, minimnya jumlah personil Satlantas Polres Lamongan sertakurangnya kesadaran dari masyarakat di wilayah Lamongan yang masih sering merubah warna dasar TNKB merah menjadi TNKB hitam dengan berbagai macam alasan umumnya dengan alasan keamanan, begitupun kesadaran dari penegak hukumnya yang mana para pelanggar hanya diberikan teguran untuk segera mengganti warna TNKB hitam tersebut dikembalikan kewarna TNKB aslinya dan tidak diberikan sanksi apapun KATA KUNCI : Undang- Undang Lalu Lintas Angkutan Jalan, Tindak Pidana, Kendaraan Dinas, Perubahan Warna TNKB Abstract Abuse official vehcles in the neighborhood government officials not a new issue. One of the fundamental change colour marks of number of vehicles (TNKB), Discolouration TNKB has set in article 280 act number 22 years 2009 on road traffic, from the fact obtained there are still many vehicles which are replace tnkb red with tnkb black especially in area lamongan. The problems in this research, how the application of article 280 act number 22 years 2009 on road traffic in enforcing on changes in colour tnkb official vehcle in lamongan ? what the police arrest in apply article 280 concern discolouration tnkb official vehcle in lamongan ?. The kind of research used is research law empirical which includes research on identification law and research on the effectiveness of law, in a qualitative namely the data collected, good primary and secondary, will be presented a sort of descriptive set, and then be given a conclusion, data obtained by interviews and documentation The research results as follows: lamongan police could not apply article 280 law charge in full , this evidenced by the results of research found that not all offenders that made changes in colour tnkb red to tnkb black given traffic ticket and only reprimand . Constraints that have been faced by lamongan police, the minimal number of personnel police lamongan and the lack of consciousness of people in the area lamongan still often change colour basic tnkb red become black with different kinds of reason generally with security reasons, including of consciousness of law enforcement which the offenders only reprimand to change colour tnkb black were returned original colour and not given punishment. KEYWORDS: Law Of Road Trafic , Official Vehicle, Discolouration TNK
Among the most prominent political novels of the twentieth century, Invitation to a Beheading is the acme of Nabokov's art in that it was embellished by the finest Nabokovian techniques, and was enriched by thought- provoking ideas. This study is aimed to offer a narratological reading of this novel in search of what its implied author has pictured as the meaning of genuine freedom intended by Nabokov. By analyzing the story and discourse levels of this narrative, we are going to discuss, first, the concepts of 'reality' and 'individuality' in Invitation to a Beheading as the pillars on which the author constructed the ultimate concept of freedom. After discussing the contribution of these two notions, in the last section of this article, dedicated to the questions of ideology and rhetoric, we place the ultimate concept of freedom in the period in which the novel was composed. We discuss how the final picture is in accordance with the peculiarities of the modern world that went through two World Wars and witnessed the outcome of totalitarian systems.
In the building of the so-called informational city, there is a explicit willingness to channel the social interaction towards innovation. lt starts from the idea that the exchange of information who manage people from their specific areas of action. make easy and prometes creativity, innovation. Knowing that today We can accessed to immeasurable amounts of information, different authors suggest that the important thing is not to have it, but process it intellectually, to transform it and make a profit from it. That is that the information has come to be seen as the raw material to transform to thereby achieve a final product, a pro duct of value, called knowledge, this being the most valuable product of the new era. Hence the economy that aims to move from the industrial age to the informational, worry about creating the right environment in which in novation occurs with maximum fluidity and frequency, and that has been called the innovative milieu. Being on the characteristics of places considered innovatives, now they try to build innovative milieux, which would be con tained in the plans and projects, under the title refers to a new kind of town: informational city, knowledge city, te chnopolis, digital, of the science and others associated with the use of lnformation Technology and Communica tion ICT. In the case of Barcelona, under the concept of digital city (MPGM 2000). But this explicit will to prosecute the interaction towards innovation could be invading or removing really sponta neous interaction spaces , where all players are on equal rights. The question that tries to reveal, with regard to the informational city is: Is social inclusion warranted when promete interaction in the areas of the so-called digital city? This is the fundamental question being solved, revealing why, if the informational city values the sponta neous interaction between different actors, is indifferent to the use of public space? What kind of interactions looks for? What are the actors that promete interaction: what is their role and their interests? What is the role of society in the areas of interaction that prometes informational city? What changes does the innovative milieu over the city? Really it demand changes?. All these questions it will try to solve under two entries interest of the city: political I social and physical I spatial. lt is taken as a case study the 22 @ Barcelona. with an analysis on two scales: a urban scale, in the polygons fur ther advancement of the plan, and proximity scale on three areas where it would be promoting interaction with regard to the innovative milieu. Spaces which are selected according to the proposed methodology, to know to what extent citizen inclusion is guaranteed when promete such interaction. Composed of the following specific ob jectives: (i) deepen the conceptualizati on of interaction for innovation, with an approach to the milieu that inspired, (ii) identify and classify the various physical spaces that would be shaping the interaction space, the role of public space and the private space that prometes interaction, (iii) identifying the interaction agents, their roles, their free dom of action and interest in innovation, (iv) meet the targeting of policies, programs and actions that would pro mete, (v) understand the role of society or citizens in shaping the innovative melieu and (vi) identify the spatial changes with regard to the innovative milieu to urban level and the architectural level and the role of ICT in these. For that, it contrast the physical platform of innovative milieu that prometes 22@Barcelona with it proposed in the plan. ; Sabiendo que en la actualidad se puede acceder a cantidades inmensurables de información, diferentes autores sugieren que lo importante no es tenerla, sino procesarla intelectualmente para transformarla y obtener un beneficio de ella. Es decir que la información ha pasado a ser vista como la materia prima a transformar para conseguir con ello un bien final un producto de valor denominado conocimiento siendo éste el producto más preciado de la nueva era. De ahí que la economía que aspira a pasar de la era industrial a la informacional, se preocupe por la creación del medio adecuado en donde la innovación se produzca con la máxima fluidez y frecuencia, y es a éste al que se ha dado en llamar el medio innovador. Siendo bajo las características de lugares considerados innovadores, que hoy se tratan de construir medios innovadores, que estarán contenidos en los planes y proyectos que nacen bajo el título que hace alusión a un nuevo tipo de ciudad: ciudad informacional, del conocimiento, tecnópolis, digital, de la ciencia y otros asociados al uso de las Tecnologías de la Información y Comunicación TIC. En el caso de Barcelona, bajo el concepto de ciudad digital (MPGM 2000). Pero esta voluntad explícita de encausar la interacción hacia la innovación, podría estar invadiendo o anulando los espacios de interacción realmente espontánea, en donde todos los actores están en igualdad de derechos. Siendo la pregunta que se intenta develar, a propósito de la ciudad informacional: ¿Se garantiza la inclusión social al promover la interacción en los espacios de la denominada ciudad digital? Ésta es la pregunta fundamental que se intenta resolver, develando ¿Por qué, si la ciudad informacional valora la interacción espontánea entre los distintos actores, se muestra indiferente con el uso del espacio público? ¿Qué tipo de interacciones busca? ¿Cuáles son los actores de la interacción que se promueve: cuál es su rol y sus intereses? ¿Qué papel juega la sociedad en los espacios de interacción que promueve la ciudad informacional? ¿Qué cambios espaciales trae el medio innovador sobre la ciudad? ¿Realmente se demanda cambios? Todas estas preguntas se intentan resolver bajo dos entradas de interés de la ciudad: político/social y físico/espacial. Se toma como caso de estudio el 22@Barcelona, con un análisis a dos escalas: a escala urbana, en los polígonos de mayor avance del plan, y a escala próxima en tres espacios en donde se estaría promoviendo las interacciones a propó¬sito del medio innovador. Espacios que se seleccionan según la metodología planteada, para conocer en qué medida se garantiza la inclusión ciudadana, al promover dicha interacción. Compuesto de los siguientes objetivos específicas: (i) profundizar en la conceptualización de la interacción para la innovación, con un acercamiento a los medios que sirvieron de inspiración, (ii) identificar y clasificar los diversos espacios físicos que estarían conformando el espacio de interacción, el rol del espacio público y el espacio privado en la interacción que se promueve, (iii) identificar los agentes de la interacción, sus roles, su libertad de acción e intereses en la innovación, (iv) conocer el direccionamiento de las políticas, programas y acciones que lo estarían promoviendo, (v) conocer el papel de la sociedad o ciudadanía en la conformación del denominado medio innovador e (vi) identificar los cambios espaciales introducidos a propósito del medio innovador a nivel urbano y a nivel arquitectónico y el papel de las TIC en estos. Para esto se contrasta la plataforma física del medio innovador que promueve el 22@Barcelona, con lo propuesto en el plan. ; Postprint (published version)
In the building of the so-called informational city, there is a explicit willingness to channel the social interaction towards innovation. lt starts from the idea that the exchange of information who manage people from their specific areas of action. make easy and prometes creativity, innovation. Knowing that today We can accessed to immeasurable amounts of information, different authors suggest that the important thing is not to have it, but process it intellectually, to transform it and make a profit from it. That is that the information has come to be seen as the raw material to transform to thereby achieve a final product, a pro duct of value, called knowledge, this being the most valuable product of the new era. Hence the economy that aims to move from the industrial age to the informational, worry about creating the right environment in which in novation occurs with maximum fluidity and frequency, and that has been called the innovative milieu. Being on the characteristics of places considered innovatives, now they try to build innovative milieux, which would be con tained in the plans and projects, under the title refers to a new kind of town: informational city, knowledge city, te chnopolis, digital, of the science and others associated with the use of lnformation Technology and Communica tion ICT. In the case of Barcelona, under the concept of digital city (MPGM 2000). But this explicit will to prosecute the interaction towards innovation could be invading or removing really sponta neous interaction spaces , where all players are on equal rights. The question that tries to reveal, with regard to the informational city is: Is social inclusion warranted when promete interaction in the areas of the so-called digital city? This is the fundamental question being solved, revealing why, if the informational city values the sponta neous interaction between different actors, is indifferent to the use of public space? What kind of interactions looks for? What are the actors that promete interaction: what is their role and their interests? What is the role of society in the areas of interaction that prometes informational city? What changes does the innovative milieu over the city? Really it demand changes?. All these questions it will try to solve under two entries interest of the city: political I social and physical I spatial. lt is taken as a case study the 22 @ Barcelona. with an analysis on two scales: a urban scale, in the polygons fur ther advancement of the plan, and proximity scale on three areas where it would be promoting interaction with regard to the innovative milieu. Spaces which are selected according to the proposed methodology, to know to what extent citizen inclusion is guaranteed when promete such interaction. Composed of the following specific ob jectives: (i) deepen the conceptualizati on of interaction for innovation, with an approach to the milieu that inspired, (ii) identify and classify the various physical spaces that would be shaping the interaction space, the role of public space and the private space that prometes interaction, (iii) identifying the interaction agents, their roles, their free dom of action and interest in innovation, (iv) meet the targeting of policies, programs and actions that would pro mete, (v) understand the role of society or citizens in shaping the innovative melieu and (vi) identify the spatial changes with regard to the innovative milieu to urban level and the architectural level and the role of ICT in these. For that, it contrast the physical platform of innovative milieu that prometes 22@Barcelona with it proposed in the plan. ; Sabiendo que en la actualidad se puede acceder a cantidades inmensurables de información, diferentes autores sugieren que lo importante no es tenerla, sino procesarla intelectualmente para transformarla y obtener un beneficio de ella. Es decir que la información ha pasado a ser vista como la materia prima a transformar para conseguir con ello un bien final un producto de valor denominado conocimiento siendo éste el producto más preciado de la nueva era. De ahí que la economía que aspira a pasar de la era industrial a la informacional, se preocupe por la creación del medio adecuado en donde la innovación se produzca con la máxima fluidez y frecuencia, y es a éste al que se ha dado en llamar el medio innovador. Siendo bajo las características de lugares considerados innovadores, que hoy se tratan de construir medios innovadores, que estarán contenidos en los planes y proyectos que nacen bajo el título que hace alusión a un nuevo tipo de ciudad: ciudad informacional, del conocimiento, tecnópolis, digital, de la ciencia y otros asociados al uso de las Tecnologías de la Información y Comunicación TIC. En el caso de Barcelona, bajo el concepto de ciudad digital (MPGM 2000). Pero esta voluntad explícita de encausar la interacción hacia la innovación, podría estar invadiendo o anulando los espacios de interacción realmente espontánea, en donde todos los actores están en igualdad de derechos. Siendo la pregunta que se intenta develar, a propósito de la ciudad informacional: ¿Se garantiza la inclusión social al promover la interacción en los espacios de la denominada ciudad digital? Ésta es la pregunta fundamental que se intenta resolver, develando ¿Por qué, si la ciudad informacional valora la interacción espontánea entre los distintos actores, se muestra indiferente con el uso del espacio público? ¿Qué tipo de interacciones busca? ¿Cuáles son los actores de la interacción que se promueve: cuál es su rol y sus intereses? ¿Qué papel juega la sociedad en los espacios de interacción que promueve la ciudad informacional? ¿Qué cambios espaciales trae el medio innovador sobre la ciudad? ¿Realmente se demanda cambios? Todas estas preguntas se intentan resolver bajo dos entradas de interés de la ciudad: político/social y físico/espacial. Se toma como caso de estudio el 22@Barcelona, con un análisis a dos escalas: a escala urbana, en los polígonos de mayor avance del plan, y a escala próxima en tres espacios en donde se estaría promoviendo las interacciones a propó¬sito del medio innovador. Espacios que se seleccionan según la metodología planteada, para conocer en qué medida se garantiza la inclusión ciudadana, al promover dicha interacción. Compuesto de los siguientes objetivos específicas: (i) profundizar en la conceptualización de la interacción para la innovación, con un acercamiento a los medios que sirvieron de inspiración, (ii) identificar y clasificar los diversos espacios físicos que estarían conformando el espacio de interacción, el rol del espacio público y el espacio privado en la interacción que se promueve, (iii) identificar los agentes de la interacción, sus roles, su libertad de acción e intereses en la innovación, (iv) conocer el direccionamiento de las políticas, programas y acciones que lo estarían promoviendo, (v) conocer el papel de la sociedad o ciudadanía en la conformación del denominado medio innovador e (vi) identificar los cambios espaciales introducidos a propósito del medio innovador a nivel urbano y a nivel arquitectónico y el papel de las TIC en estos. Para esto se contrasta la plataforma física del medio innovador que promueve el 22@Barcelona, con lo propuesto en el plan. ; Postprint (published version)
The research concluded, first, The Constitutional Court decision number 22-24/PUU-VI/2008 give the positive implications of affirmative action policy of women representation in the provincial parliament and regency/town in Yogyakarta, because every legislative candidates have equal opportunity to fight to obtain a majority vote in 2009 legislative elections. Second, when Law no. 10 year 2008 still use a list of serial numbers, women's position in the list of candidates a majority in the lowest sequence number, the result difficult for female candidates to gain seats as if his voice does not reach the number of automatic splitter sounds will be given to the serial number on it, but with a majority vote model , greater opportunities for female candidates was elected. Third, women representation in the provincial parliament Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY) increased when compared with the results of the election of 2004, from 9 seats in 2009 elections to 12 seats, so there is an increase of 33%. in Gunung Kidul district legislature also increased the number of seats of women when compared with the acquisition of seats in the elections of 2004, from a seat in the 2009 election to 6 seats, so there is 500%. Sleman district legislature in the 2004 elections the number of women seats and as many as 6 seats in the 2009 election to 8 seats. So the increase of about 33%. in Yogyakarta city parliament also increased the number of seats in 2004 elections from 5 to 6 seats in 2009 elections. Thus, there is an increase of 20%. Kulonprogo parliament,the seats for women who gained in the 2004 elections and are 4 seats in the 2009 election into 4 seats so that there is an increase of 25%, and in Bantul Regency 2004 election results there are only 5 seats for women, in the 2009 election to 6 people or up 20%. Fourth, the concern that the ruling number 22-24/PUU-VI/2008 inhibit affirmative action policy has not been proven in Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY), because the acquisition of women's seats in parliament and city ...
Although the term "cluster" is widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that cultural clusters take different forms. This analysis will underline the characteristics of a very specific type of cluster: the metropolitan cultural cluster. Their construction is part of a double intention : building new policy objects in an original way. These clusters can be considered as new public policy tools because of their hybrid nature. They depend on urban, economic and cultural dynamics. To better understand our research object we will use a multidisciplinary scientific approach at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach.To sum up our work, we will see how the development of these clusters is structured through the relationship between stakeholders. We will focus on the logics that are behind these projects, choices, conflicts and changes in stakeholder's positions.Less sectional, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where the process is more important than the result. These processes are at the centre of our analysis and we will focus on their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes with governance. The projects at the basis of metropolitan cultural clusters advocate an organic development where strategies are not static and where they evolve according to opportunities. Despite these intentions, the cultural clusters we study are largely influenced by earlier forms of clusters. The term itself is inherited from industrial policy. The methods of governance in these clusters seem frozen in old models and less flexible than they are supposed to be. They derive from a top-down approach, decided "by the top for the bottom". Starting from case studies and through an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind the term cultural cluster. Adopting a continuous approach, we will trace the evolution of their objectives and seek to identify evolution factors. This thesis proposes a new ...
Although the term "cluster" is widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that cultural clusters take different forms. This analysis will underline the characteristics of a very specific type of cluster: the metropolitan cultural cluster. Their construction is part of a double intention : building new policy objects in an original way. These clusters can be considered as new public policy tools because of their hybrid nature. They depend on urban, economic and cultural dynamics. To better understand our research object we will use a multidisciplinary scientific approach at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach.To sum up our work, we will see how the development of these clusters is structured through the relationship between stakeholders. We will focus on the logics that are behind these projects, choices, conflicts and changes in stakeholder's positions.Less sectional, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where the process is more important than the result. These processes are at the centre of our analysis and we will focus on their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes with governance. The projects at the basis of metropolitan cultural clusters advocate an organic development where strategies are not static and where they evolve according to opportunities. Despite these intentions, the cultural clusters we study are largely influenced by earlier forms of clusters. The term itself is inherited from industrial policy. The methods of governance in these clusters seem frozen in old models and less flexible than they are supposed to be. They derive from a top-down approach, decided "by the top for the bottom". Starting from case studies and through an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind the term cultural cluster. Adopting a continuous approach, we will trace the evolution of their objectives and seek to identify evolution factors. This thesis proposes a new ...
Although the term "cluster" is widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that cultural clusters take different forms. This analysis will underline the characteristics of a very specific type of cluster: the metropolitan cultural cluster. Their construction is part of a double intention : building new policy objects in an original way. These clusters can be considered as new public policy tools because of their hybrid nature. They depend on urban, economic and cultural dynamics. To better understand our research object we will use a multidisciplinary scientific approach at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach.To sum up our work, we will see how the development of these clusters is structured through the relationship between stakeholders. We will focus on the logics that are behind these projects, choices, conflicts and changes in stakeholder's positions.Less sectional, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where the process is more important than the result. These processes are at the centre of our analysis and we will focus on their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes with governance. The projects at the basis of metropolitan cultural clusters advocate an organic development where strategies are not static and where they evolve according to opportunities. Despite these intentions, the cultural clusters we study are largely influenced by earlier forms of clusters. The term itself is inherited from industrial policy. The methods of governance in these clusters seem frozen in old models and less flexible than they are supposed to be. They derive from a top-down approach, decided "by the top for the bottom". Starting from case studies and through an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind the term cultural cluster. Adopting a continuous approach, we will trace the evolution of their objectives and seek to identify evolution factors. This thesis proposes a new perspective on the dynamics of cultural clusters. It draws on concepts from evolutionary theories. How do these concepts allow us to better understand the bifurcation strategies in the clusters of Nantes, Barcelona and Quebec? In other words, what do these concepts teach us on the determinants of flexibility?The conclusion will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters. ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche.En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs.Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer.En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut-on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains. Le cluster culturel apparait comme un prétexte pour étudier plus finement les logiques de construction de projets dans les villes contemporaines.
Although the term "cluster" is widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that cultural clusters take different forms. This analysis will underline the characteristics of a very specific type of cluster: the metropolitan cultural cluster. Their construction is part of a double intention : building new policy objects in an original way. These clusters can be considered as new public policy tools because of their hybrid nature. They depend on urban, economic and cultural dynamics. To better understand our research object we will use a multidisciplinary scientific approach at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach.To sum up our work, we will see how the development of these clusters is structured through the relationship between stakeholders. We will focus on the logics that are behind these projects, choices, conflicts and changes in stakeholder's positions.Less sectional, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where the process is more important than the result. These processes are at the centre of our analysis and we will focus on their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes with governance. The projects at the basis of metropolitan cultural clusters advocate an organic development where strategies are not static and where they evolve according to opportunities. Despite these intentions, the cultural clusters we study are largely influenced by earlier forms of clusters. The term itself is inherited from industrial policy. The methods of governance in these clusters seem frozen in old models and less flexible than they are supposed to be. They derive from a top-down approach, decided "by the top for the bottom". Starting from case studies and through an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind the term cultural cluster. Adopting a continuous approach, we will trace the evolution of their objectives and seek to identify evolution factors. This thesis proposes a new ...
Although the term "cluster" is widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that cultural clusters take different forms. This analysis will underline the characteristics of a very specific type of cluster: the metropolitan cultural cluster. Their construction is part of a double intention : building new policy objects in an original way. These clusters can be considered as new public policy tools because of their hybrid nature. They depend on urban, economic and cultural dynamics. To better understand our research object we will use a multidisciplinary scientific approach at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach.To sum up our work, we will see how the development of these clusters is structured through the relationship between stakeholders. We will focus on the logics that are behind these projects, choices, conflicts and changes in stakeholder's positions.Less sectional, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where the process is more important than the result. These processes are at the centre of our analysis and we will focus on their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes with governance. The projects at the basis of metropolitan cultural clusters advocate an organic development where strategies are not static and where they evolve according to opportunities. Despite these intentions, the cultural clusters we study are largely influenced by earlier forms of clusters. The term itself is inherited from industrial policy. The methods of governance in these clusters seem frozen in old models and less flexible than they are supposed to be. They derive from a top-down approach, decided "by the top for the bottom". Starting from case studies and through an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind the term cultural cluster. Adopting a continuous approach, we will trace the evolution of their objectives and seek to identify evolution factors. This thesis proposes a new perspective on the dynamics of cultural clusters. It draws on concepts from evolutionary theories. How do these concepts allow us to better understand the bifurcation strategies in the clusters of Nantes, Barcelona and Quebec? In other words, what do these concepts teach us on the determinants of flexibility?The conclusion will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters. ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche.En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs.Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer.En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut-on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains. Le cluster culturel apparait comme un prétexte pour étudier plus finement les logiques de construction de projets dans les villes contemporaines.
Enter any additional information or requests for the Library here. ; Background: The promulgation of the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007) was seen as the long awaited start-up of the traditional healing profession in South Africa. Act No 22 (2007) was strongly politically driven from the late 1960s onward. Many of these political motivators were based upon outdated cultural ideas, customs and traditions, rooted outside the modern day healthcare needs and demands of the particular population that traditional healing intends to serve. An in-depth needs and skills analysis, to test the viability and sustainability of the South African traditional healers as well as their positions and roles as health practitioners inside the formal healthcare sector, as guided and stipulated by the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007), was lacking in this early development and start-up process. This resulted in the traditional healers' present and future roles as specific healthcare practitioners being both undefined and insufficiently formulated. In addition their existing education, training, skills and abilities to compete in the formal healthcare sector were ignored. Therefore, since the promulgation of the Act in 2007, there was limited professional-development for traditional healers, to improve their immediate professionalism and thus to promote effective role-playing and management in the formal healthcare sector. The South African traditional healing professional model is still in the foundational stage of its professional development; a stage which the other registered/regulated healthcare practitioners of the country surpassed long ago, making them well-equipped for role-playing and management as health professionals in the formal healthcare sector. The whole venture of the statutory recognition of the traditional health practitioners in 2007 as new healthcare professionals with the promulgation of the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007) seems to increasingly be a failure. There is thus a definite need to establish how the South African traditional healers are equipped to compete independently in the healthcare sector. If this is not possible, what alternatives are available to steer some of them into the country's healthcare sector and still make them useful as health practitioners. Coupled to this need is the future status and role of the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007), to uphold the roles of traditional healers. Aims: The study aims to determine the present and future roles of the traditional health practitioner in the South African formal healthcare sector, as guided by the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007). Methods: This is an exploratory and descriptive study that makes use of a historical approach by means of investigation and a literature review. The emphasis is upon using current documentation such as articles, books and newspapers as primary sources to reflect upon the present and future roles of traditional health practitioners within the regulated healthcare sector of South Africa, as guided by the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007). The findings are offered in narrative form. Results: It seems as though the professional position and foundation of the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007) is on a level that is meant for the governing of a healthcare group with a well-established learning and management infrastructure. This is an unfortunate situation wherein the incoming traditional healer unfortunately cannot meet the requirements at the moment. Various negative factors have affected the South African traditional healers' development and position. These include early political out-casting and discrimination from training facilities and work opportunities in the healthcare sector under White Rule, while poor organization, strategy and future planning and a lack of self-promotion by traditional healers themselves regarding their positions and roles over the years, seem also to have contributed negatively to the situation. The immediate impact is that this predisposition unfortunately places the traditional health practitioners in situations wherein they cannot always take specific roles at present or in the future as healers in the South African healthcare sector, as intended and guided by the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 of 2007. Conclusion: To expect the South African traditional health practitioners to function at present and in future fully within the intentions of the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007), executing certain roles as independent health practitioners in the formal healthcare sector, seems to a great extent impossible. Wherever they are successfully placed in the healthcare sector, their positions and roles seem to be limited. Furthermore, the traditional healers' places in the formal healthcare sector were already taken by the allied health professions, by such practitioners as homeopaths, naturopaths and ethno-therapists, etc. Thus they are obliged to compete with the already established nursing practitioners, psychiatrists and psychologists, as well as medical doctors, all established in clearly defined and functioning roles. These work inclinations and reservations further minimize their roles dramatically in the formal healthcare sector. To consider the future of the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007) and its two outcomes, namely the Traditional Health Practitioners Council as well as the traditional health practitioner, there are at present three urgent issues. The prominent question is: can the Traditional Health Practitioners Act No 22 (2007) continue in its present form or must it be recalled? In its present manifestation the Act and the traditional healers seem to be ineffective and aimless. It is time to consider alternatives to assure the continuation of the traditional healers as practitioners in the South African healthcare sector. The most obvious and practical one is to accommodate some of the traditional healers, where applicable and possible, in some of the various already established professional Health Councils as healthcare professionals.
