Suchergebnisse

History, however, is not Phillips's strong suit. Moreover, his peculiar take on the country's cyclical experience with wealth and democracy is a telling commentary on his own oddly inflected populism. His is the populism of the 'silent majority,' which first made his reputation back in the days of Richard Nixon's 'southern strategy.' Phillips's lingering Republican past leads him to fantasize about some underground tradition of progressive middle-class Republicanism, which in Phillips's quirky narrative confection embraces the governments of William McKinley, Richard Nixon, and Abraham Lincoln. Phillips imagines these regimes as all suspicious of unsupervised wealth and mildly friendly to labor, while nonetheless operating under the dominating influence of the economic elites of their day. The characterization might loosely apply to Lincoln's new party, although the great merchant bankers of the antebellum North were the Great Emancipator's loyal opposition, not his natural constituency. When applied to McKinley and Nixon the notion verges on the preposterous--industrial workers in 1896 were terrorized into voting for the Ohio governor or staying away from the polls, while the whole tenor of the Republican campaign and the McKinley presidency that followed entailed an explicit repudiation of any suggestion of wealth redistribution or government regulation of big business. The evidence for Nixon's labor sympathies seems to consist of presidential invitations extended to the ossified leadership of the AFL-CIO to visit the White House. Phillips himself acknowledges that in every case--even in the one that most robustly supports his argument, namely Teddy Roosevelt's reign--the Republicans soon gave themselves over to the most self-interested, money-mad, socially irresponsible fat cats who always peopled the party's inner sanctums. As the author demonstrates, only during the Progressive Era, which was half Democratic, and during the New Deal order did the apportionment of national income and wealth swing the other way and were the commanding institutions of the private sector subject to some serious public surveillance and discipline. The Clinton interregnum, conversely, was the outcome of what Phillips calls the first white-collar recession of the early nineties-itself a fitting epitaph to the extreme 'financialization' of the Gordon Gekko years--conjoined to the rapidly inflating Internet bubble. The atmosphere of sixties' cultural liberation that hovered over the Clinton administration had more to do with the borrowed anti-hierarchical argot and upscale designer egalitarianism of the new dot-com billionaires than it did with any sixties-era political engagement with the lower orders. While the New Deal welfare state was wrapping up its affairs, the new information-age elites were busy putting in place a global corporate welfare system of 'financial mercantilism.' Wall Street quickly acclimated itself to the new environment. It became heavily invested not only financially and not only because the microprocessor transformed the way it conducted its own high-velocity speculations. Psychologically and culturally as well, the Street became vested in new-era hype. Phillips talks about 'grinds and globalists' supplanting the old skull-and-bones elites, committed to a relentless, de-regulated 'securitization' of the universe, transforming customary signs of distress into market-cheering acts of 'downsizing,' deepening the chasm between the haves and the have-nots at home and abroad.

Essays -- Introduction: a lifelong interest / A. Elizabeth Taylor -- The woman suffrage movement in Texas / A. Elizabeth Taylor -- A note on the author -- Documents -- Seneca Falls "Declaration of sentiments" -- The Texas Reconstruction Convention considers woman suffrage (1868-1869): Declaration of T. H. Mundine; Committee report for woman suffrage; Committee minority report against woman suffrage; Remarks of Hon. L. D. Evans on the resolution of Mr. Mundine -- The American Woman Suffrage Association petitions the Texas legislature (1872): Memorial from Lucy Stone -- The Texas Redeemer Convention considers woman suffrage (1875): Mr. Weaver's resolution; Mr. Russell's resolution; Debate; Mrs. Hiatt's report -- "Idiots, lunatics, paupers, and felons" (1875): Article 6, 1875 Constitution -- "The ballot an educator" (1881): by Jenny Beauchamp -- Mariana Folsom organizes for suffrage in Texas (1880s): Lucy Stone to Mariana Folsom; "The ballot" by Mariana Folsom -- The WCTU endorses votes for women (1888): "Woman is thinking!" by Grace Danforth -- "If I were mayor of San Antonio (1893): "The female suffragists, a chat with four Texas leaders of the movement -- The Texas Equal Rights Association (1893): Minutes of the first session -- Local suffrage societies make the news (1893-1894): Belton; Denison; Granger; Dallas -- Texas suffragists propose an organizational plan (1894): Texas plan of work -- Southern ladies and gentlemen (1894): "The women suffragists... waving the bloody shirt" -- Texas Woman's Congress meets in Dallas (1893-1894): "Want power at once" by Margaret Watson -- "Equal suffrage means purer laws" (1894): "Women should vote" by Miss Sue Greenleaf -- Representative Tomkins proposes a state constitutional amendment (1895): House Joint Resolution no. 29 -- Annette Finnigan begins the second phase of the Texas struggle (1903-1905): "Copy of letter to Texas woman" by Finnigan -- Suffragists testify at a legislative hearing (1907): The Woman's Tribune -- The Austin Woman Suffrage Association (1908-1915): Minutes -- Eleanor Brackenridge revives the Texas Woman Suffrage Association (1913): Eleanor Brackenridge to Mrs. Cone Johnson -- Annette Finnigan polls the legislative candidates (1914): Letters to and from candidates for the legislature -- Minnie Fisher Cunningham takes charge (1925): "Program of the Fifth Convention of the Texas Woman Suffrage Association" -- Houston Chronicle and Herald endorses suffrage (1917) -- Men support the cause (1914-1919): "Some phases of woman suffrage" by S. P. Brooks; "Why men need equal suffrage for women" by A. Caswell Ellis -- Texas suffragists send a message to President Wilson (1917): Call to the Seventh Convention of the Texas Equal Suffrage Association; "Equal suffrage meet closes" -- Minnie Fisher Cunningham reports on state suffrage activities and war work (1917) -- Lobbying for the vote (1917): Directions for lobbyists -- Suffragists help impeach Governor Ferguson (1917): Minnie Fisher Cunningham to Carrie Chapman Catt -- The Primary Election Bill passes (1918): Minnie Fisher Cunningham to Carrie Chapman Catt -- Suffragists sign up (1918): "Un manifiesto de la Sra. Rena Maverick Green a las mujeres del condado" -- Women register and vote for first time in Texas (1918): "Texas woman voters," The woman citizen; "To the women of Texas," by Hortense Ward; Vote for Annie Webb Blanton -- Efforts to pass the federal amendment continue (1918): Minnie Fisher Cunningham to Jewel Scarborough -- Anti-suffragists rally opposition (1916-1918): "Not for woman's suffrage"; "Women don't want suffrage" -- Texans vote on a state constitutional amendment (1919): "Outline of campaign for carrying the suffrage amendment; "Many factors contributed to the apparent defeat of suffrage"; Election results -- Texas legislature ratifies the Nineteenth Amendment (1919): Minnie Fisher Cunningham to Carrie Chapman Catt -- Texas Suffrage Ratification Proclamation (1920) -- Jane Y. McCallum's account of the movement: Diary; Activities of women in Texas politics, I -- Epilogue: "Citizens at last": Activities of women in Texas politics, II -- Bibliographies -- Suffrage bibliography / by Ruthe Winegarten -- Texas women in politics and public affairs / by Judith N. McArthur .

The aim of this article is to explore the bargaining process of the EU Financial Perspective 2007-2013 & to provide the conceptual explanation of the particular result of this bargaining. Although quite a number of drafts have been discussed among member states, three of them characterize the most important turns of the bargaining: Commission's Proposal, the Luxemburg's Compromise & the Decision of the European Council. Andrew Moravcsik's Liberal Intergovernmental Approach has been applied as the methodological tool for the analysis of the EU Financial Perspective 2007-2013. Moravcsik assumes that European bargaining is a two level game. A two level game is a metaphoric concept describing how the interaction between the domestic pressure groups & decision makers formulates national preferences & how political leaders on the European level represent those national preferences. On both levels pragmatic economic interests are the driving factors of different actors. It should be emphasized that states are the main players in EU arena, whereas supranational institutions play a supporting part. Five different groups or informal coalitions could be found in the recent bargaining for the Financial Perspective. The key interest of rich member states (UK, Germany, Netherlands, Austria, Sweden, & France) was to decrease EU spending -- to cut the contributions to the EU budget. Phasing out states (Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece) as former major beneficiaries of EU structural policy strived to diminish financial losses in the new Financial Perspective. Poorer Central European countries (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic & Hungary) fought for the structural funds. Finally, the UK was alone against the rest of member states which called for the radical review of the British rebate. The comparative statistical & qualitative analysis of those proposals revealed two important trends in the bargaining. First, the EU spending was cut in every turn. Second, the funds for the rich member states were redistributed at the expense of the poorer member states. Certainly, such redistribution did not change the fact that the older member states remained the net contributors & the poor Central European countries gained more benefits compared to the previous Financial Perspective 2000-2006. Besides these two main tendencies the phasing out states succeed to increase the funds for their undeveloped regions & the final Decision of the European Council offered for the UK the most favorable mechanism counting the British rebate. The article reveals the weaknesses of the popular geopolitical interpretations which were proposed in order to explain the strong clashes between member states. The geopolitical & ideological discourse was aimed at neutralizing the domestic pressure. The economic logic to pay less & get more was the dominant thinking in the bargaining for the European financial pie. The asymmetrical interdependence which was the main source of bargaining power during the previous intergovernmental negotiations on Common Market is obsolete in explaining the modalities of redistributional policies. The effect of relative power was limited to the bargaining strategy, however it did not make a remarkable impact to the final agreement. On the contrary, the typical net recipient is a small & poor member state. The author has to come to the conclusion that the poor Central European countries states were forced to support the cuts of the budget & suffered a relative defeat in the bargaining, since they were the main beneficiaries of the common EU budget. It means that the poor Central European countries were the most interested to reach an agreement as soon as possible in order to avoid the risk of facing the EU financial turbulences. For this reason their bargaining power was very weak. Adapted from the source document.

(1) The emergence of nations is not a historical deviation, but a normal and cocomitant occurrence of the positive historical development. The establishment of democracy created some elbowroom for the affirmation of nations in post- communism. The role of the nationalist activity in these events was not central. The disintegration of the former communist federations was not a fortuitous event and had a common cause. The redefinition of the nationality issue, though inevitable, produces conflicts. (2) International conflicts are potentially dangerous and violence-laden. (3) Conflicts cannot be avoided by denying national identities and national rights, by ignoring real or imagined problems, but by confronting them. (4) Nationality issues cannot be eliminated but regulated. Political theory and practice have developed numerous mechanisms for the accommodation of conflicting rights. Their recognition and implementation can only help in the non- violent resolution of disputes. Ignorance is not only harmful, but can be dangerous as well, because it stimulates exaggerated and biased expectations which may produce volatile and baleful outcomes. (5) Concrete solutions will always depend on the balance of political powers in each case. International practice, universally accepted principles, international community's pressures and its early direct involvement can contribute to the finding of the solution and the avoidance of violent options. (6) Demanding more rights than implied by rational standards means cruising for a bruising, asking for trouble, which can get the conflicting parties the short end of a stick. Extremism and chauvinism are dangerous not only for the other side, but affect negatively the nation which generates it. This rule applies both to the dominant nation in a state and to the minority nations. (7) Democracy and tolerance make a positive environment for a successful regulation of international disputes. Violent and unilateral imposition of solutions only worsens the situation and makes it explosive in the long run. A democratic society reduced to a dominant nation is not feasible unless national rights are recognised and implemented for all those who live in that state. Minority nations cannot realise their rights unless they take into consideration the democratic system on the whole and democratic rights for everybody. Democratic societies are nationally tolerant societies. And vice versa. (8) Democracy and nation-building are not incompatible notions. They are immanent to post-communist societies. Nation-building, despite everything, creates the conditions for the emergence of stable states, the only stable framework of the political and the economic transition (Jahn, 1992, 68). (9) The unresolved and undecided nationality issues significantly aggravate the consolidation of democracy. (SOI : PM: S. 151; 176f.) + The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests and conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts and issues, tie ways of the accommodation of interests and the features of the postcommunist transitions are known: The author explains the concepts and issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, the right to self-determination, decentralisation, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, non-territorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of the global and the national policies. He concludes that, among other things the national issues are central to the process of transition and that they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality which must be coped with), that there are principles and mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests

Machine generated contents note: Preface: Systematizing Success Lessons from the world's fastest growing companies PART 1: NAIL A NICHE Chapter 1: "NICHE" DOESN'T MEAN SMALL ARE YOU SURE YOU'RE READY TO GROW FASTER? HOW TO KNOW IF YOU'VE NAILED A NICHE ACHIEVE WORLD DOMINATION ONE NICHE AT A TIME THE ARC OF ATTENTION Chapter 2: SIGNS OF SLOGGING ARE YOU A NICE-TO-HAVE? BIG COMPANIES SUFFER TOO WHERE AARON WENT WRONG YOUR CURRENT STRENGTH CAN BE A FUTURE WEAKNESS Chapter 3: HOW TO NAIL IT WHERE CAN YOU BE A BIG FISH IN A SMALL POND? WORK THROUGH THE NICHE MATRIX HOW AVANOO NAILED IT JASON'S 20-INTERVIEW RULE Chapter 4: YOUR PITCH IF YOU WERE A RADIO STATION, WOULD ANYONE TUNE IN? ELEVATOR PITCHES ARE ALWAYS FRUSTRATING THEY DON'T CARE ABOUT "YOU": 3 SIMPLE QUESTIONS PART TWO: CREATE PREDICTABLE PIPELINE INTRODUCTION: LEAD GENERATION ABSOLVES MANY SINS Chapter 5: SEEDS - CUSTOMER SUCCESS HOW TO GROW SEEDS PREDICTABLY CASE STUDY: HOW GILD DROPPED MONTHLY CHURN FROM 4% TO 1% CASE STUDY: CUSTOMER SERVICE EXCELLENCE AT TOPCON Chapter 6: NETS - INBOUND MARKETING THE FORCING FUNCTION YOUR MARKETING LEADER NEEDS: A "LEAD COMMIT" CORPORATE MARKETING VS. DEMAND GENERATION CASE STUDY: ZENEFITS FROM $1 MILLION TO $100 MILLION IN TWO YEARS INBOUND MARKETING: A 4-POINT PRIMER HEROIC MARKETING: WHEN YOU HAVE NO MONEY AND LITTLE TIME Chapter 7: SPEARS - OUTBOUND PROSPECTING WHERE OUTBOUND WORKS BEST - AND WHERE IT FAILS OUTBOUND LESSONS LEARNED SINCE PREDICTABLE REVENUE WAS PUBLISHED CASE STUDY: ZENEFITS' OUTBOUND LESSONS ACQUIA: OUTBOUND'S ROLE IN A $100 MILLION TRAJECTORY GUIDESPARK: FROM ZERO TO $10 MILLION WITH OUTBOUND TAPSTREAM: STARTING FROM SCRATCH CHAPTER X: WHAT EXECUTIVES MISS PIPELINE CREATION RATE: YOUR #1 LEADING METRIC THE 15/85 RULE: EARLY ADOPTERS AND MAINSTREAM BUYERS WHY YOU'RE UNDERESTIMATING CUSTOMER LIFETIME VALUE CHAPTER 8: WHAT EXECUTIVES MISS PIPELINE CREATION RATE: YOUR #1 LEADING METRIC THE 15/85 RULE: EARLY ADOPTERS AND MAINSTREAM BUYERS WHY YOU'RE UNDERESTIMATING CUSTOMER LIFETIME VALUE PART 3: MAKE SALES SCALABLE Chapter 9: LEARN FROM OUR MISTAKES GROWTH CREATES MORE PROBLEMS THAN IT SOLVES -BUT THEY ARE BETTER PROBLEMS JASON'S TOP 12 MISTAKES IN BUILDING SALES TEAMS ADVICE FROM THE VP SALES BEHIND LINKEDIN AND ECHOSIGN Chapter 10: SPECIALIZATION: YOUR #1 SALES MULTIPLIER WHY SALESPEOPLE SHOULDN'T PROSPECT CASE STUDY: HOW CLIO RESTRUCTURED SALES IN 3 MONTHS CAN YOU BE TOO SMALL, OR TOO BIG, TO SPECIALIZE? SPECIALIZATION: TWO COMMON OBJECTIONS SPECIALIZATION SNAPSHOT AT ACQUIA CHAPTER 11: HIRING BEST PRACTICES FOR SALES SIMPLE HIRING TRICKS WHEN DOING SOMETHING NEW, START WITH TWO CHAPTER 12: HIRING BEST PRACTICES FOR SALES SIMPLE HIRING TRICKS WHEN DOING SOMETHING NEW, START WITH TWO THE $100M HUBSPOT SALES MACHINE: RECRUITING AND COACHING ESSENTIALS CASE STUDY: HOW TO CUT DOWN ON WASTED INTERVIEWING TIME CHAPTER 13: SCALING THE SALES TEAM IF YOU'RE CHURNING MORE THAN 10% OF YOUR SALESPEOPLE, THEY AREN'T THE PROBLEM ZENEFITS CASE STUDY: SCALING SALES FROM 2 TO 350 REPS PUT NON-SALES LEADERS ON VARIABLE COMP PLANS, TOO TRUTH = MONEY PIPELINE DEFICIT DISORDER ARE YOUR ENTERPRISE DEALS TAKING FOREVER? FIVE KEY SALES METRICS (WITH A TWIST) Chapter 14: FOR STARTUPS ONLY EVERY TECH PRODUCT SHOULD HAVE A SERVICE OPTION WHAT JASON INVESTS IN + DO YOU NEED TO RAISE MONEY TO SCALE? WHAT THE HEADCOUNT OF A 100-PERSON SAAS COMPANY LOOKS LIKE PART 4: DOUBLE YOUR DEALSIZE Painful Truth: It's hard to build a big business out of small deals. Chapter 15: DEALSIZE MATH WHAT JASON LEARNED: YOU NEED 50 MILLION USERS TO MAKE FREEMIUM WORK SMALL DEALS GET YOU STARTED, BIG DEALS DRIVE GROWTH CHAPTER 16: NOT TOO BIG, NOT TOO SMALL When you can't turn small deals into big ones IF YOU HAVE CUSTOMERS OF ALL SIZES Chapter 17: GOING UPMARKET IF YOU DON'T WANT SALESPEOPLE ADD ANOTHER TOP PRICING TIER PRICING IS ALWAYS A PAIN GOING FORTUNE 1000: BY MARK CRANNEY PART 5: Do The Time Chapter 18: EMBRACE FRUSTRATION ARE YOU SURE YOU'RE READY FOR THIS? EVERYONE HAS A YEAR OF HELL COMFORT IS THE ENEMY OF GROWTH REACHING ESCAPE VELOCITY Chapter 19: SUCCESS ISN'T A STRAIGHT LINE THE ANXIETY ECONOMY & ENTREPRENEUR DEPRESSION MARK SUSTER'S QUESTION: "SHOULD YOU LEARN OR EARN?" WHEN A STRAIGHT LINE ISN'T THE SHORTEST PATH TO SUCCESS CHANGE YOUR WORLD, NOT THE WORLD PART 6: EMBRACE EMPLOYEE OWNERSHIP Chapter 20: A REALITY CHECK DEAR EXECUTIVES (FROM EMPLOYEE) DEAR EMPLOYEE (FROM EXECUTIVES) PS: "DEAR SENIOR EXECUTIVES, DON'T GET LEFT BEHIND" (FROM CEO AND BOARD) ARE YOUR PEOPLE RENTING, OR OWNING? Chapter 21: FOR EXECUTIVES: CREATE FUNCTIONAL OWNERSHIP A SIMPLE SURVEY "NO SURPRISES" FUNCTIONAL OWNERSHIP CASE STUDY: HOW STRUGGLING TEAM TURNED INTO A SELF-MANAGING SUCCESS To Turn Things Around Chapter 22: TAKING OWNERSHIP TO THE NEXT LEVEL FINANCIAL OWNERSHIP MOVE PEOPLE AROUND THE 4 TYPES OF EMPLOYEES PART 7: DEFINE YOUR DESTINY Chapter 23: ARE YOU ABDICATING YOUR OPPORTUNITY? YOUR OPPORTUNITY IS BIGGER THAN YOU REALIZE HOW TO EXPAND YOUR OPPORTUNITY AT WORK YOU NEED SOME HUMDRUM PASSIONS YOUR COMPANY ISN'T YOUR MOMMY OR DADDY BACK TO FORCING FUNCTIONS: HOW TO MOTIVATE YOURSELF TO DO THINGS YOU DON'T FEEL LIKE DOING SALES IS A LIFE SKILL SALES IS A MULTI-STEP PROCESS Chapter 24: COMBINING MONEY AND MEANING MEANING GONE WRONG WHAT'S YOUR UNIQUE GENIUS? IGNORING REAL LIFE DOESN'T MAKE IT GO AWAY AARON: HOW THE HELL DO YOU JUGGLE 9+ KIDS AND WORK?

Quatrième de couverture: Capitale économique de la Syrie du Nord et seconde ville du pays, Alep a bâti sa prospérité sur un important commerce local, régional et international et sur le dynamisme de ses activités de production. Jusqu'à la fin de l'époque ottomane, elle était le centre d'un arrière-pays commercial qui se déployait bien au-delà des frontières actuelles de la Syrie, se prolongeant vers la Méditerranée et l'Europe, l'Asie centrale, la Péninsule arabique et jusqu'aux côtes occidentales du subcontinent indien. Si au XXe siècle la ville a connu un rétrécissement de cette aire d'influence et une marginalisation politique et économique, elle a retrouvé depuis une vingtaine d'années une certaine prospérité pour deux raisons majeures : d'abord, une collaboration plus ouverte que par le passé avec le pouvoir central et ensuite, son dynamisme et sa capacité à développer des activités commerciales, industrielles et culturelles aussi bien à l'échelle locale que régionale et cela, dans le contexte d'une libéralisation très contrôlée de l'économie syrienne. Jusqu'en 2011, Alep a ainsi donné l'image d'une ville, sinon florissante, du moins dynamique : c'est un peu ce dynamisme et cette volonté de vivre que décrit cet ouvrage, à travers plus d'un siècle de bouleversements subis ou portés par cette métropole du Nord de la Syrie, condamnée à se recréer et se réinventer sans cesse pour être autre chose qu'un simple satellite de Damas. L'ouvrage réunit les contributions d'une vingtaine de chercheurs appartenant à diverses disciplines – géographie, histoire, anthropologie, sociologie, mais aussi architecture ou encore urbanisme. Il a pour ambition de saisir comment se fabrique et fonctionne la ville d'Alep, comment se forment et se transforment ses espaces et ses territoires ainsi que les réseaux que cette ville projette et alimente à l'extérieur. La période concernée par cette approche pluridisciplinaire s'étend de 1868, année de fondation du premier quartier «moderne » à Alep, fortement inspiré des formes urbaines occidentales, à 2011, année du début de la contestation en Syrie, qui ouvre un nouveau chapitre dans l'histoire déjà longue et mouvementée de la ville. Thierry Boissière est anthropologue, maître de conférences à l'Université Lumière Lyon 2 et chercheur au GREMMO (Maison de l'Orient et de la Méditerranée, Lyon). Il a également été responsable de l'antenne de l'Ifpo à Alep de 2008 à 2010. Travaillant sur la Syrie depuis 1990, ses recherches ont porté sur l'agriculture urbaine dans la vallée de l'Oronte, sur les stratégies sociales liées à la précarité et enfin sur les espaces et les pratiques du commerce à Alep et à Damas. Jean-Claude David, géographe, chargé de recherches au CNRS à la retraite, a séjourné dix ans à Alep de 1968 à 1972 et de 1977 à 1983. Il y a effectué ensuite, quasi annuellement, des missions outre celles à Damas, à Beyrouth et au Caire. Il s'intéresse en particulier aux espaces publics, à l'architecture domestique et au patrimoine institutionnel ou « populaire » qui ont donné lieu à de nombreuses publications sur ces questions. Sommaire: Liste des contributeurs 9, Thierry Boissière et Jean-Claude David, Prologue 11, Introduction générale 27; Première partie. Comment la troisième ville de l'Empire ottoman est devenue un chef-lieu de mouhafaza en Syrie: 1. Fabrice Balanche Alep et ses territoires : une métropole syrienne dans la mondialisation 39, 2. Azad Ahmad Ali Le rôle politique des tribus kurdes Milli et de la famille d'Ibrahim Pacha à l'ouest du Kurdistan et au nord du Bilad al-Cham (1878-1908) 67, 3. Nadine Méouchy Les temps et les territoires de la révolte du Nord (1919-1921) 81, 4. Mohammed Jamal Barout La renaissance de la Jéziré : Deir ez-Zor ottomane, de la désertion à la reconstruction 105, 5. Myriam Ababsa Raqqa, relais commercial d'Alep en Jéziré, en mal de développement 121, 6. Salim Badlissi et Roman-Oliver Foy Les fermes d'État dans le gouvernorat d'Alep : une expérience dans le contexte du développement hydro-agricole de la Réforme agraire 141, 7. Anne-Fleur Delaistre, Camille Lafrance et Cyril Roussel La frontière turco-syrienne dans la province d'Alep : un nouvel espace de circulation 159; Deuxième partie. Ville planifiée et ville spontanée, identité et pouvoirs locaux, centralisme étatique: 8. Jean-Claude David Production et qualification de l'espace urbain. Entre informel et corruption 179, 9. Salwa Sakkal Croissance et contrôle de l'espace. L'informel et l'urbanisme, la municipalité et l'État 197, 10. Sophie-Anne Sauvegrain Pratiques quotidiennes et modes de consommation des jeunes à Alep 229, 11. Yasmine Bouagga Aux marges d'Alep : les camps de réfugiés palestiniens 245, 12. Thomas Pierret Le clergé sunnite alépin : provincialisation et affirmation de l'élément tribalo-rural 265; Troisième partie. Le commerce et les affaires, de l'économie de souk à la mondialisation: 13. Françoise Metral Alep, le commerce et les affaires 283, 14. Thierry Boissière De l'économie de souk à la mondialisation 297, 15. Patrik Meier Le conte de deux villes : Alep du point de vue des marchands du souk 319, 16. Paul Anderson The Social Life of Yarn in Aleppo : Trust and Speculation in a Time of Economic Transformation 333, 17. Thierry Boissière et Paul Anderson L'argent et les affaires à Alep : Succès et faillite d'un « ramasseur d'argent » dans les années 1980-2009 351, 18. Thierry Boissière Entre développements des espaces de commerce et mutations urbaines, le quartier de 'Aziziyyé à Alep 369; Quatrième partie. Patrimoine institutionnel et patrimoine vivant: 19. Jean-Claude David Valorisation du patrimoine mondial alépin. Valeur d'usage et référence identitaire, attraction touristique, vitrine du nouveau centre 393, 20. Pauline Bosredon La patrimonialisation de la vieille ville d'Alep entre stratégies de développement local et pratiques ordinaires 419, 21. Touria Moutia Patrimoine institutionnel et patrimoine vivant : le patrimoine habité 445, 22. Thierry Grandin Les problèmes de réhabilitation privée des monuments du patrimoine alépin : le cas des demeures traditionnelles 481, En guise de conclusion Samir Aïta Penser Alep autrement 521, Alep en images 533, Bibliographie générale 547, Glossaire 563, Table des illustrations 579.

When Michael Harrington's The Other America: Poverty in the United States first appeared in bookstores in March 1962, its author had modest hopes for its success, expecting to sell at most a few thousand copies. Instead, the book proved a publishing phenomenon, garnering substantial sales (seventy thousand in several editions within its first year and over a million in paperback since then), wide and respectful critical attention, and a significant influence over the direction of social welfare policy in the United States during the decade that followed. By February 1964, Business Week noted, "The Other America is already regarded as a classic work on poverty." Time magazine later offered even more sweeping praise, listing The Other America in a 1998 article entitled "Required Reading" as one of the twentieth century's ten most influential books, putting it in such distinguished company as Sigmund Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents and Alexander Solzhenitsyn's The Gulag Archipelago. Harrington's own knowledge of poverty was, for the most part, acquired secondhand, as he would recount in two memoirs, Fragments of the Century (1973) and The Long Distance Runner: An Autobiography (1988). Born in 1928 in St. Louis, the only child of loving and moderately prosperous parents of sturdy Irish-Catholic lineage, educated at Holy Cross, Yale Law School, and the University of Chicago, he moved to New York City in 1949 to become a writer. In 1951, he joined Dorothy Day's Catholic Worker movement as a volunteer at its soup kitchen; there he got to know a small subset of the nation's poor, the homeless male alcoholics of New York City's Bowery district. Within a few years he left the Catholic Worker (and the Catholic Church) and joined the Young People's Socialist League, the youth affiliate of the battered remnants of the American Socialist Party, a party then led by Norman Thomas. A tireless organizer, prolific writer, skillful debater, and charismatic orator, Harrington succeeded Thomas as America's best-known socialist in the 1960s, just as Thomas had succeeded Eugene Debs in that role in the 1920s. Socialism was never the road to power in the United States, but socialist leaders like Debs, Thomas, and Harrington were, from time to time, able to play the role of America's social conscience. In the years since Harrington's death from cancer in 1989, at the age of sixty-one, no obvious successor to the post of socialist tribune in the Debs-Thomas-Harrington tradition has emerged. Harrington's most famous appeal to the American conscience, The Other America, was a short work (one hundred and eighty-six pages in the original edition) with a simple thesis: poverty in the affluent society of the United States was both more extensive and more tenacious than most Americans assumed. The extent of poverty could be calculated by counting the number of American households that survived on an annual income of less than $3,000. These figures were readily available in the census data, but until Harrington published The Other America they were rarely considered. Harrington revealed to his readers that an "invisible land" of the poor, over forty million strong, or one in four Americans at the time, fell below the poverty line. For the most part this Other America existed in rural isolation and in crowded slums where middle-class visitors seldom ventured. "That the poor are invisible is one of the most important things about them," Harrington wrote in his introduction in 1962. "They are not simply neglected and forgotten as in the old rhetoric of reform; what is much worse, they are not seen." That was then. Fifty years since the publication of The Other America the poor are still among us -- and in a testament to the lasting significance of Harrington's work, not at all invisible. Whether or not the poor exist is thus no longer a matter of debate; what if anything can be done to improve their condition remains at issue. Adapted from the source document.

The protests at the 1999 World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle marked a turning point in trade politics. The size and depth of the international coalition that came together to protest the WTO was striking. And then there were the television images and the stunning denouement: Teamsters marching with 'turtles,' tear gas and police charges in the darkness, the collapse of the negotiations. The author of one of the books reviewed here, Jagdish Bhagwati, was in Seattle as an adviser to the WTO's director. While trying to get to the meeting, he found himself 'confronting a tough Chinese Red Guards-style female demonstrator who was blocking my way illegally.' A colleague then 'drew me away from a confrontation that would surely have left me bloodied, saying, `You are the foremost free trader today; we cannot afford to lose you!" Bhagwati's story speaks to several things, including his considerable ego. Most important, though, it captures the embattled state in which mainstream trade economists loyal to free trade doctrines now believe they exist: 'there are not too many out there, fighting the fight for free trade,' Bhagwati worries, 'We need to change that.' Do Irwin and Bhagwati understand that this is what most of the critics believe? I'm afraid not. Both authors characterize the critics as 'anti-globalization.' Although this accurately describes some, it is not true for the majority. Both authors seem to think that the main reason critics are against globalization is that they are anticapitalist and antimarket. Irwin, for example, tells us that for many of these groups, 'Free markets and capitalism are seen as embodying and furthering environmental destruction, male dominance, class oppression, racial intolerance and colonial exploitation.' To characterize most environmental organizations, or most contemporary trade unions, as 'anticapitalist' is absurd, if that means that they are committed to the abolition of capitalism. If the term means that they are critical of the way that capitalism currently operates, the characterization is accurate, but then the authors' summary dismissal of that position becomes puzzling. The critics insist that there are better and worse forms of market economy, that the neoliberal model of regulation toward which we are currently moving (one that expands property rights while ignoring human rights) is worse than feasible alternatives, and therefore, that the current model of global economic regulation can and ought to be changed. Unfortunately, Irwin and Bhagwati, by tilting at anticapitalist windmills, fail to join the real argument. IN THEIR EFFORT to extract free trade from the wider matrix of economic globalization, the authors downplay the degree to which trade deals such as NAFTA and the WTO shape the character of the larger economic system. For example, some of the most novel and important provisions in NAFTA and the WTO--pertaining to investor property rights and the deregulation of financial services--undoubtedly increase international capital mobility. Dani Rodrik has argued that increased international capital mobility could significantly increase the 'price elasticity of the demand for labor.' That is, firms will shift production to other countries in response to smaller and smaller differences in labor costs, other things being equal. This could dampen wage growth not only in the North, but in the South as well. Bhagwati and Irwin both devote considerable effort to exploring how free trade affects wages, yet neither so much as mentions Rodrik's well-known argument. Why not? Free capital mobility is one thing, Bhagwati says, free trade is another. He favors considerably less of the former than we have today, and much more of the latter. But while conceptually distinct, the fact is that both principles are promoted in NAFTA and the WTO. If we want to assess the impacts of these international agreements, we must consider how they affect capital mobility, and how it in turn affects workers, the environment, and so on. Slippage in the way the concept of 'free trade' is employed permits Bhagwati and Irwin to evade this challenge.