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In the summer of 2015 the 22 July Information Centre in Oslo opened four years to the day after Anders Behring Breivik massacred seventyseven people on 22 July 2011. Eight died in a bomb attack on a government building in downtown Oslo. He killed a further sixtynine people, predominantly young members of the Arbeidernes Ungdomsfylking (AUF), the Norwegian Labour Party Youth Wing, in a pre-meditated shooting spree on the island of Utøya, about forty kilometers north of Oslo. Many more were injured. Breivik's terrorism was rooted in a mélange of militant far-right, ethno-racist, anti-multiculturalist and Islamophobic ideas, amongst others, explained in a lengthy manifesto distributed by email shortly before the bomb attack.

Current housing systems and policies for First Nations communities in Canada produce a physical manifestation of ongoing colonialism: the house. Examinations of the physical community and house yield an understanding of deeply systematized imperial struggles between Indigenous communities and planning as a discipline. Indigenous families are in crisis as the housing system and Federal planning policies have not allowed for the provision of adequate nor appropriate homes. The recent independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission has begun a civic discussion, accompanied by a new federal government looking to begin a new relationship with Indigenous peoples—here we explore how planning can be a leader in this shift. The 'contact zone' is used as an operational lens to examine the ways discourse is used to shape the existing housing system. An interdisciplinary and global approach informs interventions in the existing housing system and policies, creating a community-driven model, and uncovering a reimagined role for the planner. ; McCartney, S. (2016, December 02). Re-Thinking Housing: From Physical Manifestation of Colonial Planning. Urban Planning, 20-31. doi:101.7645/up.v1i4.737

Este ensayo es la versión del autor, previa a la revisión por los editores, y a la versión final, que será publicada en el libro titulado provisionalmente 'A Maturing Market. The Iberian World in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century', editado por Alexander S. Wilkinson y Alejandra Ulla Lorenzo (en prensa para Brill, 2017). El autor desea expresar su agradecimiento a los editores y a la editorial por conceder permiso para publicar esta versión previa. ; This is the pre-peer-review, author's version of a book chapter that will be published in "A Maturing Market. The Iberian World in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century", edited by Alexander S. Wilkinson and Alejandra Ulla Lorenzo (forthcoming in Brill, 2017). The author is grateful to the editors and the publisher for permission to issue this version. ; This chapter will focus on several case studies that illustrate the nature of the material and intellectual networks of authors, editors, publishers and translators who laid the foundations of the international republic of letters as a virtual third space between the inveterate system of aristocratic patronage and the growing mass of urban consumers. It shall first trace the evolution of the new conditions within the book market and the concerns they raised among authors through a comparison of some texts produced in England by Gabriel Harvey (ca. 1552-1631) and his circles with the pragmatic political vocabulary displayed a generation later by Antonio López de Vega (ca. 1586-1655) in Spain. Whereas Harvey and López de Vega shared the influence of international Ciceronianism, one of the most remarkable differences between them lies in the shift from the moral concerns of sixteenth-century humanism to the more pragmatic and disenchanted views expressed in the languages of neostoicism and Tacitism. The second part of this chapter will then examine the consequences deriving from the development of a new international market for the mass consumption of cultural products, chiefly printed matter, but also the public commercial stage. Situated between its status as a new form of mass entertainment in thriving urban milieus and its canonization as printed goods through the publication of the most successful among these plays, the public stage constitutes a uniquely dynamic phenomenon that illustrates these literary, intellectual and material developments. The international republic of letters stood as a heterogeneous and adiaphoric public space that grew out of these manifold tensions. The interdisciplinary discourse that created and regulated it was woven with the languages of moral philosophy, politics and theology, as well as the vocabulary of traditional literary doctrine. Its agents were–to use an expression coined by Antonio López de Vega—men of understanding engaged in a transnational conversation sustained by common language and common sense. This pragmatic and consensual view of language and knowledge resulted from the intersection between the new trends of cultural and literary mercantilism, on the one hand, and more traditional aesthetic theories founded upon the discourse of what David Summers has called Renaissance Naturalism, on the other.

AbstractThis Research Note presents a new dataset of party patronage in 22 countries from five regions. The data was collected using the same methodology to compare patterns of patronage within countries, across countries and across world regions that are usually studied separately. The Note addresses three research questions that are at the centre of debates on party patronage, which is understood as the power of political parties to make appointments to the public and semi‐public sector: the scope of patronage, the underlying motivations and the criteria on the basis of which appointees are selected. The exploration of the dataset shows that party patronage is, to a different degree, widespread across all regions. The data further shows differences between policy areas, types of institutions such as government ministries, agencies and state‐owned enterprises, and higher, middle and lower ranks of the bureaucracy. It is demonstrated that the political control of policy making and implementation is the most common motivation for making political appointments. However, in countries with a large scope of patronage, appointments serve the purpose of both political control and rewarding supporters in exchange for votes and services. Finally, the data shows that parties prefer to select appointees who are characterised by political and personal loyalty as well as professional competence.

Abstract This paper focuses on the criminal law formulation policy related to criminal Law No. 22 of 2009 concerning Traffic and transportation. The policy formulation certainly need to be tied in every stage of the making, the implementation and accomplishment in order to create a sustain system. The formulation policy or the stage of making the law is a fundamental policy in criminal law policy because formulation policy is determinant of to whether a law could be applied in society. The issues discussed in this paper are: (1) How the formulation policy of criminal law in Law Number 22 Year 2009 regarding Traffic and transportation? (2) How the formulation policy of criminal law in the Law of Traffic and Transportation in the future? Firstly, the formulation policy of Law Number 22 Year 2009 regarding Traffic and Transportation will be discussed with three main discussion of criminal law which are criminal offense, criminal liability, and crime. Secondly, for the formulation policy of criminal law in the Law concerning traffic and transportation in the future the writer employs the concept of Penal Code 2012 as consideration to attain a formulation that could improve the current formulation. Such formulations are as followed:(a) qualifying offense should be retained but must be consistent with the legislators in the inclusion of criminal penalty so legal result will be clear. (b) In the arrangement of criminal penalty the criminal objective and guideline is needed. Keywords: policy formulation, criminal law, and Traffic

Enter any additional information or requests for the Library here. ; Background:The Traditional Health Practitioners Act (Act No 22, 2007), which elicits controversy in the South African healthcare and public sector since proclamation, went untested through the legislature, driven inside the post-1994 socio-political dispensation. No previous in-depth studies have been identified. Aims: The aim of this study was to determine and to reflect the Act's long term legal implications for the already statutory health professions and the public: specific with the focus on the Constitution and other legislations and possible ways to oppose it. Methods: This is an exploratory and descriptive research, in line with the modern-day history approach of investigation and reviewing research, using contemporary reports, news papers and articles as primary resources to reflect on the situation, thinking, opinions, trends and activities around Act No 22 and its implications on the Constitution and citizen's rights. The focus was also to put Act No 22 in a future in perspective. Findings are represented in narrative form. Results: Act No 22 (2007) was promulgated without an applicable and appropriate scientific needs-analysis. The Act seems to stand to a great extent in conflict with the Constitution as well as various other Acts, like the Witchcraft Suppression Act (No 3, 1957). Conclusions: The Act is still today, nearly a decade after promulgation, not fully active. It is a Constitutional mishap. Notwithstanding its constitutional controversy, the Act's political sanction by governmental agencies and political leaders will ensure that it will not vanish easily from the South African law books.

Nahezu ein Jahrtausend liegt zwischen dem Geschichtswerk des Thukydides (entstanden um 400 v. Chr.) und demjenigen Prokop (Mitte des 6. 1h. n. Chr.). Mit der thukydideischen Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriege zwischen Athen und Sparta und ihren jeweiligen VerbUndeten (43 1-404 v. Chr.) beginnt die antike Geschichtsschreibung im Sinne einer nach größtmöglicher Objektivität strebenden kritisch hinterfragenden Darstellung menschlicher Handlungen und der ihnen zugrunde liegenden Abläufe und Mechanismen; mit Prokop findet sie ihren letzten herausragenden Vertreter.

Indonesia has been undergoing a reform process. It started with the process of rapid decentralization government began in 1999 from a strong centralized system. One of its process is the introduction of decentralization, a process of transfer power from the central government to provinces to sub-provinces. Decentralization became a worldwide phenomenon since over three decade. Countries around the world use decentralization principles with varying degree, mostly by transferring responsibilities of public service delivery to lower levels of government. The decentralization literature promotes the good governance aspects associated with decentralization including local citizen participation, democratic elections and financial and political equity. Decentralization in Indonesia is much more of an administrative decentralization rather than a fiscal decentralization. The central government continues to control a vast share of the revenues required for local governance under true decentralization.Key words: Decentralization, Reform Process, Centralized System, Governance

This article investigates how the two Norwegian newspapers Aftenposten and Dagbladet framed the reporting about Anders Behring Breivik (henceforth Breivik) in the aftermath of the terror attacks at the government building in Oslo, leaving eight dead behind, and the killing of 69 young people at the AUF youth summer camp on Utøya on 22 July 2011. On the basis of critical discourse analysis, Robert Entman's framing theory and theories about enemy images, we have analysed a selection of articles from a total sample of 1323 articles covering landmark periods related to the attacks of 22 July 2011: the immediate reaction (22–29 July); the meeting in court to prepare the trial (14–15 November); and the presentation of first psychiatric report (29–30 November). Did the media speculate, before Breivik's identity was known, on the possibility that Muslim extremists were responsible? An analysis of the editorials in Aftenposten and Dagbladet concludes that Aftenposten hypothesized that Muslims might be behind the attack, while Dagbladet mostly avoided such speculation. The divergence in representation is reiterated in the interviews the authors conducted with the two newspapers' editors. After Breivik's identity became known we found three dominating frames, the perpetrator as a 'right-wing extremist', as an 'insane person' or as an 'attention-seeker'. The framing analysis show that the 'insane' frame was the most usual in both Aftenposten and Dagbladet, followed by the 'extreme right wing' frame and 'the attention-seeker' frame. The article discusses how this framing might have influenced the long-term consequence for public debate in Norway. ; acceptedVersion