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The problem examined in the paper is part of a broader reflection on public governance, especially in its territorial dimension. The author focuses mainly on the modernisation of the public sector in Poland and the world with regard to the principles of participatory democracy as evidenced by the practice of urban governance. In particular, the author focuses on one of the tools that stimulate participation, i.e. participatory budgeting, which has recently resulted in a breakthrough trend in institutional practice and which can be regarded as an innovation in public governance. The aim of the paper is to examine the impact of the implementation of participatory budgeting on governance in selected Polish cities. The whole analysis is carried out in the context of normative assumptions and the analysed problem highlights the question of the standards of good public governance, which should be respected at the local level. The paradigm adopted by the author reflects the call for the "right to the city for the citizens," i.e. an approach whereby cities should develop not only in order to support the economy but also to be able to meet people's aspirations to a better quality of life.

This paper has two objectives – the first one is to present the current state and prospects of Poland's commitment in NATO-led crisis management operations. The second aim is to give recommendations for policy makers (what is the author's assumption) for this area. The author is trying to give answers to some research questions like: What is NATO's role in Poland's Security Policy? What is the role of crisis management operations in NATO's strategy from Lisbon. How was Poland participating in NATO's missions in last few years? And what are their consequences? The answers to these questions will help to make a number of general and specific conclusions. They also allow enunciating many recommendations which were placed in the final section of the text. The author encourages, among others, equal treatment of collective defense and crisis management operations. And the commitment in the above, which allows Poland's real potential. The author also makes the thesis, telling us about the need for a civil capacity to assist countries in the process of transformation. All of the recommendations are properly backed up and create a field for a content-related discussion on the following subject.

Beyond comparison In this article, the author takes up the issue of the so-called "crisis" of comparative literary studies (Comparative Literature), at the same time trying to outline the presentday condition of the discipline and to point to the objectives which it should attempt to attain today. Beside other detailed problems, the author analyses the threats posed by the hegemonic status of English which has become a specific 'foundational language' in Comparative Literature. However, in the principal part of his analysis, the author tries to go beyond the tendency towards 'unification and totalisation of thought,' which is present in Comparative Studies, by means of a search for 'commensurability' between the elements being compared,, and also beyond the equally popular strategy of 'divisiveness' that consists in continual emphasis on and proliferation of differences. He juxtaposes these two dominant trends with a model of conducting Comparative Literary Studies based on the concept of language of friendship or even love – an idea stemming from the philosophical thought of Lyotard and Badiou. In this approach, reading becomes an 'event of love, which, like love, is what is without and beyond compare.

This article highlights the positive impact that local governments have exerted on the rural development in Poland. At first, the author presents the basic features of Polish rural areas and examines what rural development means to Polish policy makers. Furthermore, the author concludes that the main ideas which lie at the core of rural development are sustainability, multi functionality and competitiveness. One of the main foundations is also the grassroots approach which involves local community in the development process – the method that is used by many nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations to energize rural areas. Thanks to this strategy their role is still increasing. However, the author gives strong arguments to support the idea that the role of local governments is also crucial in stimulating development, and that this role should be referred to more often. In Poland after '89, thanks to the changes in the law, local governments have the real possibility to run, support or effectively engage in rural development. Moreover, their workings, as often as not, are the major impulse for positive action taken in rural areas. The author examines this on the basis of the LEADER Programme and Polish Solectwo (the basic level of the Polish local government system). This article also provides examples of the best practices (from 4 municipalities: Limanowa, Baltowa, Bodzechowa, Maslowa) focusing on the successful initiatives implemented by the local governments. The examples show that, in spite of their weakness, local governments could play an important part in rural development. They make the inhabitants aware of the fact that they are indispensable for everyday life and economic growth to the same extent as NGO's and private enterprises.

This article highlights the positive impact that local governments have exerted on the rural development in Poland. At first, the author presents the basic features of Polish rural areas and examines what rural development means to Polish policy makers. Furthermore, the author concludes that the main ideas which lie at the core of rural development are sustainability, multi functionality and competitiveness. One of the main foundations is also the grassroots approach which involves local community in the development process – the method that is used by many nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations to energize rural areas. Thanks to this strategy their role is still increasing. However, the author gives strong arguments to support the idea that the role of local governments is also crucial in stimulating development, and that this role should be referred to more often. In Poland after '89, thanks to the changes in the law, local governments have the real possibility to run, support or effectively engage in rural development. Moreover, their workings, as often as not, are the major impulse for positive action taken in rural areas. The author examines this on the basis of the LEADER Programme and Polish Solectwo (the basic level of the Polish local government system). This article also provides examples of the best practices (from 4 municipalities: Limanowa, Baltowa, Bodzechowa, Maslowa) focusing on the successful initiatives implemented by the local governments. The examples show that, in spite of their weakness, local governments could play an important part in rural development. They make the inhabitants aware of the fact that they are indispensable for everyday life and economic growth to the same extent as NGO's and private enterprises.

This article highlights the positive impact that local governments have exerted on the rural development in Poland. At first, the author presents the basic features of Polish rural areas and examines what rural development means to Polish policy makers. Furthermore, the author concludes that the main ideas which lie at the core of rural development are sustainability, multi functionality and competitiveness. One of the main foundations is also the grassroots approach which involves local community in the development process – the method that is used by many nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations to energize rural areas. Thanks to this strategy their role is still increasing. However, the author gives strong arguments to support the idea that the role of local governments is also crucial in stimulating development, and that this role should be referred to more often. In Poland after '89, thanks to the changes in the law, local governments have the real possibility to run, support or effectively engage in rural development. Moreover, their workings, as often as not, are the major impulse for positive action taken in rural areas. The author examines this on the basis of the LEADER Programme and Polish Solectwo (the basic level of the Polish local government system). This article also provides examples of the best practices (from 4 municipalities: Limanowa, Baltowa, Bodzechowa, Maslowa) focusing on the successful initiatives implemented by the local governments. The examples show that, in spite of their weakness, local governments could play an important part in rural development. They make the inhabitants aware of the fact that they are indispensable for everyday life and economic growth to the same extent as NGO's and private enterprises.

This article highlights the positive impact that local governments have exerted on the rural development in Poland. At first, the author presents the basic features of Polish rural areas and examines what rural development means to Polish policy makers. Furthermore, the author concludes that the main ideas which lie at the core of rural development are sustainability, multi functionality and competitiveness. One of the main foundations is also the grassroots approach which involves local community in the development process – the method that is used by many nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations to energize rural areas. Thanks to this strategy their role is still increasing. However, the author gives strong arguments to support the idea that the role of local governments is also crucial in stimulating development, and that this role should be referred to more often. In Poland after '89, thanks to the changes in the law, local governments have the real possibility to run, support or effectively engage in rural development. Moreover, their workings, as often as not, are the major impulse for positive action taken in rural areas. The author examines this on the basis of the LEADER Programme and Polish Solectwo (the basic level of the Polish local government system). This article also provides examples of the best practices (from 4 municipalities: Limanowa, Baltowa, Bodzechowa, Maslowa) focusing on the successful initiatives implemented by the local governments. The examples show that, in spite of their weakness, local governments could play an important part in rural development. They make the inhabitants aware of the fact that they are indispensable for everyday life and economic growth to the same extent as NGO's and private enterprises.

The purpose of the article is to turn the readers' attention to the threats and dangers of functioning of the democratic system. The starting point for the considerations is the conception of a famous Italian sociologist Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941), a co-author of the sociological theory of elites. Gaetano Mosca was opposed to the introduction of a general right to vote and was against granting the voting rights to women. Besides, he was a strong opponent of proportional electoral regulations, and he stressed the role of electoral committees and the significance of a strong middle, class as a support for the democratic government. The article points to the topicality of some Mosca's views on the system of representative democracy. However, the article's main concern is to indicate some dangers for the emerging Polish democracy. In particular, the author points to: 1) the danger of indifference and weak political understanding among the Polish electorate; 2) the necessity to put forth alternative programmes (to make it possible to vote for particular programmes rather than for particular persons); 3) advantages and disadvantages of proportional and majority electoral regulations (the author is in favour of proportional regulations with a minimum threshold); 4) the necessity of reconstructing the middle class. Besides, the author stresses the dangers specific for the functioning of democracy at a local level. The topicality of many Gaetano's views on the functioning of democratic systems is the best proof of advantages flowing from the studies on the classical sociological thought. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article concentrates on a presentation of the core of the country image and the country-of-origin effect as well as the influence of these elements on the building of the competitive advantage of business entities on foreign markets. The attention is focused on the example of Poland and Polish companies. The author tries to find out whether the image of Poland, as it is perceived abroad, may be a potentially problematic element in the expansion of Polish enterprises onto foreign markets. It seems that "Polishness" constitutes a rather neutral element of the export offer on the European market; some Polish enterprises even noticed a positive influence of the associations related to Poland. The author also submits a thesis that this rather disadvantageous perception of Poland and Poles based on the stereotypes rooted in the past is gradually improving. Upon writing this article, the results of surveys prepared by Polish institutions and universities as well as the results of an unpublished survey carried out by the author were used. Empirical research entitled "Foreign Expansion of Polish Foodstuff, Cosmetic, and Apparel Branches on German, Czech, Russian, and Ukrainian Markets" was carried out in Poland in the mid-2012.

Artykuł recenzowany / peer-reviewed article ; This paper has two objectives – the first one is to present the current state and prospects of Poland's commitment in NATO-led crisis management operations. The second aim is to give recommendations for policy makers (what is the author's assumption) for this area. The author is trying to give answers to some research questions like: What is NATO's role in Poland's Security Policy? What is the role of crisis management operations in NATO's strategy from Lisbon. How was Poland participating in NATO's missions in last few years? And what are their consequences? The answers to these questions will help to make a number of general and specific conclusions. They also allow enunciating many recommendations which were placed in the final section of the text. The author encourages, among others, equal treatment of collective defense and crisis management operations. And the commitment in the above, which allows Poland's real potential. The author also makes the thesis, telling us about the need for a civil capacity to assist countries in the process of transformation. All of the recommendations are properly backed up and create a field for a content-related discussion on the following subject.

The problem of the so-called democracy deficit in the European Union (EU) is one of the most important challenges the EU faces at the beginning of the 21st Century. Strengthening democratic legitimacy of the EU and getting its institutions closer to its citizens were amongthe crucial objectives of the Treaty establishing the Constitution for Europe and of the Treaty of Lisbon. The article deals with several new provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon the Author finds closely related with the problem of democracy deficitin the EU. The Author points out such amendments of the Treaty ofLisbon as establishment of the post of the President of the European Council and that of High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, new definition of the qualified majority voting inthe Council, strengthening of political power of the European Parliament, new provisions on democratic rules in the EU or bigger role of national parliaments in the process of European integration and analyses the influence of these amendments on the problem of democracy deficit in the EU. The Author considers whether these new regulations reduce or not the democracy deficit in the EU.

The problem of the so - called democracy deficit in the European Union (EU) is one of the most interesting and complex problems as well as one of the most important challenges the EU faces at the beginning of the 21st Century. In the two previous articles on this subject ("Studia Europejskie", No.1/2007 and 2/2007) the Author addressed the question of certain theoretical aspects of democracy deficit in the EU and the EU's institutional system operation in which democracy deficit reveals.The article deals with the question of the public opinion in the EU member states about democracy deficit. The Author presents (on the basis of the Eurobarometer's data) and analyses research findings about such questions as general opinion on the membership in the EU in a given country or views on the problem of costs and benefits deriving from membership in the EU. In the second part the Author presents results of research on such questions as a degree to which people in member states trust the EU institutions and - for the sake of comparison - their domestic ones or whether people think that the EU imposes its views upon their country, whether they understand how the EU operates or how transparent it is.

Film actors, theatre actors? The Polish actors' market in recent yearsThe author of the paper analyzes the career paths of Polish film and theater actors in recent years, taking account of social and institutional changes in Polish theater and cinema after 1989. On this basis, current three strategies present in the acting profession are identified: Courtier, Byplay and Celebrity. These three groups are highlighted depending on actors' artistic achievements and accu- mulated symbolic capital. The main thesis of the article is that leading film actors, who are most successful on the big screen, forsake engagement in theater. While describing this regularity, the author provides specific examples of actresses and actors - eg. Magdalena Cielecka, Andrzej Chyra, Jacek Poniedziałek and Agnieszka Grochowska. The article concludes with considerations about the various reasons why Polands market for film actors and the theater market have split in recent years. ; Film actors, theatre actors? The Polish actors' market in recent yearsThe author of the paper analyzes the career paths of Polish film and theater actors in recent years, taking account of social and institutional changes in Polish theater and cinema after 1989. On this basis, current three strategies present in the acting profession are identified: Courtier, Byplay and Celebrity. These three groups are highlighted depending on actors' artistic achievements and accu- mulated symbolic capital. The main thesis of the article is that leading film actors, who are most successful on the big screen, forsake engagement in theater. While describing this regularity, the author provides specific examples of actresses and actors - eg. Magdalena Cielecka, Andrzej Chyra, Jacek Poniedziałek and Agnieszka Grochowska. The article concludes with considerations about the various reasons why Polands market for film actors and the theater market have split in recent years.

Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values. ; Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values.

The following text is an attempt at an analysis of the condition of the Polish minority in Ukraine. The subject of discussion is the tension appearing in relations between minority groups, the country where they live in and their foreign homeland. Loyalty to each of these two countries requires giving up part of their identity. From the perspective of the history of the twentieth century, the author reflects on the (im) possibility of consolidating the Polish movement in the context of the revolutionary events in Ukraine which took place in 2014. The author attempts to apply the principle of triangulation of sources, using the knowledge acquired during qualitative research in Ukraine conducted among the Polish community in February, July and August 2014 and also on the basis of other quantitative studies of a comparative nature conducted among minorities living in Ukraine, including the Polish one and its equivalent in Poland. ; The following text is an attempt at an analysis of the condition of the Polish minority in Ukraine. The subject of discussion is the tension appearing in relations between minority groups, the country where they live in and their foreign homeland. Loyalty to each of these two countries requires giving up part of their identity. From the perspective of the history of the twentieth century, the author reflects on the (im) possibility of consolidating the Polish movement in the context of the revolutionary events in Ukraine which took place in 2014. The author attempts to apply the principle of triangulation of sources, using the knowledge acquired during qualitative research in Ukraine conducted among the Polish community in February, July and August 2014 and also on the basis of other quantitative studies of a comparative nature conducted among minorities living in Ukraine, including the Polish one and its equivalent in Poland.