The political opposition in Poland, its place and role in the political system of the Polish state are analyzed in the article. Promiscuous nature of the political opposition, the reasons for its occurrence, the value of «Solidarity» for Polish society are presented. The author analyzed internal and external conditions that led to the strengthening of the opposition in Poland in the analyzed period. ; The political opposition in Poland, its place and role in the political system of the Polish state are analyzed in the article. Promiscuous nature of the political opposition, the reasons for its occurrence, the value of «Solidarity» for Polish society are presented. The author analyzed internal and external conditions that led to the strengthening of the opposition in Poland in the analyzed period.
The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.
The goal of this article is to an answer to a fundamental dilemma that appears in the organisation and functioning of democratic countries. It arises from the necessity to provide national security while simultaneously ensuring a specific catalogue of values, including citizen laws and freedoms. The author attempts a teleological analysis of the conception of national security in the conditions of a constitutional democracy. After defining the general characteristics of the security conception, the author investigates them in terms of relations between the security of national structures and personal and group interests of the citizens. The author points out their axiological and legal aspects formalised in the fundamental law and underlines the synergic interdependence between the security of national organisational structures and the security of the society – the nation. ; Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na zasadniczy dylemat pojawiający się w organizacji i funkcjonowaniu demokratycznych państw. Polega on na konieczności zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa przy jednoczesnej ochronie określonego katalogu wartości, w tym praw i wolności obywateli. Autor podejmuje próbę teleologicznej analizy pojęcia "bezpieczeństwo państwa" w warunkach funkcjonowania demokracji konstytucyjnej. Po określeniu ogólnych desygnatów tego pojęcia, rozpatruje je w kontekście relacji ochrony struktur państwa do zabezpieczenia interesów personalnych i grupowych ogółu obywateli. Wskazuje na ich aksjologiczno-prawne aspekty sformalizowane w ustawie zasadniczej oraz podkreśla synergiczną współzależność pomiędzy bezpieczeństwem struktur organizacji państwowej a bezpieczeństwem społeczeństwa – narodu.
The place of the Union of Horodło in the Polish-Lithuanian union negotiations in the years 1492–1506 The article refers to the diplomatic talks and discussions in the years 1492–1506 whose aim was to renegotiate the conditions of the Polish-Lithuanian union. The author is of the opinion that in spite of the evolution of the Polish-Lithuanian relations, during the reign of Casimir Jagiellon, the Union of Horodło was still regarded as formally binding. The course of the political negotiations has been presented taking into account the interests of all interested parties – the Kingdom of Poland, Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Jagiellon dynasty. Hence the author's minute analysis of the successive changes within the detailed conditions of the planned union. Apart from that, the author discusses the issue of the preparation of the union documents and their circulation. The author is of the opinion that the apparent renewal of the Union of Horodło in 1501, reported by some sources, was in reality associated with the transumptions of the Horodło and Grodzieńsk agreements, which were dated only a few months after the formulation of the act of the new Polish-Lithuanian union. Yet the purpose of transuming the documents of the old unions, does not seem to be quite clear.
The primary research question of the article is: What determined the results of the Polish left-wing parties in the Polish parliamentary election of 2015? Moreover, the article asks also: Did the electoral platform affect the results of the United Left Coalition and Razem? The aim of the author is to discuss the characteristics of the left-wing political parties and coalitions during the parliamentary election of 2015. To that end, the author analyzes the electoral platforms of the particular organizations. The article is interdisciplinary in nature, since it analyzes the issue from three distinct perspectives: political, sociological, and philosophical. In turn, the attempted answer to the research questions can give significant insight into the further research into the legitimization process of left-wing parties in Poland.
The article examines the Polish regional differences after 1990. It shows the evolutionary process of creation and re-creation of a regional identity (from administrative regions to regions of identity). The author characterizes types of political representation in the Polish regions and wonders if the regions are independent entities of the EU policies. The author also asks about the relationships beetwen regions and the center from the perspective of construction of regional development strategies and about the advantages and disadvantages of concentration of capacity building in Warsaw. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.
Mimo ścisłych związków między technologią i stosunkami międzynarodowymi istnieje niewiele prac w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, które podejmują próbę teoretycznego połączenia obu tych sfer rzeczywistości społecznej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest historyzacja technologii militarnej w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia proces historycznego wzrostu znaczenia technologii militarnej w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństw i jej destruktywny wpływ na życie społeczne. Przekonuje, że nowe technologie rozwinaje są przez istoty ludzkie, a nie "odkrywane". Dokonane wynalazki odzwierciedlają określone interesy, posiadanie adekwatnych zasobów do ich dokonania i istnienie określonego instytucjonalnego wsparcia. W takim rozumieniu nauka, technologia i innowacje są funkcją ludzkich wyborów, interesów, idei, instytucji i zasobów. ; Despite close connections between technology and international relations, there are few works in international relations studies that would make an attempt to theoretically connect both of these two spheres of social reality.The main aim of the article is a historization of military technology in a social history of international relations. The author presents the process of historical growth of importance of military technology in functioning of societies and its destructive influence on social life. He convinces one that new technologies are developed, not "discovered" by human beings. Inventions reflect specific interests, owning proper resources to develop them and the existence of determined institutional support. In this understanding, science, technology and innovations are functions of human choices, interests, ideas, institutions and resources.In the first part of the article, the author presents relations between science, technology and innovations, as well as main attitudes in international relations studies in the context of comprehending these relations. Problems caused by technological development are also discussed. In the second part of the article, the author presents the meaning of military technology in international relations through its historization. By showing different contexts of "war machines" (horse, chariot, cavalry, cannons, conventional and nuclear weapon, information technology),one can observe the influence of military technology on international relations in the process of uneven and related development of different societies in different times from antiquity to the present day. In particular, the results of transformation of relations between armed forces and scientific institutions after World War II into permanent structures of society and government are shown. On the example of United States of America, the author points negative consequences of forming bureaucratic national security services for many aspects of social life. Finally, referring to James Der Derian's analysis, the author presents transformative influence of information technology on international relations.
In the article the author has analyzed the public administration competent for security policy, centered under the aegis of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers itself. By reviewing the most important legal acts, and based on texts were included the competences and tasks of the institutions established to protect the life and health of citizens of the Republic of Poland, during the time of warand peace. Leaning at scientific journals author described the main functions of institutions that support government and the prime minister in the security policy. By making analysis and based on the descriptions, author reveals changes in the process of creating of institutions protecting internal and external security together under the umbrella of government activity as executive power. ; W ramach artykułu autor dokonał analizy organów administracji publicznej właściwej w sprawach polityki bezpieczeństwa, skupionej pod egidą Prezesa Rady Ministrów i samej Rady Ministrów. Dokonując przeglądu najważniejszych aktów prawnych oraz bazując na tekstach źródłowych, ujęte zostały główne kompetencje i zadania instytucji mających na celu ochronę życia i zdrowia obywateli Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej zarówno w okresie wojny, jak i pokoju. Wspierając się publikacjami ciągłymi, autor określił główne funkcje organów powołanych do wsparcia rządu i instytucji premiera w polityce bezpieczeństwa. Dokonując analizy oraz opierając się na deskrypcji, autor wyszczególnia zmiany w budowaniu i formułowaniu organów chroniących bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne skupionych pod parasolem działalności rządu jako władzy wykonawczej.
The author makes an attempt at explaining the process of shaping of political identity of metropolitan areas that are regarded as a sign of "new territorialities", emerging due to globalization as well as metropolization of modern states. Also, the author emphasizes that following by democratic institutions (and thus political identity and subjectivity) the reforms of territorial structure sanctioning new areas of shaping social reality plays an important role in proper functioning of the democratic country. Modern France, as well as territorial reforms undertaken in 2010—2014, constitutes the area of analyses and inquiries. Using a constructivist concept of political identity, the author advances a thesis that citizens' political identity is the aftermath of the emergence of political market — a space for debate, competition and rivalry, whose settlement comes with the political power. The emergence of autonomic public space in metropolitan areas must therefore be the result of the political power being located on this level. Since the "power of the metropolis" in France still remains incomplete, the metropolitan identity is at an early state of development. Nonetheless, the reform effected in 2014 by the MAPTAM act, as well as the transformation of the Metropolis of Lyon into a fully-fledged unit of territorial government prove that the empowerment of major urban and metropolitan areas has already become a constant vector of transformations within the French system of territorial organization, which will be accompanied with new territorial political identities in the future.
The purpose of the case study is to highlight the main stages, and their characteristics, in Polish foreign policy towards the Russian Federation in the twenty‑year period after the end of Cold War era. The particular attention has been paid to the most recent period in Polish‑Russian relations that falls between 2008 and 2011. Author emphasizes new accents in Polish foreign policy towards Russia, which were introduced by the Government of Donald Tusk after 2008. The principal thesis of the case study assumes that the character of Polish‑Russian relations in the post‑Cold War era did depend on Russia and its internal and external policy, including the policy towards Poland. However, it didn't depend on it entirely. The Polish‑ Russian relations were also conditioned by Poland, Polish foreign policy and, above all, by Polish policy towards Russia and its Western neighbors that had formed part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics before. These bilateral relations were also conditioned by the existence of Polish governing parties' political will to improve relations with Russia. Both sides, Poland and Russia, are responsible for the shape of Polish‑Russian dialogue. In opposition to the opinion that prevails in Poland, the Author reckons that the successive governing parties in this country are somewhat responsible for the poor condition of Polish‑Russian relations in the post‑Cold War era. In the case study the Author gives numerous arguments to back up his statement.
The aim of the article is to present self-government diplomacy as a novel, innovative form of international contacts realized by regional and local authorities, including the kujawsko-pomorskie voivodeship. The author has made a formal and statistical analysis of the various forms of functioning of this method of international cooperation. On this basis, the author concludes that local government diplomacy fosters the construction of international social, economic, cultural and other ties at local and regional level. ; Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie dyplomacji samorządowej jako nowatorskiej, innowacyjnej formy kontaktów międzynarodowych realizowanej przez samorządy regionalne i lokalne, w tym województwa kujawsko-pomorskiego. Autorka dokonała analizy formalnej i statystycznej różnych form funkcjonowania tej metody współpracy międzynarodowej. Na tej podstawie autorka wnioskuje, że dyplomacja samorządowa sprzyja budowie międzynarodowych więzi społecznych, gospodarczych, kulturalnych i innych na poziomie lokalnym i regionalnym.
The goal of the article is the presentation of the chosen aspects of the evolution of the European Parliament. The author presents the beginnings of this body in the structure of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community. The leitmotiv of the article is to show the increase of the importance of the European Parliament during almost 60 years of its existence, from the advisory body to the co-deciding institution in the area of legislation of the European Community. The important manifestation of the European Parliament's aspiration to strengthen its prerogatives was also the struggle to introduce the general election to this body. In the final part of the article the author tries to analyze the current position of the European Parliament in the institutional structure of the European Union.
The Treaty of Lisbon has introduced a number of significant changes that enable the European Union to participate in the works of other international organizations. It should however be underscored that there is still no single legal basis in the Treaties, which would clearly provide for EU membership in other international organizations. For this reason, the decisions on EU accession to other international organizations are usually based on a combination of several provisions of the Treaties at the same time. The Treaties also do not define the precise rules which would regulate the issue of statements by the EU and its Member States in other international organizations. These rules were adopted by the Council, Member States, the Commission and the European External Action Service on 22 October 2011, as the 'EU Statements in multilateral organizations – General Arrangements'. The General Arrangements' legal nature indicates that they are legally binding and, at least in part, their provisions constitute some kind of an agreement between the parties involved in their adoption.
The author of this article aims at presenting a particular aspect of the political philosophy of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, an Austrian school economist and anarchocapitalist philosopher. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse the part of his thinking concerning a ruler, as known as "caretaker" and "trustee". The critique of democratic ruler is one of the most important, or even the most important part in the Hoppe's critique of democracy. It is mostly based on a comparison of an essence of a democratic caretaker and a private ruler – a classical monarch. The author presents an intellectual profile of Hoppe, being a German who decided to emigrate to United States of America. In the USA he used to work as a scientist and studied along with Murray Rothbard – one of the leaders of Austrian school economists and libertarian. The author also presents the methodological view of Hoppe, which is based on an a priori knowledge. The Hoppe's critique of democratic caretaker consists of two ways of argumentation. The first one is based on the critique of public ruler per se. Hoppe states that a private-owned government is better than a publicowned one. To prove this statement, Hoppe uses an apparatus of economics. He proves that a democratic caretaker has a higher time preference than a king. It has a bad influence on the ruled people. According to Hoppe, public ruler must to concentrate on consuming and not taking care about a capital values of the resources of the government. The only thing which is profitable for him is to be taking care about current income of the government. The author of this article states such an apriorical portrait of a public ruler is not valid and presents arguments on his point of view. The most important part of the author's argumentation is that the Hoppe's view is correct only on a condition that a basic purpose of a democratic ruler is to get rich. When it is not valid, Hoppean deductive portrait becomes useless. The second line of Hoppe's argumentation is based on bad effects of general election. As the philosopher claims, it causes that the highest political function can be held practically only by bad persons who inter alia desire the property of others. The author of this article claims that this sort of critique is less radical, but a better one. The critique of democratic ruler in political philosophy of Hoppe seems to be a substantialistical one, when the thinker bases on an apriorical essence of caretaker. However, the philosopher approaches to accidental sort of critique, as he stays in a field of his second way of argumentation.
The author of this article aims at presenting a particular aspect of the political philosophy of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, an Austrian school economist and anarchocapitalist philosopher. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse the part of his thinking concerning a ruler, as known as "caretaker" and "trustee". The critique of democratic ruler is one of the most important, or even the most important part in the Hoppe's critique of democracy. It is mostly based on a comparison of an essence of a democratic caretaker and a private ruler – a classical monarch. The author presents an intellectual profile of Hoppe, being a German who decided to emigrate to United States of America. In the USA he used to work as a scientist and studied along with Murray Rothbard – one of the leaders of Austrian school economists and libertarian. The author also presents the methodological view of Hoppe, which is based on an a priori knowledge. The Hoppe's critique of democratic caretaker consists of two ways of argumentation. The first one is based on the critique of public ruler per se. Hoppe states that a private-owned government is better than a publicowned one. To prove this statement, Hoppe uses an apparatus of economics. He proves that a democratic caretaker has a higher time preference than a king. It has a bad influence on the ruled people. According to Hoppe, public ruler must to concentrate on consuming and not taking care about a capital values of the resources of the government. The only thing which is profitable for him is to be taking care about current income of the government. The author of this article states such an apriorical portrait of a public ruler is not valid and presents arguments on his point of view. The most important part of the author's argumentation is that the Hoppe's view is correct only on a condition that a basic purpose of a democratic ruler is to get rich. When it is not valid, Hoppean deductive portrait becomes useless. The second line of Hoppe's argumentation is based on bad effects of general election. As the philosopher claims, it causes that the highest political function can be held practically only by bad persons who inter alia desire the property of others. The author of this article claims that this sort of critique is less radical, but a better one. The critique of democratic ruler in political philosophy of Hoppe seems to be a substantialistical one, when the thinker bases on an apriorical essence of caretaker. However, the philosopher approaches to accidental sort of critique, as he stays in a field of his second way of argumentation.
