International audience ; Although nuclear energy forms an important and controversial part of polar history, its uses and misuses have so far received little attention from professional historians. Especially mobile nuclear reactors, as deployed for instance on the Antarctic continent, played an important role in the conquest of the polar regions. The Antarctic case presented here allows to illustrate the large diversity of issues involved in the American mobile nuclear reactor programme, ranging from economic considerations, over military strategy, to environmental and health concerns. During several decades, mobile nuclear power reactors were considered a cheap and clean solution, yet as this essay shows, history proved otherwise. None of the economic targets were met and in the case of the Antarctic reactor, repeated failures and even radioactive leakages lead finally to the shutdown of the whole programme. ; Même si l'énergie nucléaire joue un rôle important et controversé dans l'histoire polaire, son usage et son mésusage ont reçu très peu d'attention de la part des historiens. Les réacteurs nucléaires mobiles en particulier, tels qu'ils ont été mis en oeuvre sur le continent antarctique, ont occupé une fonction cruciale dans la conquête des régions polaires. Le cas antarctique présenté ici permet d'illustrer la grande diversité des éléments invoqués dans le programme étatsunien de réacteurs nucléaires mobiles, allant de considérations économiques, en passant par la stratégie militaire, à des inquiétudes environnementales et de santé publique. Pendant plusieurs décennies, les réacteurs nucléaires mobiles ont été considérés une solution peu couteuse et propre, mais comme nous allons arguer ci-dessous, l'histoire en a voulu autrement. Aucun des objectifs économiques ne fut atteint et dans le cas du réacteur en Antarctique, de nombreuses coupures et même des fuites radioactives ont amené enfin à l'abandon du programme.
Después de más de treinta años, la ley de costas española ha sido profundamente modificada. Sigue en vigor, excepto en aquellos aspectos que se han revisado, pero los cambios son tan profundos que se ha dibujado un escenario notablemente distinto al anterior. En este trabajo se recogen los motivos que han hecho de la ley de 1988 una norma difícil de aplicar, así como la controversia generada especialmente por la transformación de los propietarios de viviendas situadas en el dominio público, en titulares de un derecho de ocupación temporal. Los efectos de los informes de la Comisión de Peticiones del Parlamento Europeo, emitidos en 2009 y 2013, han sido también determinantes en la redacción de la Ley 2/2013 de protección y uso sostenible del litoral y de modificación de la Ley 22/1988, de Costas. ; More than thirty years after, the Spanish Coastal Law has been deeply modified. Remains in force, except in those aspects that have been revised, but the changes are so profound that a noticeably different from the preceding stage is drawn. This work includes the reasons that have made the 1988 Coastal Law very difficult to apply, and the controversy generated by the transformation of households located in public domain in holders of a right of temporary occupation. The effects of the reports of the Committee on Petitions of the European Parliament, issued in 2009 and 2013, have also been determinant in the drafting of the law 2/2013 of protection and sustainable use of coasts and modification of the 22/1988, former law of coasts.
Following is the Joint Statement issued by the 34 Heads of State and Government, in Quebec City, Canada on April 22, 2001: We, the democratically elected heads of State and Government of the Americas, gathered in the city of Quebec in our Third Summit, we renew our commitment to hemispheric integration and national and collective responsibility in order to improve the economic well-being and security of our peoples. We have adopted an Action Plan to strengthen representative democracy, promote efficient governance and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms. We seek to create greater prosperity and increase economic opportunities and, at the same time, promote social justice and develop the human potential. We reiterate our firm commitment and adherence to the principles and purposes of the Charters of the United Nations and of the Organization of American States (OAS). ; A continuación la Declaración Conjunta emitida por los 34 jefes de Estado y de Gobierno, en la Ciudad de Quebec, Canadá el 22 de abril de 2001: Nosotros, los jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de las Américas elegidos democráticamente, reunidos en la ciudad de Quebec en nuestra Tercera Cumbre, renovamos nuestro compromiso con la integración hemisférica y la responsabilidad nacional y colectiva a fin de mejorar el bienestar económico y la seguridad de nuestros pueblos. Hemos adoptado un Plan de Acción para fortalecer la democracia representativa, promover una eficiente gestión de gobierno y proteger los Derechos Humanos y las libertades fundamentales.l Buscamos crear mayor prosperidad e incrementar las oportunidades económicas y, al mismo tiempo, fomentar la justicia social y desarrollar el potencial humano. Reiteramos nuestro firme compromiso y adhesión a los principios y propósitos de las Cartas de las Naciones Unidas y de la Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA).
En el flujo informativo, algunas imágenes, que calificamos aquí de "recalcitrantes" se resisten a perecer y sobreviven a su contexto de producción. El presente estudio analiza cómo una de ellas, la secuencia televisiva de la proclamación de Juan Carlos como sucesor de Francisco Franco a la jefatura del estado, el 22 de noviembre de 1975, ha sobrevivido, metamorfoseándose hasta hoy en día, de pantallas en pantallas, a través de una muestra representativa de algunas de sus reelaboraciones más significativas. ; In the information flow, some pictures, which we describe here "recalcitrant" resist and survive perish production context. This study analyzes how one of them, the television sequence proclamation of Juan Carlos as successor of Francisco Franco to the head of state, the November 22, 1975, has survived to this day morphing, display screens, through a representative sample of some of his most significant reworking.
El cine de autor defiende la figura del director como centro creativo y núcleo del proceso fílmico. Dicho concepto se encuentra establecido en la Historia del Cine desde su surgimiento en la década de los cincuenta junto al movimiento de la Nouvelle Vague. Este fenómeno cinematográfico se adapta a las características del vídeo musical creando el videoclip de autor, definido como aquellos en los que se manifiesta el estilo del realizador en detrimento de otros factores de creación estética como el propio cantante o el tema musical que actúa como base. En este artículo se plantean los rasgos de dicha teoría extrapolables al vídeo musical y se muestran las similitudes e influencias entre el cine y el videoclip en cuanto al estilo y la personalidad artística. Los objetivos propuestos son la aplicación de los conceptos de autor y de estilo al vídeo musical, y de forma específica, la creación e implantación de la categoría de videoclip de autor para la mejora del estudio de este formato. La metodología utilizada se basa en la descripción y en la exposición objetiva de la teoría cinematográfica así como de las características del videoclip, y la posterior extrapolación y comparación entre ambas producciones audiovisuales. Se concluye la relación de las nociones de autor y de estilo con los rasgos propios del vídeo musical realizados por directores que plasman sus personalidades artísticas en estas creaciones que combinan imágenes y música con un gran efectismo y experimentación. Igualmente, se trata de poner en valor la figura del director clip de un modo equiparable al prestigio del director de cine. ; Auteur theory defends the director figure as a creative centre and as the core of the film process. This concept is established in the history of cinema since the fifties by the movement of the Nouvelle Vague and the politique des auteurs. This cinematographic phenomenon adapts to music video's characteristics creating the auteur music video theory. In these music videos manifests director's style at detriment to other factors of aesthetic creation as the singer or musical theme of base. This article arise the features of this theory extrapolated to music video and shows similarities and influences between film and music video in style and artistic personality. The proposed objectives are the application of the concepts of author and style to the music video, and, specifically, the creation and implementation of author category in music video to improve the study of this format. The methodology is based on the objective description and exposure of film theory and the characteristics of the music video, and subsequent extrapolation and comparison between the two audiovisual productions. As conclusion, is obtained the relationship of the notions of author and style with the features of the music video made by directors that reflect their artistic personalities in these creations combining images and music with a great spectacular and experimentation. Similarly, it is to value the clip of the director of a comparable way to the prestige of the film director, being as the autor's music video shows the choices of techniques and artistic options by the clip director.
This thesis aims at highlighting the ethical, metaphysical and aesthetic questions that arise in the mature works of the Austrian author Hugo von Hofmannsthal. After having dealt with Hofmannsthal's original dilemma between opposing conceptions of the world and of his own existence, this work considers the two versions of The Woman without a Shadow. This opus is the first expression at maturity of his aesthetic whose underlying metaphysical foundation it enlightens.The experience of First World War, subject of our third chapter, compelled Hofmannsthal to widen the scope of his thoughts. His later plays illustrate which ethical conducts should rule individuals in a given society as well as between the peoples in Europe. The Salzburg Great World Theaterwhich is the focus of our fourth chapter, sets the pattern of his social ethics inspired by the principles of the social doctrine of the Church. As for The Tower, a tragedy which we will deeply analyse in our fifth chapter, it sketches his ethics for political action. The purpose of this play is indeed to advocate peace in Europe while helping nations to achieve higher standard of Humanity. ; L'objet de cette thèse est de mettre en lumière les interrogations éthiques, métaphysiques et esthétiques qui accompagnent la production des œuvres de maturité de !'écrivain autrichien Hugo von Hofmannsthal. Après avoir rappelé ses hésitations initiales entre des conceptions du monde et de l'existence distinctes, ce travail envisage les deux versions de la Femme sans ombre. Cette œuvre offre une première expression de son esthétique de maturité dont elle éclaire aussi les fondements métaphysiques. L'expérience de la Première Guerre mondiale, analysée dans le troisième chapitre, conduit Hofmannsthal à élargir le champ de ses réflexions. Son œuvre dramatique devient l'illustration des principes éthiques devant régler les échanges entre les membres d'une même société ainsi qu'entre les peuples d'Europe. Le Grand Théâtre du monde à Salzbourg, dont l'examen occupe le quatrième ...
Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. ...
Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. ...
Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. This thesis proposes a renewed reading of the dynamics of cultural clusters. It is based on concepts derived from evolutionary theories. How, by mobilizing them, can we better understand the strategic bifurcations of the Nantes, Barcelona and Québec clusters? In other words, what do these concepts teach us about the determinants of flexibility? The conclusions will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters." ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche. En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs. Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer. En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut–on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains ».
Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. ...
Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. This thesis proposes a renewed reading of the dynamics of cultural clusters. It is based on concepts derived from evolutionary theories. How, by mobilizing them, can we better understand the strategic bifurcations of the Nantes, Barcelona and Québec clusters? In other words, what do these concepts teach us about the determinants of flexibility? The conclusions will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters." ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche. En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs. Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer. En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut–on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains ».
En los últimos trabajos escénicos de Roger Bernat se conjuga la participación de los espectadores en el desarrollo de las obras, con la utilización de dispositivos tecnológicos y la problematización de cuestiones socio-políticas. En el caso de Pendiente de Voto (2012) y, sobre todo, de Numax Fagor Plus (2014) esa combinación desestabiliza la posición del dramaturgo en su propia creación. De hecho, su rol de autor se inserta en la propia estructura dramatúrgica de la obra, a través de un ejercicio de autoficción que consigue generar una profunda y amplia reflexión sobre la participación, la autoría, la democracia, la revolución y la posición que los medios tecnológicos ocupan hoy en día alrededor de esos conceptos. ; In the last performances by Roger Bernat, the involvement and participation of the audience is combined with the use of technological devices and the problematization of socio-political issues. In Pending Vote (2012) and mainly in Numax Fagor Plus (2014), that combination destabilizes the position of the playwright in his own creation. His role as the author is inserted into the dramaturgical structure of the pieces, through an exercise of autofiction, which produces a deep and wide reflection about participation, authorship, democracy, revolution, and the position of new media around those concepts nowadays.
In the last performances by Roger Bernat, the involvement and participation of the audience is combined with the use of technological devices and the problematization of socio-political issues. In Pending Vote (2012) and mainly in Numax Fagor Plus (2014), that combination destabilizes the position of the playwright in his own creation. His role as the author is inserted into the dramaturgical structure of the pieces, through an exercise of autofiction, which produces a deep and wide reflection about participation, authorship, democracy, revolution, and the position of new media around those concepts nowadays. ; En los últimos trabajos escénicos de Roger Bernat se conjuga la participación de los espectadores en el desarrollo de las obras, con la utilización de dispositivos tecnológicos y la problematización de cuestiones socio-políticas. En el caso de Pendiente de Voto (2012) y, sobre todo, de Numax Fagor Plus (2014) esa combinación desestabiliza la posición del dramaturgo en su propia creación. De hecho, su rol de autor se inserta en la propia estructura dramatúrgica de la obra, a través de un ejercicio de autoficción que consigue generar una profunda y amplia reflexión sobre la participación, la autoría, la democracia, la revolución y la posición que los medios tecnológicos ocupan hoy en día alrededor de esos conceptos.
In the building of the so-called informational city, there is a explicit willingness to channel the social interaction towards innovation. lt starts from the idea that the exchange of information who manage people from their specific areas of action. make easy and prometes creativity, innovation. Knowing that today We can accessed to immeasurable amounts of information, different authors suggest that the important thing is not to have it, but process it intellectually, to transform it and make a profit from it. That is that the information has come to be seen as the raw material to transform to thereby achieve a final product, a pro duct of value, called knowledge, this being the most valuable product of the new era. Hence the economy that aims to move from the industrial age to the informational, worry about creating the right environment in which in novation occurs with maximum fluidity and frequency, and that has been called the innovative milieu. Being on the characteristics of places considered innovatives, now they try to build innovative milieux, which would be con tained in the plans and projects, under the title refers to a new kind of town: informational city, knowledge city, te chnopolis, digital, of the science and others associated with the use of lnformation Technology and Communica tion ICT. In the case of Barcelona, under the concept of digital city (MPGM 2000). But this explicit will to prosecute the interaction towards innovation could be invading or removing really sponta neous interaction spaces , where all players are on equal rights. The question that tries to reveal, with regard to the informational city is: Is social inclusion warranted when promete interaction in the areas of the so-called digital city? This is the fundamental question being solved, revealing why, if the informational city values the sponta neous interaction between different actors, is indifferent to the use of public space? What kind of interactions looks for? What are the actors that promete interaction: what is their role and their interests? What is the role of society in the areas of interaction that prometes informational city? What changes does the innovative milieu over the city? Really it demand changes?. All these questions it will try to solve under two entries interest of the city: political I social and physical I spatial. lt is taken as a case study the 22 @ Barcelona. with an analysis on two scales: a urban scale, in the polygons fur ther advancement of the plan, and proximity scale on three areas where it would be promoting interaction with regard to the innovative milieu. Spaces which are selected according to the proposed methodology, to know to what extent citizen inclusion is guaranteed when promete such interaction. Composed of the following specific ob jectives: (i) deepen the conceptualizati on of interaction for innovation, with an approach to the milieu that inspired, (ii) identify and classify the various physical spaces that would be shaping the interaction space, the role of public space and the private space that prometes interaction, (iii) identifying the interaction agents, their roles, their free dom of action and interest in innovation, (iv) meet the targeting of policies, programs and actions that would pro mete, (v) understand the role of society or citizens in shaping the innovative melieu and (vi) identify the spatial changes with regard to the innovative milieu to urban level and the architectural level and the role of ICT in these. For that, it contrast the physical platform of innovative milieu that prometes 22@Barcelona with it proposed in the plan. ; Sabiendo que en la actualidad se puede acceder a cantidades inmensurables de información, diferentes autores sugieren que lo importante no es tenerla, sino procesarla intelectualmente para transformarla y obtener un beneficio de ella. Es decir que la información ha pasado a ser vista como la materia prima a transformar para conseguir con ello un bien final un producto de valor denominado conocimiento siendo éste el producto más preciado de la nueva era. De ahí que la economía que aspira a pasar de la era industrial a la informacional, se preocupe por la creación del medio adecuado en donde la innovación se produzca con la máxima fluidez y frecuencia, y es a éste al que se ha dado en llamar el medio innovador. Siendo bajo las características de lugares considerados innovadores, que hoy se tratan de construir medios innovadores, que estarán contenidos en los planes y proyectos que nacen bajo el título que hace alusión a un nuevo tipo de ciudad: ciudad informacional, del conocimiento, tecnópolis, digital, de la ciencia y otros asociados al uso de las Tecnologías de la Información y Comunicación TIC. En el caso de Barcelona, bajo el concepto de ciudad digital (MPGM 2000). Pero esta voluntad explícita de encausar la interacción hacia la innovación, podría estar invadiendo o anulando los espacios de interacción realmente espontánea, en donde todos los actores están en igualdad de derechos. Siendo la pregunta que se intenta develar, a propósito de la ciudad informacional: ¿Se garantiza la inclusión social al promover la interacción en los espacios de la denominada ciudad digital? Ésta es la pregunta fundamental que se intenta resolver, develando ¿Por qué, si la ciudad informacional valora la interacción espontánea entre los distintos actores, se muestra indiferente con el uso del espacio público? ¿Qué tipo de interacciones busca? ¿Cuáles son los actores de la interacción que se promueve: cuál es su rol y sus intereses? ¿Qué papel juega la sociedad en los espacios de interacción que promueve la ciudad informacional? ¿Qué cambios espaciales trae el medio innovador sobre la ciudad? ¿Realmente se demanda cambios? Todas estas preguntas se intentan resolver bajo dos entradas de interés de la ciudad: político/social y físico/espacial. Se toma como caso de estudio el 22@Barcelona, con un análisis a dos escalas: a escala urbana, en los polígonos de mayor avance del plan, y a escala próxima en tres espacios en donde se estaría promoviendo las interacciones a propó¬sito del medio innovador. Espacios que se seleccionan según la metodología planteada, para conocer en qué medida se garantiza la inclusión ciudadana, al promover dicha interacción. Compuesto de los siguientes objetivos específicas: (i) profundizar en la conceptualización de la interacción para la innovación, con un acercamiento a los medios que sirvieron de inspiración, (ii) identificar y clasificar los diversos espacios físicos que estarían conformando el espacio de interacción, el rol del espacio público y el espacio privado en la interacción que se promueve, (iii) identificar los agentes de la interacción, sus roles, su libertad de acción e intereses en la innovación, (iv) conocer el direccionamiento de las políticas, programas y acciones que lo estarían promoviendo, (v) conocer el papel de la sociedad o ciudadanía en la conformación del denominado medio innovador e (vi) identificar los cambios espaciales introducidos a propósito del medio innovador a nivel urbano y a nivel arquitectónico y el papel de las TIC en estos. Para esto se contrasta la plataforma física del medio innovador que promueve el 22@Barcelona, con lo propuesto en el plan. ; Postprint (published version)