Suchergebnisse

Rad detaljno prikazuje faze koje je potrebno proći kako bi se zgrada oštećena u potresu koji je pogodio Zagreb 22. ožujka 2020. obnovila i pojačala do zahtijevane razine potresne otpornosti. Prikazane su sve faze počevši od preliminarnog pregleda pa potom i detaljnog pregleda, izrade elaborata ocjene stanja građevinske konstrukcije, projekta obnove te konačno izvođenja radova obnove uz stručni nadzor. Posebna je pozornost usmjerena na proračun građevine nelinearnom statičkom metodom koja se temelji na pomacima, tzv. "pushover analysis" ili metoda postupnog guranja, za koju se smatra da je jedna od najprimjerenijih metoda za seizmičku analizu postojećih zidanih konstrukcija. Svi postupci koji su provedeni u sklopu ove obnove su provedeni u skladu sa zakonskom regulativom koja je stupila na snagu nakon potresa. ; The phases that must be completed so that a building damaged in earthquake that struck Zagreb on 22 March 2020 can be renovated and strengthened to the required level of seismic resistance are presented in the paper. All phases are therefore presented, starting from the rapid and then detailed inspection, and continuing with preparation of the structural condition assessment report, preparation of renovation design and, finally, ending with realisation of work with expert supervision. A special attention is paid to structural analysis that is conducted using a nonlinear static method based on displacements, the so called pushover analysis, which is considered to be one of the most appropriate methods for seismic analysis of existing masonry structures. All procedures conducted in the scope of this renovation were realised in accordance with legislation that entered into force after the earthquake.

Ovaj rad istražuje mišljenja, stavove i odnose dijela preddiplomskih i diplomskih studenata sveučilišnog studija geografije (PMF, Sveučilište u Zagrebu) prema politici u Hrvatskoj, kako je oni doživljavaju te na koji način komentiraju određene političke događaje. Istraživanje je provedeno u razdoblju od 17. do 22. svibnja 2017. na uzorku od 173 studenta što čini 64 % ukupnog broja studenata geografije na Zagrebačkom sveučilištu. Rezultati ankete pokazuju da studentska populacija, iako predstavlja buduću intelektualnu snagu Hrvatske, nema značajnijeg interesa za politiku te da je njihov angažman, sudjelovanje u političkim strankama kao i uključivanje u političke procese, na vrlo niskoj razini zbog uglavnom visoke razine nepovjerenja prema političarima, političkim institucijama, ali i političkom sustavu općenito. ; This paper examines the opinions, viewpoints and attitudes of a number of undergraduate and graduate university students of geography (Faculty of Science, University of Zagreb) related to Croatian politics, how they experience it and in what manner they comment on certain political events. The research was carried out in the period between 17 and 22 May 2017 on a sample of 173 students which makes 64% of the number of geography students at the University. The survey results show that the student population, although representing Croatia's future intellectual force, shows no significant interest in politics and that their engagement, participation in political parties as well as involvement in political processes are at a very low level mostly due to high level of distrust towards politicians, political institutions but also political system in general.

U ovom radu autor analizira političku filozofiju minimalne države Roberta Nozicka, nasto-jeći na objektivan način predočiti njezin značaj, ali i nedostatke. Autor se fokusira na Nozickovo shvaćanje nastanka države djelovanjem nevidljive ruke dominantnog zaštitnog udruženja, preko ultraminimalne do minimalne države. Iznesen je kritički osvrt na Nozicko- vu teorija pravde u posjedima na osnovu ovlaštenja, pri čemu autor ukazuje određene sla-bosti i nedorečenosti navedene teorije. U kontekstu teorijske rasprave s Johnom Rawlsom o središnjem pitanju distributivne pravde, fokus je na kritici modeliranog koncepta pravde. Autor dovodi u pitanje i Nozickovo poimanje određenih segmenata marksističkog učenja, nerijetko nalazeći ideološku isključivost. Zaključno se osvrće na Nozickovo napuštanje libertarijanskih svjetonazora, pritom iznoseći objektivan pogled na njegovu političku filozofiju. ; The author analyzes Nozick's political philosophy of minimal state, to present its significance and disadvantages objectively. The author focuses on Nozick's view of the emergence of the state by the act of the invisible hand of the dominant protective association, from the ultraminimal state to the minimal state. The central part of the paper is Nozick's theory of justice, where the author points out its specific weaknesses and inconsistencies. In the context of a theoretical debate with John Rawls on the central issue of distributive justice, the focus is on criticizing the modelled concept of justice. The author also problematizes Nozick's perception of certain segments of Marxist theory, to find ideological exclusivity. Finally, the author comments on Nozick's abandonment of libertarian worldviews, giving an objective perspective on his political philosophy.

Using the available literature, press articles, and archival material, the author analyses the relationship of a Croatian cultural association, the Society of Brethren of the Croatian Dragon (SBCD), towards World War I heritage. This analysis includes the period from the beginning of World War I to the end of World War II. Since he considers the SBCD a representative Croatian cultural association in this period, the author believes that its relationship towards World War I heritage may be an indicator of the relationship of the Croatian public in general towards this war. During his research, the author noticed that this association was significantly active in all efforts whose goal was to preserve the memory of this war for future generations. After the end of World War I and the creation of the Yugoslav state, this activity almost completely ceased, and the situation did not change after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. The author considers that there were multiple reasons for this lack of interest in World War I heritage. Firstly, the participation of Croats in the armed forces of Austria-Hungary, which was an enemy of Serbia, was politically problematic topic in the new state and therefore avoided, especially since the new state was dominated by Serbs and built on Serbian victory culture. The political circumstances were also important in this context. If this society fostered 'soft' Croatness until the mid-1930s, striving to find a compromise between preserving Croatian national identity and respecting the Yugoslav state framework, how can one explain that the relationship of the society towards World War I remained unchanged since the mid-1930s, when a more combative Croatian spirit had spread through the society, and especially during the Independent State of Croatia? In his answer to this question, the author proposes that the symbolism of World War I, in which Croats fought on the side of Austria-Hungary—a state that was seen as a foreign entity—did not have the capacity to support ...

Autor se u radu bavi teorijom isprekidane ravnoteže i njezinom operacionalizacijom. Isprekidana ravnoteža opisuje proces stvaranja javnih politika u vidu dugih perioda stabilnosti politika i njezinih radikalnih promjena koje se doga- đaju naglo. S obzirom na složenost i nadograđivanje same teorije, autor je u radu želi operacionalizirati u vidu ključnih pojmova te njihovih pokazatelja. Sukladno tome autor u prvom dijelu rada rastavlja teoriju na manje pojmove koje potom definira i uvrštava u kontekst teorije. Nakon toga u drugom dijelu istražuje koliko su pojmovi proizašli iz operacionalizacije integrirani u dosadašnjim istraživanjima teorije. Na temelju rezultata i rasprave naposljetku prikazuje potencijalne pokazatelje tih pojmova slijedeći načelo metodološkog pluralizma. U zaključku se iznosi stajalište da je ta operacionalizacija dala inovativan pogled na samu teoriju, ali i na istraživanje isprekidane ravnoteže u javnim politikama koje je do sada bilo dominantno kvantitativno. ; In this paper, the author deals with the punctuated equilibrium theory and its operationalization. The punctuated equilibrium theory describes the policy-making process in terms of long periods of policy stability and its radical change that occurs suddenly. Given the complexity and upgrading of the theory, in this paper the author seeks to operationalize it in the form of key terms and their indicators. Accordingly, in the first part of the paper the author dissects theory into many key terms, which he defines and sets them in the context of theory. After that, in the second part of the paper, the author examines how terms arising from operationalization have been so far integrated into the research of the punctuated equilibrium theory. Based on results and discussion, in the end the author displays the potential indicators of key terms following the principle of methodological pluralism. He conludes that this operationalization gives an innovative look at theory, but also in terms of researching punctuated equilibrium in public policies which has been predominantly quantitative.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da se hrvatska kazališta između dva svjetska rata u kreiranju dramskoga repertoara nisu vodila samo umjetničkim nego i političkim obzirima, autor u članku analizira inozemne i srpske drame s temom Prvoga svjetskog rata koje su se u međuraću izvodile u tri hrvatska kazališta (u Zagrebu, Osijeku i Splitu) da bi odgovorio na pitanja kako je taj rat u tom razdoblju predstavljan hrvatskoj javnosti te kako je hrvatska javnost posredovanjem kazališne kritike reagirala na takvo njegovo predstavljanje. ; In this paper, the author approaches Croatian theatres as places of memory, and the foreign and Serbian war dramas performed in them as the contents of the Croatian culture of memory regarding World War I. Drawing upon the extant research on Croatian memory of World War I, based on examining the Croatian literary heritage, according to which the predominant Croatian memory was presented in Miroslav Krleža's war cycle, the author has attempted to answer the question, how did these non-Croatian war dramas on the repertoire of Croatian theatres correspond to the stated Croatian relationship towards World War I according to their contents, frequency of performance, and public reactions to them (as seen through theatre reviews)? In this sense, the author has identified three groups of non-Croatian war dramas: British (American) and French, which were characterised by prominent pacifism; Czechoslovak, which were anti-Austrian and contained a note of Czech nationalism; and Serbian, which nurtured the Serbian victory culture, but also criticised post-war Serbian society. Analysing these dramas, the author has concluded that Serbian war dramas enjoyed the strongest 'institutional support', but were also the least popular with the Croatian public. Czechoslovak war dramas received the least 'institutional support', but were the most popular among the Croatian public. Based on this analysis, the author has concluded that the Czechoslovak dramas had the most in common with the predominant Croatian memory of World War I in the interwar period; even though they did not receive much 'institutional support', they were the closest to the Croatian memory of the war in the given circumstances.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

Autor u radu preispituje temeljne koncepte klasičnih teorija političkog odlučivanja i njihove usporedbe s donošenjem odluka tijekom rata. Obrađuju se dvije pionirske teorije političkog odlučivanja: ograničena racionalnost i inkrementalizam. Sukladno tome, autor prvo izlaže teorijski okvir u kojem opisuje prethodno navedene teorije te iznosi njihove temeljne koncepte. Potom se autor bavi vanjskom i obrambenom politikom te odlučivanjem u ratu, s fokusom na temeljne postulate rata Carla von Clausewitza. Nakon toga autor daje raspravu u kojoj preispituje sličnosti koncepata klasičnih teorija odlučivanja s temeljnim postulatima rata. U zaključku autor iznosi stajalište da se koncepti ograničene racionalnosti više podudaraju s postulatima rata nego inkrementalizam. ; The author of the paper examines the fundamental concepts of classical theories of political decision-making and comparisons with decision-making during wartime. Two theories at the forefront are examined: bounded rationality and incrementalism. In accordance with that, a theoretical construct is first conveyed and used to describe the aforementioned theories, as well as their fundamental concepts. Then, the author moves onto foreign and defense policy, as well as decision-making during wartime, focusing on Carl von Clausewitz's key postulates of war. This is followed by a discussion about the similarities between the classical concepts of decision-making and the basic postulates of war. To conclude, the author expresses the standpoint that the concepts of bounded rationality are more in keeping with the postulates of war than is the case with incrementalism.

Turizam je moguće, od svih definicija, označiti kao fenomen čija je osnova kretanje i putovanje. Turizam je najprilagodljiviji od svih turističkih grana te je izložen mnogim uplivima, poput političkih, socijalnih i osobnih. Kao odgovor na brzi ritam suvremenog života intenzivno raste potražnja za nedirnutim ekološko čistim područjima, a osobna sigurnost postaje jedan od glavnih kriterija odluke, uz sve veći trend brige za vlastito zdravlje. Kamping turizam je postao globalni fenomen, ako se uzme u obzir izazovan način života u trenucima svjetske pandemije COVID-19, te savršen odgovor na sve veću potrebu za boravkom u prirodi i sigurnim načinom odmora. Isto tako, kamping turizam je u ogromnom porastu u svijetu, a Republika Hrvatska je značajna destinacija kamping turizma u Europi. Republika Hrvatska ima veliki potencijal za razvoj kamping turizma, s obzirom na to da kampovi sudjeluju s 23 posto smještajnih kapaciteta i 22 posto noćenja u ukupnom hrvatskom turizmu. U ovome se radu analizira i prikazuje postojeće stanje kamping turizma Republike Hrvatske, kako bi se mogle istaknuti daljnje mogućnosti razvoja ove vrste turizma. ; Of all definitions, tourism can be defined as a phenomenon based on movement and travel. Tourism is the most adaptable of all branches of tourism, and it is exposed to numerous influences, such as political, social, and personal. In response to the fast pace of modern life, the demand for untouched ecological areas has been intensively increasing, and personal safety has become one of the main criteria for decision-making along with increasing trend of taking care of one's health. Camping tourism has become a global phenomenon, given the challenging way of life in the times of global COVID-19 pandemic, and the perfect response to the growing need to stay in nature and have a safe vacation. Camping tourism is on the rise world-wide and the Republic of Croatia is an important camping tourism destination in Europe. The Republic of Croatia has great potential for the development of camping tourism since camps participate with 23% of accommodation capacities and 22% of overnight stays in total Croatian tourism. This paper analyses and presents the current state of camping tourism in the Republic of Croatia in order to highlight further possibilities for the development of this type of tourism.

Predmet ovog rada jest pravo na branitelja, i to pravo na branitelja na teret države (formalna obrana siromašnih okrivljenika) kao njegov element te kako proizlazi iz Direktive (EU) 2016/1919 Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća od 26. listopada 2016. o pravnoj pomoći za osumnjičenike i okrivljenike u kaznenom postupku i za tražene osobe u postupku na temelju europskog uhidbenog naloga i Direktive 2013/48/EU Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća od 22. listopada 2013. o pravu na pristup odvjetniku u kaznenom postupku i u postupku na temelju europskog uhidbenog naloga te o pravu na obavješćivanje treće strane u slučaju oduzimanja slobode i na komunikaciju s trećim osobama i konzularnim tijelima tijekom trajanja oduzimanja slobode. Kroz analizu mjerodavne prakse Europskog suda za ljudska prava cilj je pokazati u kojoj mjeri praksa pristupa branitelju i hrvatsko odvjetništvo odgovaraju zahtjevima direktiva. Spomenuta praktična implementacija direktiva o pravu na pristup branitelju i pravnoj pomoći u hrvatskom odvjetništvu predstavlja posebni dio rada. U tom se dijelu rada analiziraju obveze koje iz direktiva proizlaze za odvjetništvo, a poseban se naglasak stavlja na cjeloživotno obrazovanje odvjetnika, njihovu organizaciju putem braniteljskih lista unutar odvjetničkih zborova, kao i na učinkovit sustav disciplinske odgovornosti odvjetnika. ; The subject of this paper is the right to a lawyer, specifically, a lawyer financed by the state (formal defence of persons lacking sufficient means), as regulated by Directive (EU) 2016/1919 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 26 October 2016 on legal aid for suspects and accused persons in criminal proceedings and for requested persons in European arrest warrant proceedings, and by Directive 2013/48/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 October 2013 on the right of access to a lawyer in criminal proceedings and in European arrest warrant proceedings, and on the right to have a third party informed upon deprivation of liberty and to communicate with third persons and with consular authorities while deprived of liberty. By analysing the relevant jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, we aim to demonstrate the degree of compliance of the Croatian lawyers` approach with the Directives. The practical implementation of the mentioned Directives is a specific part of this work. In this respect, we analyse the obligations for lawyers stemming from the directives, with an emphasis on the education of lawyers, their organisation via specific lists, as well as an effective system of disciplinary responsibility.

Autor analizira promjene izborne participacije i izbornog ponašanja u parlamentarnim izborima 2015. i 2016. u Hrvatskoj, kada su podrška novim strankama i izborna apstinencija dosegnuli najvišu razinu od 1990. Polazi od pretpostavke da birači novih stranaka i izborni apstinenti imaju sličan odnos prema političkom sustavu i elitama, ali da ih razlikuje percepcija vlastite mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku. Istodobno, birači novih i starih stranka slični su prema percepciji vlastitih mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku, ali se razlikuju odnosom prema prevladavajućima političkim rascjepima, političkom sustavu i političkim elitama. Autor testira te pretpostavke koristeći rezultate anketnih istraživanja koja su provedena neposredno nakon izbora 2015. i 2016. Rezultati analize potvrđuju očekivanja o razlikama među biračima starih i novih stranaka te izbornih apstinenata. ; The author analyses changes in electoral behaviour and electoral participation which took place in the 2015. and 2016. parliamentary elections in Croatia. In these elections both support for new parties and electoral abstention simultaneously reached their highest level so far. The author starts from the assumption that electorates of new parties and abstainers are very similar in their evaluations of political system and political elites' performance, but that they differ in perception of their ability to influence politics through electoral participation. At the same time, voters of old and new parties are similar with respect to perception of their ability to influence politics, but they differ in their identification with predominant ideological cleavages, and their attitudes toward political system and political elites. The author tests these propositions using data from electoral surveys conducted after the 2015. and 2016. elections. Results of the analysis support principal expectations of the paper about differences between voters of old and new parties and electoral abstainers.

Svrha ovoga rada je ustanoviti temeljni razlog Platonove izjave da je filozofija najveća muzika. Smatrajući da je glavni uzrok pretpostavljenoj nejasnoći te tvrdnje drugačije poimanje muzike i filozofije kod Platona u odnosu na današnje, autor najprije izlaže izvorni grčki pojam muzike uspoređujući ga sa suvremenim. U drugom dijelu istražuje Platonov odnos prema muzici, ispitujući kakvu joj je ulogu dodijelio u svojoj filozofiji. Pokazuje se kako je uvriježena predodžba o Platonovu omalovažavanju pjesništva pogrešna. Svoje viđenje slo­ženijeg i pozitivnijeg Platonova odnosa prema muzici autor povezuje s njegovim političkim favoriziranjem frigijskog modusa, otkrivajući u tome slabo zapažen dionizijski aspekt kod Platona. Zaključuje se da tek uz brižljivu kulturološku kontekstualizaciju grčke filozofije postaje jasno zašto je ona za Platona bila najveća muzika. ; The purpose of this paper is to establish a fundamental reason for Plato's claim that philosophy is the greatest music. Holding that the main reason for its supposed unclearness is in fact a discrepancy in understanding of music and philosophy in Plato in respect to modern meaning, author firstly elaborates on the original Greek notion on music and compares it with the contemporary one. In the second part of the paper, author explored Plato's relationship with music, examining what role did he give to the music in his philosophy. It turns out that the traditional view of Plato's negative attitude towards music is false. Author provides a reader with a more complex analysis of the problem and offers a positive view on music in respect to Plato, which he then links to Plato's political preference of Phrygian mode, pointing towards rarely observed Dionysian aspect in Plato's thought. Only a proper cultural contextualization of Greek philosophy can get us closer to understanding why, for Plato, philosophy was greatest kind of music.

U radu se uz kratki politički portret političkog djelovanja Stjepana Radića tijekom Velikog rata (1914. — 1918.) autor fokusira na jedan povijesni izvor, odlomak iz memoara člana češke Maffie Hrvata i Dubrovčanina Rudolfa Giunia koji govori o "političkom preokretu" Stjepana Radića u proljeće 1918. godine iz habsburškog legitimista u pristašu južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja. Rad razmatra kako su taj izvor hrvatska i jugoslavenska historiografija tumačile i upotrebljavale. Prema izglednim pretpostavkama hrvatski povjesničar Bogdan Krizman pronašao je taj izvor krajem 1950-ih i često ga koristio u svojim radovima, uglavnom samo prepričavajući ili sažimajući njegov sadržaj, ali nikada ga ne navodeći u cjelini ili kao povijesnu građu u bilješkama. Stoga se ovdje taj odlomak iz Giunijevih memoara, koji govori o Radićevu djelovanju u to vrijeme, zbog njegove važnosti daje na kraju ovoga rada u prijepisu. Cjeloviti memoari R. Giunia čuvaju se u rukopisu u Nacionalnoj i sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Zagrebu. ; In addition to presenting a short political biography of Stjepan Radić and his political activities during the Great War (1914 — 1918), the author of this article focuses on one particular historical source: a paragraph from the memoirs of a member of Czech "Maffia" Rudolf Giunio, a Croat from Dubrovnik, in which he wrote about a "political turnabout" of Stjepan Radić in Spring 1918 – from legitimising the Habsburg system to a supporter of unification of South Slavs. This paper examines the existing interpretation of this source by Croatian and Yugoslav historiography so far. The author argues that Croatian historian Bogdan Krizman had often used Giunio's memoirs since 1950s by retelling or summarizing its contents, sometimes without fully acknowledging it as historical source. For this reason, the author publishes this paragraph of Giunio's memoirs in full at the end of this paper. The original manuscript of Giunio's memoirs are kept in National and University Library in Zagreb.

Autor razmatra okolnosti u kojima je planiran, pokrenut i izveden pohod kojim je Karlo Robert prebačen s juga Italije na istočnu obalu Jadrana, kako bi odatle krenuo u ostvarivanje svoga nasljednog prava na krunu sv. Stjepana i prijestol Ugarsko-Hrvatskog Kraljevstva. Nasuprot uvriježenim stajalištima dosadašnje historiografije, autor zastupa tezu da je pohod organiziran ne s ciljem da Karlo doista ostvari to svoje pravo, već s nakanom da ga se ukloni iz Napulja, gdje je zbog prava nasljeđa tamošnje krune predstavljao potencijalni izvor političkih prijepora i sukoba. Argumente za takvo stajalište autor nalazi u raščlambi svih okolnosti pohoda, kao i u pogledima suvremenika na njega koji su dostupni u sačuvanome materijalu vrela. K tomu autor razmatra razloge koji su u prvim godinama 14. stoljeća stvorili posve novu političku situaciju u kojoj je Karlo Robert iznenada došao u situaciju da može stvarno realizirati svoje potencijalno nasljedno pravo na kraljevski položaj. ; The author is analyzing the circumstances surrounding the planning, launching and carrying out the expedition intended to transfer Charles Robert from Southern Italy to Eastern Adriatic so that he could realize his inherited right to Crown of St. Stephen and the throne of the Kingdom of Hungary-Croatia. Contrary to the conventional wisdom in historiography, the author advocates a thesis that the expedition was organized not to enable Charles to realize his claim, but to remove him from Naples where he, being the heir to the local throne, was a potential source of political disputes and conflicts. Analyzing the details of the expedition and the contemporaries' views on it (as found in the preserved sources), the author finds arguments for such a viewpoint. He also analyzes the developments that, in the early 14th century, generated a whole new political situation that in turn created an opportunity for Charles Robert to actually realize his potential claim to the throne.

U ovom radu autor analizira koliko su pitanja vezana za status etničkih manjina i dalje značajna na Zapadnom Balkanu. Autor smatra da su ona umnogome i dalje nedovoljno adekvatno riješena i da zahtijevaju da se pored valjane implementacije međunarodnih i europskih standarda promijeni i praksa, što podrazumijeva stvarno odsustvo diskriminacije. U tom smislu u radu se analizira i koliko ova pitanja utječu na bilateralne odnose između država regije Zapadnog Balkana, kao i njima susjednih, koje su već članice Europske unije (Hrvatske, Mađarske, Grčke, Rumunjske i Bugarske). Autor zaključuje da će se zbog toga u procesu pristupanja pojedinih zemalja Zapadnog Balkana europskim integracijama upravo pitanja manjina i reguliranja njihovog statusa dodatno aktualizirati, kada je riječ o njihovom članstvu u Europskoj uniji. Međutim, on ujedno naglašava da rješavanje manjinskih pitanja na Zapadnom Balkanu neće biti lako, odnosno da će taj proces potrajati dulje vremensko razdoblje. ; The author analyzes the significance of issues related to the status of ethnic minorities in the Western Balkans. According to the author, in many ways these are still inadequately resolved and require, in addition to the proper implementation of international and European standards in this respect, the change in practice, which actually involves non-discrimination. In this sense, the paper analyzes how these issues affect the bilateral relations between the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as their neighbors, that are already members of the European Union (Croatia, Hungary, Greece, Romania and Bulgaria). Therefore, the author concludes that in the future course of European integration of the Western Balkans countries, minority issues and regulation of their status will appear topical and often decisive when it comes to EU membership. However, he argues that the solution for these issues will not be easily reachable and that the process will take a longer period.