PILPRES 9 Juli 2014 telah dihelat dan WNI terpanggil untuk datang menentukan sekaligus memenangkan pilihanya. Hasilnya diumumkan KPU pada 22 Juli 2014 yang untuk selanjutnya panggung politik diperlihatkan melalui mekanisme hukum di MK. Kita semua mengetahui apa yang kemudian terjadi dan siapa yang sepatutnya memimpin RI sesuai dengan putusan lembaga perpilpresan yang dilantik 20 Oktober 2014. Publik menyimak bahwa Pasangan Prabowo-Hatta dan Jokowi-JK sama-sama mengusung tema lingkungan untuk diperhatikan dengan kesungguhan jiwanya
Villagers have been long marginalized and frequently treated as merely vote getters by outsiders' power [the elites] to compete for their social and political support. This has been taking places for such a long time including during the time of Soeharto's New Order. The legislation of Laws Number 22 Year 1999 on Regional Autonomy, and then the Laws Number 32 Year 2004 have provided better hope for a more democratic treatment for the villagers, particularly by the application of Village Autonomy [Otonomi Desa]. Village democracy through Village Autonomy is actually not a new concept in this country. Due to various obstacles, however, this sort of autonomy has never been successfully applied. Since the application of Laws Number 32 Year 2004, by the establishment of Village Democratic Board, it is hoped that village democracy may be successfully realized, not only on its formal aspects but also on its substantial ones.
Indonesia has been present and is still able to maintain itself as a democracy icon that should be followed by other countries. As one of the largest democracies in the world, Indonesia in more than ten years is continue growing and transforming with its diversity in society, the dynamics and diversity issues. Indonesia was still able to maintain its identity as a democracy. Through these facts, this paper tried to describe the political situation in Indonesia in the 2014 Presidential Election, as well as reflect further on the response and the effect of foreign parties to the democratic mechanism. What happens in the electoral process in recent months and how Indonesia continues to become an example of the success stories of various identity democracies as diverse as a multicultural country, developing countries, as well as the country with the largest Muslim adherents in the world. This paper sees the problem through the concept of elections and democracy based on the analysis of identity. Where the author tried to look outside the box of the electoral process in the domestic political analysis that has been done before. Probe Indonesia based on its identity in the international sphere as a democratic state becomes interesting when its identity was assessed by comparing it with other identities such as identity and role as a developing country and collective identity as the Southeast Asian country. The papers argue that the election process in Indonesia is not only shaped by domestic factors. Indonesia democratization maturity today can't be separated from the support of international and Indonesian efforts in playing a role and maintain its identity as a democratic country in the international sphere. Keywords: democracy, election, identity
ABSTRACT The research that the writer did was the Effect of Motivation by the Head of the Agency on Employee Productivity at the Cirebon Regency Central Statistics Agency. The research method that I do is a quantitative research method, which starts with data collection, data interpretation, until the results of the research use numbers.The problem that the author pointed out is that the work productivity of employees at the Cirebon Regency Central Bureau of Statistics has not been maximized, it is suspected that the problem is caused by the lack of optimal motivation implementation by the head of the Cirebon Regency Central Statistics Agency.The research question that the writer proposes is the influence of motivation by the head of the body on employee work productivity. The hypothesis that the authors propose is as follows: "It is suspected that there is a positive and significant influence between the motivation of the head of the agency on the work productivity of employees at the Cirebon Central Statistics Agency."From this hypothesis a statistical hypothesis can be formulated, namely: H0 (Zero Hypothesis): rs count rs table, then the formulation of the problem is:" There are a positive influence and significant correlation between motivation by the head of the agency to work productivity of employees at the Central Bureau of Statistics of Cirebon."In the study showed that the results the motivation made by the head of the Cirebon Regency Central Bureau of Statistics was good enough, but it was not optimal as seen from the successful implementation of motivation which reached 60.6% with a total score of 1637, and employee work productivity was good enough but not optimal as reaching 59.5% with a total score of 1740.The implementation of motivation by the head of the agency has a close influence on the work productivity of employees at the Cirebon Central Statistics Agency with a value of rs calculated 0.805 and when compared with rs table with a 5% precision of 0.248. Because the RS calculated is greater than rs table, there is a positive and significant influence between the motivation of the head of the agency on the work productivity of employees at the Cirebon Central Statistics Agency. Thus H0 (Zero Hypothesis) is rejected and Ha (Alternative Hypothesis) is accepted.
十九世紀末,清政府先後割讓香港島及九龍半島,以及租借新界給英國。早期英國在香港建立「二元法制」,一方面頒布英國法律,要求居港英人及外國僑民遵守,另一方面容許華人沿襲中國法例及習慣,並准其在不違反英國法律的前提下,可依《大清律例》的繼承習俗「傳男不傳女」。戰後殖民政府雖曾多次成立委員會研究修訂華人繼承法的可能性,但直至二十世紀末才成功確立全面的婦女繼承權,比亞洲其他華人社會明顯滯後。 ; 近年學者雖然日漸關注香港女權的發展,但可惜一直忽略香港婦女繼承權的歷史研究,故有關課題的討論尚有很大的發揮空間。本研究採用歷史學的進路,旨在「重建過去」,首先重新梳理香港婦女繼承權的歷史發展,同時重視「解釋過去」,透過查考婦女繼承權問題的歷史根源,分析香港耗時近半世紀才得以確立婦女繼承權的原因及其歷史意涵。最後,本研究強調「總結過去」,以反思爭取婦女繼承權的歷史對今天女權發展的意義和啟示。 ; 本研究按殖民政府的改革及民間婦女運動的發展歷程,將香港婦女繼承權近半世紀的發展劃分成五個階段,以重新梳理其歷史脈絡。與此同時,本文總結出香港婦女繼承權姍姍來遲之由,指出英式殖民主義的管治過分注重「華洋分治」及「以華治華」,使殖民政府變得被動、因循和偏袒男性精英,無視本土女權發展的需要。另外,本文亦重新審視殖民者與被殖民者的權力關係,發現兩者之間的關係並非單純的「壓迫-服從」,反而時有「互相利用」,甚或「討價還價」的情況。被殖民者一方又並非鐵板一塊地受制於殖民者,當中有一些備受政府重用的男性華人精英權力甚大,能在制度中呈現其能動性。相反,一些不在權位的婦女團體則被邊緣化,不獲重視。本研究又分析和比較香港婦女繼承權的兩次改革的共通點,發現每次轉變都源於宗主國及國際的壓力,也同屬「由上而下」的改革。直至新界城市化衍生城鄉法律的灰色地帶,政府才不得不修訂法律,並一併處理新界土地的繼承問題,香港婦女繼承權遂終得全面確立。 ; 關鍵詞:婦女繼承權、香港史、殖民主義、性別維度、法律與城鄉關係 ; In the late 19th Century, Hong Kong Island and Kowloon were ceded and the New Territories were leased to Britain. A dual system of law was established where the British and other non-Chinese obeyed the British law whereas the Chinese were allowed to abide by the Chinese law and custom under the condition that they did not violate the principles of the British law. The Chinese inheritance tradition as a part of the Chinese law and custom was stated in the Qing Code, under which women had no right of inheritance. Although the colonial government intended to amend the inheritance law for several times, it did not succeed until the late 20th century. Lamentably, in comparison to other Asian regions, Hong Kong spent several decades more to establish women's inheritance right. ; Although scholars nowadays pay more attention to the development of women's rights in Hong Kong, very little of their research pertains to women's inheritance right. To enrich the scholarship, this author holds that we should first trace the historical development of the establishment of women's inheritance right in Hong Kong. The reasons why it took so long for Hong Kong to establish this right will then be ...
