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Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. ...

Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. This thesis proposes a renewed reading of the dynamics of cultural clusters. It is based on concepts derived from evolutionary theories. How, by mobilizing them, can we better understand the strategic bifurcations of the Nantes, Barcelona and Québec clusters? In other words, what do these concepts teach us about the determinants of flexibility? The conclusions will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters." ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche. En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs. Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer. En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut–on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains ».

The article gives an insight into the publicist works of A. Michnik, that make a media influence on the modern polish society, on the formation of the contemporary his-tory of the large European country, neighbour of Ukraine. In the context of influences of these media on social integration, the article analyzes his works related to the activities of the polish periodical "Gazeta Wyborcza". Key words: Polish history, future development of Ukraine, mass communica-tion, media influence, Europe, society, democracy. ; У статті розглядаються публіцистичні праці А. Міхніка, що справляють ме-діавплив на сучасне польське суспільство, на формування сучасної історії великої європейської держави — сусіда України. У контексті цих медіавпливів на суспільну інтеграцію подано аналіз його статей, що стосуються діяльності польського видання "Gazeta Wyborcza". Ключові слова: польська історія, майбутній розвиток України, масова ко-мунікація, медіавплив, Європа, суспільство, демократія.

[EN] Abscisic acid (ABA) is an essential hormone for plant development and stress responses. ABA signaling is suppressed by clade A PP2C phosphatases, which function as key repressors of this pathway through inhibiting ABA-activated SnRK2s (SNF1-related protein kinases). Upon ABA perception, the PYR/PYL/RCAR ABA receptors bind to PP2Cs with high affinity and biochemically inhibit their activity. While thismechanismhas been extensively studied, how PP2Cs are regulated at the protein level is only starting to be explored. Arabidopsis thaliana RING DOMAIN LIGASE5 (RGLG5) belongs to a five-member E3 ubiquitin ligase family whose target proteins remain unknown. We report that RGLG5, together with RGLG1, releases the PP2C blockade of ABA signaling by mediating PP2CA protein degradation. ABA promotes the interaction of PP2CA with both E3 ligases, which mediate ubiquitination of PP2CA and are required for ABA-dependent PP2CA turnover. Downregulation of RGLG1 and RGLG5 stabilizes endogenous PP2CA and diminishes ABA-mediated responses. Moreover, the reduced response to ABA in germination assays is suppressed in the rglg1 amiR (artificial microRNA)-rglg5 pp2ca-1 triple mutant, supporting a functional link among these loci. Overall, our data indicate that RGLG1 and RGLG5 are important modulators of ABA signaling, and they unveil amechanismfor activation of the ABA pathway by controlling PP2C half-life. ; We thank Andreas Bachmair for the rglg1 mutant, Sean R. Cutler for the pyr1 pyl1 pyl2 pyl4 seeds, Dapeng Zhang for the transgenic material harboring ABI2, Hongwei Guo and Jianmin Zhou for the pCAMBIA1300-Nluc and pCAMBIA1300-Cluc vectors, and John Olson for assistance in English editing. Work in C.A.'s laboratory was supported by grants from the National Key Basic Science "973" Program (Grant 2012CB114006), the National Natural Science Foundation (Grants 31272023, 31170231, and 90817001) of the Chinese government, and by the State Key Laboratory of Protein and Plant Gene Research, Peking University. Work in P.L.R.'s ...

Enter any additional information or requests for the Library here. ; Background: The Traditional Health Practitioners Act (Act No 22, 2007) to regulate the traditional health fraternity had been driven since the 1960s and became a reality after the 1994 political change in South Africa. Although the Act was already promulgated in 2007 it is still not active. Certain definitions of the Act seemed to be very controversial; especially the role of the supernatural in healing that could be associated with witchcraft and criminal-related behaviour. Aims: The aim is to determine if the Witchcraft Suppression Act (Act No 3, 1957) is discriminatory against the traditional healer as well as well as to determine if the Traditional Health Practitioners Act (No 22, 2007) and the traditional healer are contravening the regulations of Act No 3 (1957). Methods: The exploratory and descriptive method was used to evaluate and to reproduce any research data. This method offered information to compare the two acts in their functioning with each other. Results: From the data extracted from various sources it seems as if Act No 22 (2007) was promulgated without in-depth research on the role that the traditional healer may play in witchcraft activities. The aim of Act No 3 (1957) was totally ignored. Conclusions: Act No 3 (1957) does not discriminate against Act No 22 (2007). Instead, it seems that various stipulations of Act No 3 have been transgressed by the traditional healers without legal action being taken against them.

Past and present administrations have implemented water supply and sanitation (WSS) programs to increase the number of households with access to safe drinking water and sanitary toilet facilities. This study examines the President's Priority Program for Water (P3W) and the Sagana at Ligtas na Tubig Para sa Lahat Program (Salintubig). It finds underachievement of targets, which were a result of institutional framework weaknesses, capacity and governance constraints, and fundamental gaps in program implementation. Given the remaining unmet needs in water supply and sanitation, the study recommends that an improved successor program that also has a nationwide scope be designed. It also provides recommendations on how to improve the overall implementation of the successor program, the grant allocation and prioritization, the stakeholder participation, and the funds management and disbursement. In addition, it presents a possible framework for a monitoring and evaluation plan of future WSS programs and a database which can be used in the future for ranking and prioritization, monitoring, and estimation of investment requirements.

Past and present administrations have implemented water supply and sanitation (WSS) programs to increase the number of households with access to safe drinking water and sanitary toilet facilities. This study examines the President's Priority Program for Water (P3W) and the Sagana at Ligtas na Tubig Para sa Lahat Program (Salintubig). It finds underachievement of targets, which were a result of institutional framework weaknesses, capacity and governance constraints, and fundamental gaps in program implementation. Given the remaining unmet needs in water supply and sanitation, the study recommends that an improved successor program that also has a nationwide scope be designed. It also provides recommendations on how to improve the overall implementation of the successor program, the grant allocation and prioritization, the stakeholder participation, and the funds management and disbursement. In addition, it presents a possible framework for a monitoring and evaluation plan of future WSS programs and a database which can be used in the future for ranking and prioritization, monitoring, and estimation of investment requirements.

After the Constitutional Court decision number 22-24/PUU-VI/2008, there are a shift competition between political parties for candidate-between, especially in political parties. It also implies the strategy of the campaign. Acquisition of candidates for seats in the Parliament of the province of Central Java went from 15 seats in the elections of 2004 to 21 seats in the elections of 2009. This increase was caused by political parties factor, the figure of the candidates, and campaign strategy, as well as a small number of candidates. In nomerik there are 92 between 100 candidates were elected in a small number (1,2,3) and especially among the 21 candidates selected, 20 women also occupy the small number (1,2,3). Recommendation for these problems are: the provisions of the article and / or clause which States that. List of candidates have been prepared on the basis of the number of series that contains at least 30% (thirty percent) of the representation of women is maintained and is complemented by the formula in each electoral district; The provisions of article and/or the point of, which states that . In the list of candidates will be every three (3) candidates, at least one (1) of female candidates was retained and supplemented formula . In the list of candidates will be every three (3) candidates, at least 1 (one) female candidate who was placed on a small number of not less than 30% (thirty percent) of the number of constituencies, and the future of affirmative action based models quota of 30 % (thirty percent) and zipper for women candidates and the placement model in a limited number is not sufficient to maintain a procedure, but must be accompanied by the development of the cultural climate of recruitment politician in their respective political parties competing in elections and the increase in the specific political education for women.

Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation. ; Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation.

En los últimos trabajos escénicos de Roger Bernat se conjuga la participación de los espectadores en el desarrollo de las obras, con la utilización de dispositivos tecnológicos y la problematización de cuestiones socio-políticas. En el caso de Pendiente de Voto (2012) y, sobre todo, de Numax Fagor Plus (2014) esa combinación desestabiliza la posición del dramaturgo en su propia creación. De hecho, su rol de autor se inserta en la propia estructura dramatúrgica de la obra, a través de un ejercicio de autoficción que consigue generar una profunda y amplia reflexión sobre la participación, la autoría, la democracia, la revolución y la posición que los medios tecnológicos ocupan hoy en día alrededor de esos conceptos. ; In the last performances by Roger Bernat, the involvement and participation of the audience is combined with the use of technological devices and the problematization of socio-political issues. In Pending Vote (2012) and mainly in Numax Fagor Plus (2014), that combination destabilizes the position of the playwright in his own creation. His role as the author is inserted into the dramaturgical structure of the pieces, through an exercise of autofiction, which produces a deep and wide reflection about participation, authorship, democracy, revolution, and the position of new media around those concepts nowadays.

In the last performances by Roger Bernat, the involvement and participation of the audience is combined with the use of technological devices and the problematization of socio-political issues. In Pending Vote (2012) and mainly in Numax Fagor Plus (2014), that combination destabilizes the position of the playwright in his own creation. His role as the author is inserted into the dramaturgical structure of the pieces, through an exercise of autofiction, which produces a deep and wide reflection about participation, authorship, democracy, revolution, and the position of new media around those concepts nowadays. ; En los últimos trabajos escénicos de Roger Bernat se conjuga la participación de los espectadores en el desarrollo de las obras, con la utilización de dispositivos tecnológicos y la problematización de cuestiones socio-políticas. En el caso de Pendiente de Voto (2012) y, sobre todo, de Numax Fagor Plus (2014) esa combinación desestabiliza la posición del dramaturgo en su propia creación. De hecho, su rol de autor se inserta en la propia estructura dramatúrgica de la obra, a través de un ejercicio de autoficción que consigue generar una profunda y amplia reflexión sobre la participación, la autoría, la democracia, la revolución y la posición que los medios tecnológicos ocupan hoy en día alrededor de esos conceptos.

Plug-in Electric vehicles (PEV), both as battery electric vehicles (BEV) and plug-in hybrid vehicles (PHEV) have noteworthy potential to reduce global and local emissions. Governments around the world have implemented monetary and non-monetary policy measures to foster PEV market diffusion. However, empirical estimates of their effectiveness are scarce. Here, we analyse data on PEV sales from Europe and the US with the policy measures active in these countries, e.g., direct subsidies, tax rebates, and public charging infrastructure. The aim of the present paper is to contribute empirical evidence to the discussion of policy aided market evolution of electric vehicles. We find income, gasoline prices and both direct and indirect subsidies to positively influence PEV adoption.

ABSTRACT This thesis aims to determine the extent to which the execution of criminal sanctions against misuse of the transport and / or commercial subsidized oil fuel and to determine the legal considerations of the judge in the case ruled on 588 / Pid.B / 2014 / PN SMR.This research was conducted in the District Court of Samarinda to do an interview to the parties of the agency is directly related to the issues to be discussed. The author also collecting data related to the object of study and a study of literature by way of examining the books, literature and legislation relating to the issues discussed in this thesis. The findings obtained from this study is the application of criminal law by the judge in a criminal case 588 / Pid.B / 2014 / PN SMR.Based on the results of the study, the authors considered was the fulfillment of the elements of a criminal offense under article 5 of Law 22 of 2001 on Oil and Gas. In this ruling the judge impose a criminal sanction against the defendant "Ilham Bin Muslims" form of imprisonment for six (6) months and a fine of Rp.3.000.000,00 (three million rupiah). This thesis aims to be useful as a source of public knowledge in understanding the definition of the crime of abuse of Subsidized Fuel haulage and know the elements of the offense in issue.The author expects completion of this thesis can be a useful contribution to society and appealed to the law enforcement agencies that the perpetrators of such offenses can be subject to strict sanctions according to the Law in force referred to in Article 55 of Law No. 22 of 2001 so as to minimize the occurrence of this criminal act. Keywords: subsidized fuel, Abuse, Event Transportation and Distribution of fuel.

Penyalahgunaan kendaraan dinas di lingkungan pejabat pemerintahan bukan suatu hal baru. Salah satunya merubah warna dasar Tanda Nomor Kendaraan Bermotor (TNKB), perubahan warna TNKB telah diatur dalam Pasal 280 Undang-Undang Nomor 22 Tahun 2009 Tentang Lalu Lintas dan Angkutan Jalan, dari fakta yang diperoleh masih banyak kendaraan dinas yang mengganti TNKB merah dengan TNKB berwarna hitam terutama di wilayah Lamongan. Penelitian ini untuk mengetahui penerapan Pasal 280 Undang-Undang nomor 22 tahun 2009 tentang Lalu Lintas Angkutan Jalan dalam Penegakan terhadap perubahan warnaTNKB mobil dinas di Lamongan. Untuk mengetahui kendala Kepolisian dalam menerapkan Pasal 280 UU LLAJ terkait perubahan warna TNKB mobil dinas di Lamongan. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum empiris yang mencakup penelitian terhadap identifikasi hukum dan penelitian terhadap efektifitas hukum, menggunakan metode kualitatif yaitu data yang diperoleh, baik primer maupun sekunder, akan disajikan secara deskriptif, dan kemudian diberi suatu kesimpulan, data diperoleh dengan wawancara dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian sebagai berikut: Polres Lamongan belum dapat menerapkan pasal 280 UU LLAJ secara maksimal, hal ini dapat dibuktikan dengan hasil penelitian yang ditemukan bahwa tidak semua pelanggar yang melakukan perubahan warna TNKB merah ke TNKB berwarna hitam diberikan tilangdan hanya diberikan teguran. Kendala-kendala yang dihadapi oleh Polres Lamongan yaitu, minimnya jumlah personil Satlantas Polres Lamongan sertakurangnya kesadaran dari masyarakat di wilayah Lamongan yang masih sering merubah warna dasar TNKB merah menjadi TNKB hitam dengan berbagai macam alasan umumnya dengan alasan keamanan, begitupun kesadaran dari penegak hukumnya yang mana para pelanggar hanya diberikan teguran untuk segera mengganti warna TNKB hitam tersebut dikembalikan kewarna TNKB aslinya dan tidak diberikan sanksi apapun KATA KUNCI : Undang- Undang Lalu Lintas Angkutan Jalan, Tindak Pidana, Kendaraan Dinas, Perubahan Warna TNKB Abstract Abuse official vehcles in the neighborhood government officials not a new issue. One of the fundamental change colour marks of number of vehicles (TNKB), Discolouration TNKB has set in article 280 act number 22 years 2009 on road traffic, from the fact obtained there are still many vehicles which are replace tnkb red with tnkb black especially in area lamongan. The problems in this research, how the application of article 280 act number 22 years 2009 on road traffic in enforcing on changes in colour tnkb official vehcle in lamongan ? what the police arrest in apply article 280 concern discolouration tnkb official vehcle in lamongan ?. The kind of research used is research law empirical which includes research on identification law and research on the effectiveness of law, in a qualitative namely the data collected, good primary and secondary, will be presented a sort of descriptive set, and then be given a conclusion, data obtained by interviews and documentation The research results as follows: lamongan police could not apply article 280 law charge in full , this evidenced by the results of research found that not all offenders that made changes in colour tnkb red to tnkb black given traffic ticket and only reprimand . Constraints that have been faced by lamongan police, the minimal number of personnel police lamongan and the lack of consciousness of people in the area lamongan still often change colour basic tnkb red become black with different kinds of reason generally with security reasons, including of consciousness of law enforcement which the offenders only reprimand to change colour tnkb black were returned original colour and not given punishment. KEYWORDS: Law Of Road Trafic , Official Vehicle, Discolouration TNK

Among the most prominent political novels of the twentieth century, Invitation to a Beheading is the acme of Nabokov's art in that it was embellished by the finest Nabokovian techniques, and was enriched by thought- provoking ideas. This study is aimed to offer a narratological reading of this novel in search of what its implied author has pictured as the meaning of genuine freedom intended by Nabokov. By analyzing the story and discourse levels of this narrative, we are going to discuss, first, the concepts of 'reality' and 'individuality' in Invitation to a Beheading as the pillars on which the author constructed the ultimate concept of freedom. After discussing the contribution of these two notions, in the last section of this article, dedicated to the questions of ideology and rhetoric, we place the ultimate concept of freedom in the period in which the novel was composed. We discuss how the final picture is in accordance with the peculiarities of the modern world that went through two World Wars and witnessed the outcome of totalitarian systems.