Suchergebnisse

In the context of Russian Federation's full-scale war against Ukraine, the idea of conducting a radical tax reform in our country, which would provide for the establishment of corporate income tax, personal income tax and VAT rates at the same level of 10%, has become widespread, and later transformed into the idea of an "anti-corruption" tax reform. According to the reform's supporters, lowering the rates of the main taxes will ensure the de-shadowing of the economy, destroy the grounds for corruption, and on this basis will lead to an increase in tax revenues, if not in the first year of the reform, then at least in the short term. Optimistic forecasts regarding the fiscal consequences of a radical reduction in the rates of main taxes in Ukraine are based on simplified ideas about the impact of the size of tax rates on the scale of the shadow economy and tax revenues. The purpose of the article is to refute these ideas by revealing, using the results of theoretical and empirical studies, the ambiguous nature of the relationship between tax rates and the size of the shadow economy and tax revenues. A comparative analysis of the rates of VAT, personal income tax, corporative income tax and social security contributions in Ukraine and the EU countries has been carried out, which allows to establish that none of the EU countries has ever introduced low rates for all major taxes and social security contributions, reduced the VAT rate to the level of minimum EU requirements (15%), or refused to finance pension payments through social security contributions, distributing their burden between employers and employees. The author analyzes the impact of tax rates, tax burden and other factors on the level of the shadow economy and establishes why lower tax rates do not guarantee a reduction in the scale of informal activities. The absence of a direct link between the size of tax rates and corruption is substantiated. Based on the analysis of the arithmetic and economic effects of tax rate cuts, the author determines their ambiguous impact on tax revenues. A comparative analysis has been made of the fiscal efficiency of the taxes whose rates are proposed to be reduced and of the compensating taxes, and the impossibility of compensating budget losses by increasing these taxes is substantiated. The author concludes about the high fiscal risks of a radical reduction in the rates of budget-forming taxes in general and the impossibility of such a reduction during the war.

In this paper, the author attempts to apply the concept of 'soft power' developed by J. Nye, which has been established in the field of international relations and political science, to the historical domain, and specifically to the analysis of basic trends in the development of the Russian Empire and the USSR. The peculiarities of the balance of 'hard' and 'soft' power tools are identified with regards to the totalitarian (authoritarian) and democratic regimes. The concept of 'smart power' is placed into the context of historical research. The author points out the connection between the mechanisms of 'soft power' and the development of civil society. Russia and the USSR are presented as continental empires of the colonial type, which possessed internal colonies and dependent territories. Against the background of the general patterns of development of continental empires, which include territorial expansion, the specifics of the USSR are shown. It is determined that expanding the resource base under the dominance of the vector of extensive development, ensuring 'security' of the imperial 'heartland' at the expense of peripheral territories, and maintaining the geopolitical status have been the key drivers of development of continental empires. In relation to the USSR, the specific function of the metropolis, or capital city of the empire, is underlined. The author pays particular attention to the development of the eastern territories, and Siberia as an internal colony, that was based on the principle of 'a region for the country' while ignoring its own interests and internal needs. This has formed a stable matrix of suboptimal centre-periphery relations in the country. It is noted that the empire preserved itself as a single state based on the synergy of 'hard' and 'soft' power, projected both into the intra-imperial space and outside. The gradual degradation of the 'smart power' tools used by the Soviet regime is shown. It is concluded that the collapse of the USSR meant an imbalance and loss of efficiency in the use of factors and tools of 'hard' and 'soft' power, and now Russia is still experiencing a post-imperial syndrome. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the loss of satellite countries made it necessary to shift the emphasis to internal stabilization. However, the influence of two key arguments: nuclear weapons and huge resources and territory, ensured the preservation of the previous ambitions.

Change of Scenery: The Case of from UNINCORPORATED TERRITORY [Lukao] by Craig Santos Perez
ABSTRACT: This study focuses on Craig Santos Perez, author of the tetralogy from Unincorporated Territory (1. [Hacha], 2. [Saina], 3. [Guma'] et 4. [Lukao]). In this work, Perez attempts to decode a place for the territory of Guam—this almost forgotten island, quasi-erased from maps, whose existence has been troubled a series of colonizations (Spainish, Japanese, American). The cultural disorientation (for the author, a brutal uprooting by the erasure of his ancestral culture and language as well as the destruction of the natural environment on his island) is born out of the radical mutation of this « home » beginning with the name of the place itself : Guam, Guma, Guåhan... Taking as example for this study from Unincorporated Territory [Lukao], the final book in Perez's tetralogy, the following article explores the elements which connect the real (autobiographical) landscapes of Guam and d'O'ahu in Hawaii to the imaginary landscapes (metaphoric, mythic and poetic) in order to demonstrate how this book, in its resistance to cultural displacement and colonialism for its author creates a kind of displacement (linguistic, cultural) for its readers. Through a process of back and forth (in time and languages), we find ourselves, assemble, reassemble, come back together.
RÉSUMÉ : Cette étude se porte sur Craig Santos Perez, l'auteur de la tétralogie from Unincorporated Territory (1. [Hacha], 2. [Saina], 3. [Guma'] et 4. [Lukao]). Dans cette œuvre, Perez tente de déchiffrer la place pour le territoire de Guam—cette île qui demeure quasi-oubliée, effacée du monde et qui a été colonisé à plusieurs reprises. Le dépaysement (qui représente pour l'auteur un déracinement brutal de par l'effacement de sa culture d'origine et la destruction de la nature) est né de la mutation radicale de ce « chez lui », en commençant par le nom même du lieu : Guam, Guma, Guåhan... En étudiant from Unincorporated Territory [Lukao], le dernier livre de la tétralogie de Perez, l'article suivant explore les différents aspects qui relient les paysages réels (autobiographiques) de Guam et d'O'ahu à Hawaii aux paysages imaginaires (métaphoriques, mythiques et poétiques) pour montrer comment cette œuvre qui lutte contre le dépaysement (linguistique et culturel) pour son auteur, crée un dépaysement pour son lecteur. Par un processus de va et vient, on se retrouve, se rassemble, ensemble

The development of a strategy for post-war recovery of Ukraine's economy determines the advisability and importance of taking into account international experience. An urgent task is to assess the possibility to implement those economic policy tools that have proven their practical effectiveness. At the same time, it is necessary to define the reservations and risks associated with the implementation of certain aspects in the recovery policy. The purpose of the article is to identify institutional factors and economic mechanisms that provided the successful post-war recovery and development of the Republic of Korea in the 1960s and 1970s. Revealing the positive experience of the restructuring involves the account of historical conditions, and the role of foreign aid and internal sources of economic growth. The author has used the methods of comparative and problem-logical analysis, the institutional-evolutionary approach, the principle of integrability as a basis for the synthesis of empirical and theoretical knowledge, and the methodological approach of F. List regarding the historical conditioning of forms of economic nationalism. It is established that after the end of the Korean War, in 1953–1960, domestic policy and foreign aid were focused on solving the primary tasks of overcoming devastation and hunger. The author considers the forms of interaction between the state, the business environment and foreign aid in ensuring the recovery and development of the economy of the Republic of Korea in the 1960s and 1970s. Contrary to the recommendations aimed at liberalizing the economy with a focus on the development of traditional industries, the government of Park Chung-hee gradually implemented a national strategy aimed at industrialization and achieving global competitiveness on high-tech markets. This was facilitated by the introduction of the national planning system, the financial strategy of public-private partnership, and the support for export-oriented industrial production. The agrarian reform, focused on the development of highly productive family farming, contributed to the consolidation of food self-sufficiency and expansion of the domestic market. The strict policy of the redistribution of donor funds by the state provided a so-called export discipline for big business, thanks to which the national corporations - chaebols - became the drivers of investment and innovation based modernization of the economy. The author defines the main components of the Republic of Korea's success in realizing the national interests of economic development under the conditions of foreign aid in post-war reconstruction. An assessment is made of the possibility and expediency of using South Korean experience in Ukraine.

The aim of the article is to reveal the peculiar features of intonation as one of the most essential means of a professional actor's logic-emotional expressiveness, as well as to define the specificity of logical intonation of an utterance in the context of verbal activity. The research methodology. The author has applied typological, systems methods and the method of functional analysis to analyse intonation in the context of verbal activity by a professional actor. The method of terminological analysis has been used to specify basic terms and definitions of the research. The method of cognitive analysis has enabled the extrapolation of theoretical foundations of linguistics to the theatrical art. Scientific novelty. The article presents the research of intonation as the main means of logic-emotional expressiveness in the context of a professional actor's verbal activity. The author has analysed the functions of intonation, peculiar features of its components, such as logical and verbal stress, pauses, rising and falling tones, speech melody, voice timbre, tempo, as well as intonation constructions in the theatrical speech. Moreover, the author has described some types of utterances with different emotional shades in the context of selecting language means by an actor to make a character expressive/well-marked. Conclusions. Connotative and emotional-stylistic differences in an actor's speech when in an image appear as a result of cooperation between sentence syntactic structure, the lexis, intonation patterns used and denotative relations in the context. Emotional verbal expressiveness of a professional actor is a result of a complex work at all language levels: lexical, syntactical, and prosodic. Using intonation an actor can express various character's emotions such as surprise, elation, joy, sadness, fear, and anger. Logical intonation in the professional actor's speech comprises speech melody, tempo, and timbre. It is an inseparable component of a speech act and a powerful tool of influence on the audience. The spectators can understand through intonation only a specific emotion the actor expresses during the character presentation. Mastering stage speech at the professional level means a thorough selection of intonation means according to their communicative and pragmatic potential in a specific dramaturgic piece. Taking into account the influence of intonation pattern of a character's mother tongue is one the essential elements of selecting verbal means of an actor's expressiveness in the process of creating an image.
Key words: intonation, logical intonation, logic-emotional expressiveness, stage speech, professional actor.

In the modern theory and practice of entrepreneurial activity of the country's economy, a sufficiently clear understanding of the issues of digital transformation of food retail is not given. The purpose of the article is to generalize domestic and foreign experience in the formation of conceptual and categorical apparatus in relation to the processes of digitalization of a food retailer. The methodological basis of the research includes theoretical provisions of digitalization of the economy, development of trade and services, technologies of digitalization of business and food retail. The research methodology is based on the application of methods of monographic, comparative analysis, grouping and classification of current sources, modeling. We use domestic and foreign scientific works of the last five years devoted to the processes of digitalization of retail as the information base of the study. The paper presents the results of a comparative analysis of current concepts and processes of digital transformation of retail in Russia. The author's definition of the terms "food retail" and "digital transformation of food retail" for the domestic economy is given. We systematized the stages of digitalization of the Russian food retail by the timing of the introduction of digital technologies. Author compiled classification of food retail depending on the number of digital technologies implemented. The result of the research and its scientific novelty is a conceptual model of digitalization of food retail in Russian practice. The author proposed to evaluate the effectiveness of managing the digitalization process in food retail by the degree of development of the "core" of retail, management system and supply system. According to the proposed model, the development of retail digitalization considered according to the level of use of digital technologies in the elements of the "core". For business development, it is necessary to implement an appropriate "system of providing" digital technologies and maintaining the effectiveness of their use by qualified employees of the departments of the "management system". The theoretical and practical significance of the study lies in the fact that the proposed interpretation of the concepts, stages and classification of digitalization of food retail has not been systematized before. The organizational and management model developed by the author contributes to the implementation of standards for providing food retailers with digital technologies in Russia, aimed at increasing the competitiveness of retail and increasing the quality of service.

The consolidation of the Soviet state in 1922 and the activities of Soviet diplomacy in the key international forums had a direct impact on the strategic situation in Europe. The eventual strengthening of Soviet Russia/the USSR was both a threat and an opportunity for France as one of the leading European powers of that period, which had obligations and interests in Central and Eastern Europe. The author aims to identify the main approaches of French diplomats and the military to a set of issues related to the possible development of Soviet Russia in 1922 and its place in the European balance of power. The study is based on a wide range of primary sources from the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, the National Archives of France, the Historical Service of the Ministry of the Armed Forces of the Fifth Republic, as well as on recently published French diplomatic and military documents. The author concludes that the French elites had a rather ambiguous attitude towards the process and the first results of political consolidation and socio-economic development of the Soviet state. On the one hand, the formation of the USSR was an obvious manifestation of the growing Soviet power that somewhat diminished the hopes of French officials for the imminent fall of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, diplomats and the military both in Paris and on-site were often skeptical about the prospects for the development of the Soviet economy, noting the catastrophic consequences of hunger, economic and financial ruin. Moderate optimism about the opportunity to intensify trade and economic contacts with Soviet Russia as its economy recovers coexisted with pronounced pessimism. The French assessments of the military potential of the Soviet state were marked by the same ambivalence. The acknowledgement of the current limited capabilities of the Red Army and the Red Fleet was accompanied by the growing recognition that the basis of the military power of the Soviet state had not been undermined. All this could help Moscow improve its international stance in the future, which would inevitably affect the balance of power in Europe. Under these circumstances, the French elites debated the prospects for the 'normalization' of the Bolshevik regime and its incorporation into the Versailles order. The author argues that all these contradictory attitudes, views and assessments that surfaced in 1922 to a large extent predetermined the overall direction and specific content of the French policy towards the USSR in the following years.

The signing of the Declaration on the formation of the Soviet Union on December 30, 1922 marked a new stage in the history of international relations, and, at the same time, took stock of intense domestic and international political struggle unfolding in the previous years. The developments within the Communist International were of particular importance for both the outcomes of this struggle and the future of international labor movement. The author stresses that for the Comintern the year of 1922 was dominated by a struggle between the two opposing ideological and political trends: the inertia of the 'storm and onslaught' enthusiasm of the first post-revolutionary years and the rise of the ideas of peaceful coexistence. In this context, the paper assesses the role that the Bolshevik leaders envisaged for the Comintern during the preparation and conduct of the Genoa Conference and, particularly, for the policy of the united workers front. The author shows that the very idea of cooperation with socialists and social democrats received an extremely ambiguous reaction from representatives of Western communist parties. In this regard, the position of the German Communist Party (KPD) was of particular importance to the Bolshevik leaders. Indeed, the case of KPD was emblematic of those tendencies and contradictions that marked the development of the international communist movement in the period under review. The KPD leaders welcomed the Comintern's turn towards a united workers front. However, the author notes that this support was based on a highly unstable compromise between multiple contradicting domestic and foreign policy imperatives, including opposition from the left-wing radicals within the party and continuous conflict with the government of the Weimar Republic, exacerbated by ideological and financial dependence on Moscow. As a result, the KPD's actions were very often ad hoc and inconsistent, reflecting general issues typical to the international labor movement of that period. That became clear during the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, which took place at the end of 1922. It failed to outline a clear strategy for interaction between the Russian Bolsheviks and foreign communists. At the same time, the outcomes of the Fourth Congress were crucial for further evolution of the ideology and practical activities of the Comintern. The policy of the united workers front got a broader definition as the Communist International started to recognize the threat posed by fascism.

Since the middle of 2010s, international community (developed economies primarily) has been paying increasing attention to the reduction of carbon footprint in the environment by means of large-scale deployment of renewable energy, electrification of transport system and sustainable production of goods. Aspiring to become a global leader of energy transition, the United States of America has already taken a set of measures to stimulate technological growth. Such a challenging task cannot be accomplished without a guaranteed access to the so-called critical minerals. However, the US has encountered growing competition from China in this field. From the beginning of 2000s, China has amassed within its territory a dominant share of global production of critical minerals, acquired access to key foreign extraction centers and thus become virtually a monopolist in the markets. Hence the United States government urgently needs to devise measures to overcome the dependence from China in this regard. The author of the article dwells on the factors which have made the issue of critical minerals (as a recent development of international relations) relevant and politically charged. In its turn, it has led to the securitization of the subject in American official discourse during Trump administration which manifested itself in the 'mineral security' concept. The article contains comparative analysis of Trump and Biden administration approaches to navigating the country out of the dependence from China for critical minerals; it also identifies key focus areas of the current US mineral strategy. Respective analysis indicates that Trump administration prioritized bolstering domestic extraction capacity, whereas Biden-Harris administration underscores processing and production segments, mostly due to the pressure from local communities and environmental groups. The author stresses that the Unites States, being unable to contest China's monopoly as producer and supplier of critical minerals with market instruments, tends to employ human rights discourse to compete with its rival. The ultimate expression of such an approach is Energy Resource Governance Initiative which has been designed to foster high ecological and social standards in global extraction sector. Relying on its partners, the United States intends to use the program to challenge China in commodity markets. The author concludes that despite the effort Washington won't be able to rid itself of the dependence for Chinese imports in the near future. As for the long-term goals, their achievement is complicated due to both China's production capacity and experience and insufficient government funding of renewable energy projects in the United States.

Purpose. The study is aimed at the "philosophy of translation" methodology outlining as an original philosophical texts translation tool from the point of view of culture as anthropological phenomena, namely, individuals' participating in the text creation process providing the consistent following tasks solution: a) clarifying the text author's role, which is the object of recipients' perception; b) the human psyche inexhaustible potential realization for the primary text semantic content understanding by the translator to prevent its distortion; c) defining the requirements for the translation process as a mean of bringing the reader closer to author's understanding by language barrier elimination as an intuitive "obstacle" on its way. Theoretical basis. The author proceeds from the factual absence of the "philosophy of translation" concept unambiguous definition in the modern anthropological and philosophical space and seeks to take into account all the factors affecting the newly created text quality due to the all participants' features reviled on every stage of the text translation process. Today, the "philosophy of translation" is a widely used phrase, though ignoring the characteristics of man as a single meaning creator of the concept under study. The article provisions are based on philosophical, translation, and psychological studies with an emphasis on classical and non-classical anthropology research (Gadamer, Khoma, Holovach, Chepeleva, Dizdar, Leonov, Lotman, Bakhtin, etc.). Originality. The author proposes a methodology for the original philosophical text adaptation and presents a generalized step-by-step scheme for its translation, which helps to solve the personality of the researcher and/or translator's influence problem on the individual author's meaning preservation during its reproduction in a reader's convenient language. Conclusions. A look at the "philosophy of translation" from the philosophical anthropology point of view allows us not only to consider the process of translation from the individual characteristics of all the participants (author/philosopher-reader-researcher/translator-reader-philosopher/reader) but also to describe such translation methodology by concentrating on highlighting the author's reasoning course, which rises new knowledge and encourages further philosophical reflection within the human nature instability problem. The translation of a philosophical text not only reproduces the semantic structure of the original message but also provides a number of possible dialogical reactions to it as an object of human phenomenology. The proposed concept takes into account any reader's needs, fully preserving the author's position.

The article presents the results of a study of the problem of overcoming violations of the constitutional rights of the defense party to participate in the evidentiary process in cases that have a public resonance by criminal procedural means. According to the principles of equality and competitiveness of the parties in criminal proceedings, the lawyer (defender, representative) of the suspect, accused defendant has the same rights in the field of evidence as the prosecution. This concerns, first of all, the right to collect and provide evidence refuting the prosecution's version or subjecting them to reasonable doubt. As practice shows, officials conducting a preliminary investigation tend not to attach evidence from the defense to the case materials, including at the cost of direct violation of the requirements of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and procedural legislation. The grounds for refusing such admission, as a rule, do not stand up to any criticism and can be regarded as offenses of various legal nature: from disciplinary to criminal law. The defense party has the same equal right in the aspect of assessing the relevance, admissibility and reliability of evidence. In this case, we mean cases when a representative of the defense initiates a check of the compliance of the prosecution evidence with the legislative requirements. Examples of this are analyzed in detail in this article. The article is prepared on the basis of the author's work experience as a criminal lawyer and is devoted to the analysis of the following problem. In the article, the author explores the theoretical foundations and background of the problem, using the example of criminal cases that have a public resonance, analyzes the principles that ensure equality and competitiveness of the parties in criminal proceedings, the system of rights of participants in legal proceedings based on them, their legal regulation, the most common, most typical violations of the right of the defense to participate in evidence. Next, the author examines the legal means and mechanisms (ways) to overcome these violations in the criminal process. a number of conclusions and proposals aimed at improving the legal protection of the rights of suspects, accused defendants, as well as a lawyer (defender, representative). In conclusion, based on the conducted research, the author formulates a number of conclusions and proposals aimed at overcoming the accusatory bias and violations of the rights of participants in court proceedings in cases with public resonance, improving and increasing the effectiveness of overcoming violations of the constitutional right to defense.

The article aims to show the evolution of the American model of capitalism and its opportunities to adapt to new challenges of the 21st century. The author reviews the basic characteristics of this model and its destinction from other market economy models. It is demonstrated that in the USA, the leading role in economic development is played by private sector, and the government occupies much more modest positions. The ideas of independence, self-reliance and individual success definitely prevail both in ideology and in economic practices. It is noted that the American model has underwent several stages in its evolution – from the 17th century until recently, and only the last 50–60 years may be regarded as a liberal period of economic development. The author demonstrates that due to the liberal model the country has reached significant economic and social results, including high economic growth and high living standards. The driving force of the American model is definitely a private sector, which generates about 90% of GDP and most investments into the economy. The liberal model is undoubtedly advantageous for the competitive part of society, for efficient workers. At the same time it is not good for a social state focused on a general welfare. However, in total, the advantages of the American model are quite obvious: commitment to high economic efficiency, development of science and innovations, economic growth and high living standards. The shortcomings of the American model are also quite evident. Among them there are: a problem of social and income inequality, the emergence of new economic challenges, including those connected with pandemics and climate change, which test the American model for its sustainability and effectiveness. Another issue is new emerging markets that are not liberal at all. Especially we can talk about China which became the real rival to the American economy. The modern stage of globalization puts several new problems before the American capitalism, such as the is exacerbation of contradictions between old industrial countries and emerging economies, between strengthened multinational corporations and the governments of the countries they came from. The author makes a conclusion that despite both internal and external challenges the existing potential of the American economic model is still not exhausted. At the same time, it is evident that the question of its adaption to all existing issues is quite real and demands solution.

Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the ideological confrontation and conflict between Iranian emigrant communities and the political elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The position of Iranian emigration is analyzed in the context of the activity of the Pahlavi dynasty representatives. The purpose of the article is to analyze the ideo- logical confrontation between the two projects of Iranian political identities in contexts of criticism of the clerical regime of Iran by representatives of the Iranian political emigration of Pahlavi dynasty. Methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of analyzing intellectual communities with the elements of the universal method of his- toricism and a comparative approach, which make it possible to identify and systematize the main features of the process of ideological confrontation between the Iranian elites and their critics from the Iranian political monarchist emigration. Scientific novelty of the study. On the one hand, the article analyzes the ideological confrontation between the clerical political regime of Iran and its critics from the communities of monarchical emi- gration as a state of remote or delayed conflict. On the other hand, the author analyzes this ideological controversy as a conflict not between society and power, but between two versions of political power: if the Iranian regime controls the political discourse in the country in fact, then its monarchist oppo- nents in exile attribute to it symbolic legitimacy and continuity with the tradition of Iranian statehood. Results. The main directions and features of criticism of the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran by Iranian political emigrants of a monarchist orientation are analyzed; features of political ideol- ogy are shown; the forecast of the development of the political activity of the Iranian emigration is presented. Conclusions. The author believes that 1) the mo- narchical Iranian emigration is one of the centers of attraction for emigrants from Iran in Western Europe and North America; 2) the ideologists and theorists of the monarchical emigration are consist- ent critics of the political regime established in Iran in 1979; 3) criticism of the clerical, anti-secular and undemocratic regime of Tehran, its accusations of violating human rights and freedoms in in the cen- tre of the political doctrine of the Iranian emigra- tion; 4) the political ideal of emigration is a secular and democratic Iran, where rights and freedoms are respected, and religious minorities have equal rights with the Shiite Iranian majority.

In the article, the Author analyzes the problem of "deafness" and "blindness" in relation to the realities of the Russian-Ukrainian war. These phenomena are characteristic of everyone involved in the "Russian world", regardless of origin, including ethnic Ukrainians. They cannot be explained only by powerful propaganda. The author believes that it should be about the inability of individual "functionalists" of the "Russian world" to think independently, to understand the positions of the bearers of other worldview paradigms, to fully communicate. The Internet contains tens of thousands of examples that clearly confirm the validity of the theses outlined above. Telephone conversations of Russian soldiers between themselves and with their loved ones, which were intercepted, testify to the same. Adequate assessment of the situation is often characteristic of representatives of the Russian so-called "opposition elite". The results of sociological polls, regularly conducted by the independent "Levada Center", also testify to the inability of the absolute majority of the population of Russia to understand reality, replacing such an understanding with the reproduction of the dogmas of the "Russian world". The author believes that this is explained primarily by the nature of the existing social order in Russia. This system is often called authoritarian or "extreme version of authoritarianism". From this, it is concluded that it is enough to achieve a change of power, the dismantling of the repressive apparatus and the cessation of propaganda, so that Russia moves on the path to democracy. Such a theoretical position seems wrong, since it should be about totalitarianism. Authoritarianism is a political regime, and totalitarianism is a comprehensive socio-political order, and this concept is much broader than a regime. The main difference here is that a totalitarian mythological reality has established itself in Russia, which cannot be rationally deconstructed and abolished by some political act; it can only be destroyed together with the Russian/Soviet Empire. The bulk of Russians are completely immersed in this mythical reality, which is both their external and internal world. Therefore, not only a full-fledged dialogue, but even any communication is impossible, neither with Putin personally, nor with the "collective Putin", which makes up the majority of the population of Russia. What Ukraine and the world need is not the preservation of imperial Russia, even in a simplified version, but its final and complete dismantling.

In the article, the author analyzes the developed communication approaches in the implementation of national projects and draws conclusions about the importance of preserving and activating existing measures in times of crises that Russia is experiencing in new socio-political and economic realities (sanctions, special military operation, general isolation). The article focuses on the activities of the ANO National Priorities created by the Government of Russia and its approaches to the formation of a national idea as one of the tools for implementing state information policy and overcoming communication gaps between society and the state. The relevance of the issue under consideration is due to the need for a better understanding of the possible format of interaction between the state and the population, changes in approaches to public administration taking into account the new realities of the information society. The author puts forward the hypothesis of the study, which consist in the assumption that the activation of the activities and expansion of the range of communication tools of the ANO National Priorities, including the formation of a single brand, active promotion of events, projects related to the implementation of national projects and government activities in new conditions, contributes to overcoming the communication gap. This, in turn, contributes to the formation of a stable positive relationship between the state and society, entails the preservation and increase of public knowledge about government initiatives, and an increase in public confidence in the state. The aim of the study is to identify the dynamics of changes (extensions) of the communication aspects of the support of national projects in Russia and the selected methods of information delivery used by the ANO National Priorities. In addition, the identification of their influence on feedback from the population, overcoming the communication gap, which, according to the author, has worsened recently, and, as a result, on increasing the confidence of the authorities. The aim and the hypothesis contributed to the disclosure of the topic of the article and the solution of the following research objectives: (1) identification of the role of the ANO National Priorities as the main communication tool for the accumulation of resources, data on national projects and one of the main tools for the implementation of state information policy and the formation of a national idea; (2) analysis of the communication and marketing tools of information delivery used by the ANO National Priorities; (3) demonstration of the role of national projects as an ideological component in overcoming the existing communication gap in society.