Suchergebnisse

U ovom radu autor analizira političku filozofiju minimalne države Roberta Nozicka, nasto-jeći na objektivan način predočiti njezin značaj, ali i nedostatke. Autor se fokusira na Nozickovo shvaćanje nastanka države djelovanjem nevidljive ruke dominantnog zaštitnog udruženja, preko ultraminimalne do minimalne države. Iznesen je kritički osvrt na Nozicko- vu teorija pravde u posjedima na osnovu ovlaštenja, pri čemu autor ukazuje određene sla-bosti i nedorečenosti navedene teorije. U kontekstu teorijske rasprave s Johnom Rawlsom o središnjem pitanju distributivne pravde, fokus je na kritici modeliranog koncepta pravde. Autor dovodi u pitanje i Nozickovo poimanje određenih segmenata marksističkog učenja, nerijetko nalazeći ideološku isključivost. Zaključno se osvrće na Nozickovo napuštanje libertarijanskih svjetonazora, pritom iznoseći objektivan pogled na njegovu političku filozofiju. ; The author analyzes Nozick's political philosophy of minimal state, to present its significance and disadvantages objectively. The author focuses on Nozick's view of the emergence of the state by the act of the invisible hand of the dominant protective association, from the ultraminimal state to the minimal state. The central part of the paper is Nozick's theory of justice, where the author points out its specific weaknesses and inconsistencies. In the context of a theoretical debate with John Rawls on the central issue of distributive justice, the focus is on criticizing the modelled concept of justice. The author also problematizes Nozick's perception of certain segments of Marxist theory, to find ideological exclusivity. Finally, the author comments on Nozick's abandonment of libertarian worldviews, giving an objective perspective on his political philosophy.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

Predmet ovog rada jest pravo na branitelja, i to pravo na branitelja na teret države (formalna obrana siromašnih okrivljenika) kao njegov element te kako proizlazi iz Direktive (EU) 2016/1919 Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća od 26. listopada 2016. o pravnoj pomoći za osumnjičenike i okrivljenike u kaznenom postupku i za tražene osobe u postupku na temelju europskog uhidbenog naloga i Direktive 2013/48/EU Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća od 22. listopada 2013. o pravu na pristup odvjetniku u kaznenom postupku i u postupku na temelju europskog uhidbenog naloga te o pravu na obavješćivanje treće strane u slučaju oduzimanja slobode i na komunikaciju s trećim osobama i konzularnim tijelima tijekom trajanja oduzimanja slobode. Kroz analizu mjerodavne prakse Europskog suda za ljudska prava cilj je pokazati u kojoj mjeri praksa pristupa branitelju i hrvatsko odvjetništvo odgovaraju zahtjevima direktiva. Spomenuta praktična implementacija direktiva o pravu na pristup branitelju i pravnoj pomoći u hrvatskom odvjetništvu predstavlja posebni dio rada. U tom se dijelu rada analiziraju obveze koje iz direktiva proizlaze za odvjetništvo, a poseban se naglasak stavlja na cjeloživotno obrazovanje odvjetnika, njihovu organizaciju putem braniteljskih lista unutar odvjetničkih zborova, kao i na učinkovit sustav disciplinske odgovornosti odvjetnika. ; The subject of this paper is the right to a lawyer, specifically, a lawyer financed by the state (formal defence of persons lacking sufficient means), as regulated by Directive (EU) 2016/1919 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 26 October 2016 on legal aid for suspects and accused persons in criminal proceedings and for requested persons in European arrest warrant proceedings, and by Directive 2013/48/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 October 2013 on the right of access to a lawyer in criminal proceedings and in European arrest warrant proceedings, and on the right to have a third party informed upon deprivation of liberty and to communicate with third persons and with consular authorities while deprived of liberty. By analysing the relevant jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, we aim to demonstrate the degree of compliance of the Croatian lawyers` approach with the Directives. The practical implementation of the mentioned Directives is a specific part of this work. In this respect, we analyse the obligations for lawyers stemming from the directives, with an emphasis on the education of lawyers, their organisation via specific lists, as well as an effective system of disciplinary responsibility.

Autor analizira promjene izborne participacije i izbornog ponašanja u parlamentarnim izborima 2015. i 2016. u Hrvatskoj, kada su podrška novim strankama i izborna apstinencija dosegnuli najvišu razinu od 1990. Polazi od pretpostavke da birači novih stranaka i izborni apstinenti imaju sličan odnos prema političkom sustavu i elitama, ali da ih razlikuje percepcija vlastite mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku. Istodobno, birači novih i starih stranka slični su prema percepciji vlastitih mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku, ali se razlikuju odnosom prema prevladavajućima političkim rascjepima, političkom sustavu i političkim elitama. Autor testira te pretpostavke koristeći rezultate anketnih istraživanja koja su provedena neposredno nakon izbora 2015. i 2016. Rezultati analize potvrđuju očekivanja o razlikama među biračima starih i novih stranaka te izbornih apstinenata. ; The author analyses changes in electoral behaviour and electoral participation which took place in the 2015. and 2016. parliamentary elections in Croatia. In these elections both support for new parties and electoral abstention simultaneously reached their highest level so far. The author starts from the assumption that electorates of new parties and abstainers are very similar in their evaluations of political system and political elites' performance, but that they differ in perception of their ability to influence politics through electoral participation. At the same time, voters of old and new parties are similar with respect to perception of their ability to influence politics, but they differ in their identification with predominant ideological cleavages, and their attitudes toward political system and political elites. The author tests these propositions using data from electoral surveys conducted after the 2015. and 2016. elections. Results of the analysis support principal expectations of the paper about differences between voters of old and new parties and electoral abstainers.

U radu se analiziraju pojam i pravni položaj nedržavnih aktera kao stranaka nemeđunarodnih oružanih sukoba, s posebnim osvrtom na odredbe zajedničkog čl. 3. Ženevskih konvencija za zaštitu žrtava rata iz 1949. te Dopunskog protokola II uz Ženevske konvencije iz 1977. godine, kao temeljnog međunarodnopravnog okvira koji regulira postupanje svih stranaka u nemeđunarodnim oružanim sukobima. Analizirajući pravni temelj obvezatnosti spomenutih pravnih normi u odnosu na nedržavne aktere autorica upućuje na neravnopravan položaj koji nedržavni akteri imaju u odnosu na države zbog nemogućnosti da formalno postanu strankama navedenih međunarodnih ugovora. U tom kontekstu iznose se prednosti alternativnih mehanizama (sklapanja drugih međunarodnih ugovora, davanja jednostranih izjava ili izjava o obvezivanju) kojima nedržavni akteri mogu izraziti svoju volju i pristanak da budu vezani pravilima međunarodnog humanitarnog prava, što može imati pozitivan učinak i na njihovu svijest o odgovornosti za kršenje tih pravila. ; The author of this paper analyzes the concept and the legal status of non-State actors as parties to non-international armed conflicts. A special emphasis is placed on common Article 3 of the four Geneva Conventions for the protection of victims of war of 1949, as well as on the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (Protocol II) of 1977 – the fundamental legal framework that regulates conduct of all parties to non-international armed conflicts. Notwithstanding the fact that these international instruments equally bind both States as well as non-State actors as parties to non-international armed conflicts, the legal position of non-State actors, compared to States, is not identical. Moreover, non-State actors cannot become parties to the aforementioned international agreements. In such a context, the author introduces alternative mechanisms (the conclusion of other international agreements, making unilateral declarations or Deeds of Commitment) which non-State actors can use to express their will and consent to be bound by the rules of international humanitarian law. The author concludes that such mechanisms may produce positive effects on non-State actors' awareness of their responsibility for violations of those rules.

U ovom radu, autorica se osvrće na Lefebvreovu knjigu Proizvodnja prostora, koja nudi zanimljiv pogled na tradiciju filozofskog ophođenja spram pojma prostora. Unutar ovakvoga prikaza, učenja dvojice istaknutih predstavnika filozofije njemačkog idealizma, Kanta i Hegela, imaju posebno mjesto. Lefebvre nudi dovoljno materijala za artikuliranje moderne povijesti filozofije kao epohalnog prijelaza s problematike vremenitosti na problematiku prostora. Autorica nastoji pokazati u kojem se smislu u ovom kontekstu ističe položaj spomenutih filozofa i to s obzirom na njihovo razumijevanje pojma prostora i njegovog odnosa sa shvaćanjem subjektivnosti. Taj odnos nije vezan isključivo za problem spoznaje, nego ujedno za tematizaciju djelovanja u smislu društvene prakse i političkog karaktera znanja unutar društvene zbilje. ; In this paper, the author analyses Lefebvre's book The Production of Space, which gives an interesting perspective on the tradition of the philosophical treatment of the concept of space. Within this framework, two renowned philosophers of German Idealism, Kant and Hegel, occupy a distinguished place. Lefebvre does offer enough material needed for an articulation of modern history of philosophy regarding an epochal change from the problem of temporality towards the problem of space. The author intends to show in what manner is the role and place of those two philosophers distinguished, regarding their understanding of the notion of space and its relation to subjectivity. This relation is not exclusively an epistemological problem, but more importantly, it is tied to the thematising the agency in the sense of social practice and political character of knowledge within social reality.

Autor u članku daje pregled programa hrvatskoga književnog predromantizma i romantizma i s njima preklapajućega narodnog preporoda i ilirizma te pokazuje kako su se u programskim tekstovima, u okolnostima mađarsko-hrvatskih napetosti i neoapsolutizma, izmjenjivale tendencije nacionalnoga romantizma i romantičnoga nacionalizma, kako ih je u europskim okvirima definirao Joep Leerssen. ; In this article the author gives an overview of the programmes of Croatian literary pre-Romanticism and Romanticism and the National Revival and Illyrian Movement that overlap with them. He also shows how the tendencies of national Romanticism and Romantic nationalism, as defined by Joep Leerssen in European terms, interchanged in the programmatic texts in circumstances defined by Hungarian-Croatian tensions and neo-absolutism.

U ovom radu autor na temelju dostupne literature, arhivske građe i onodobnog tiska analizira političku scenu u Virovitici i virovitičkom kotaru uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, s posebnim naglaskom na analizi društvene i organizacijske strukture, te ideoloških specifičnosti virovitičkih pristaša Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava), jedne od pravaških stranaka, koja je u ovom razdoblju bila među najutjecajnijim političkim strankama na tom području. Koristeći u ovom radu između ostaloga i prozopografsku metodu, prema kojoj se zaključci o nekoj skupini izvode iz životopisa njezinih članova, autor je zaključio, da je Čista stranka prava u Virovitici prve korake napravila uz pomoć virovitičkih mađarona, no da je znatniji broj pristaša dobila postupnim osipanjem pristaša Hrvatske stranke prava. ; In this paper by means of using available literature, archive sources and printed materials of that time, the author analyses political scene in Virovitica and district of Virovitica on the eve of the First World War, with special emphasis on analysis of social and organisational structure and ideological specificities of the inhabitants of Virovitica who were supporters of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights), one of the parties of right, which in this period belonged among the most influential political parties in that area. In this paper the author used, among other means, also the prosopographical method, by which the conclusions about a specific group can also be derived from biographies of its members, which led him to believe that the Pure Party of Rights made its first steps inVirovitica with the assistance of pro-Hungarians from Virovitica, but gained a more significant number of supporters by gradual dropping out of the supporters of the Croatian Party of Rights.

U radu se razmatra koncept kombinirane socijalne politike, u kontekstu potencijala koje koncept otvara u području službi podrške za osobe s invaliditetom. Definirajući koncepte kombinirane socijalne politike te socijalnog modela invaliditeta, analizira se međusobna povezanost i slična vrijednosna utemeljenost oba koncepta. Primjena kombiniranog pristupa prema osobama s invaliditetom prema suvremenim načelima neodvojiva je od razvoja socijalnog kapitala lokalnih zajednica te primjena nije moguća bez uključivanja korisnika u procese odlučivanja i provođenja programa socijalnih usluga. Navode se dileme o budućnosti razvoja kombinirane socijalne politike te se kratko osvrće i na moguće trendove u daljnjem razvoju službi za osobe s invaliditetom. Potvrđuje se adekvatnost kombinirane socijalne politike kao prikladnog okvira za razvoj suvremenih službi podrške za osobe s invaliditetom. ; This paper considers the concept of welfare mix in the context of its potential in the field of services for people with disabilities. Through defining the concepts of welfare mix and social model of disability, the author analyses connections and similarities between these two concepts. Influences of welfare mix on operationalization of social model of disability are being analysed. Application of welfare mix towards people with disabilities is inseparable from the development of social capital of local communities. Also, the application of welfare mix in the sense of a social model of disability is unthinkable without models of including service users in the process of decision making about delivering programs of social services. Finally, there are certain dilemmas about the future development of welfare mix which are being reviewed in the context of disability groups. The author concludes by confirming welfare mix to be an adequate framework for developing modern services for people with disabilities.

Istraživanje je poduzeto radi svrhe prikazivanja odnosa moći između različitih aktera koji su sudjelovali u formulaciji dopunskog osiguranja. Cilj je utvrditi tko su bili najutjecajniji/najmoćniji akteri u tom procesu kako bi se unaprijedilo znanje o akterima hrvatske zdravstvene politike i pokazalo tko su jedni od najvažnijih aktera u toj hrvatskoj politici. U radu autor se vodio pretpostavkom pluralizma kako je moć široko distribuirana među različitim akterima te da im se na temelju toga omogućava sudjelovanje, zastupanje interesa i utjecaj na spomenuti proces. U skladu s time autor je razvio mrežu interakcije između aktera, a moć se mjerila pomoću 4 indikatora: javne ovlasti, uloga u procesu, medijska zastupljenost te percepcija aktera o distribuciji moći. Svi indikatori upućuju na to da su najutjecajniji akteri bili formalni, odnosno državni te da moć nije bila široko distribuirana. Nadalje, iako su akteri razvili svojevrsnu mrežu odnosa, ona se ne može u potpunosti objasniti pristupom mreža javnih politika jer je kao prvo, postojao jedan centar moći oko kojeg se strukturirala interakcija i kao drugo, civilno društvo je bilo nedovoljno zastupljeno. ; Research was conducted for purposes of explaining the relations of power between various actors which have participated in the formulation of supplementary health insurance. The goal was to determine who were the most inflental/powerful actors in that process in order to advance knowledge about Croatian health policy actors and to show which actors are the most relevant in that policy. In this paper the author took the assumption of pluralism as a theory which holds that power is widely distributed among different actors and thus enables them to take part in the policy process, representing their interests and influencing policy. Accordingly, the author developed a network of interaction between actors, and power was measured by four indicators: public authority, role in the policy process, media representation, and actors perception of power distribution. All ...

Autor je u radu, na temelju dostupnih izvora, literature, sjećanja najbližih i suradnika fragmentarno prikazao život i rad prvog bjelovarsko-bilogorskoga župana Tihomira Trnskog. Njegovo je djelovanje kao profesora, branitelja, gospodarstvenika i političara 80-ih i 90-ih godina 20. stoljeća ostalo u sjećanju stanovnika grada Bjelovara i bjelovarskoga kraja. Vrijednost Tihomirovoga rada ogledala se prvenstveno u ljubavi prema struci, domovini i napretku svoga kraja. ; In this paper, the author has – based on available sources, literature, memories of his closest family members and associates – presented in fragments the life and work of the first Bjelovar-Bilogora county head Tihomir Trnski. His activities as teacher, war veteran, economic expert and politician in the 1980s and the 1990s have been well remembered by the inhabitants of the town of Bjelovar and its surroundings. The value of Tihomir Trnski's work is primarily reflected in the love for his profession, his homeland and the progress of his native region.

Ova analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije, a posebno razdoblja vladavine Josipa Broza Tita, prvo je politološko razmatranje te teme nasuprot većini studija koja se njome bave iz historiografske perspektive. U prvom dijelu članka prikazani su glavni elementi analize vanjske politike, pri čemu se autor usredotočuje na odnos aktera i struktura kao jedan njezin element. U drugom dijelu prikazane su teorijske i metodološke postavke na kojima se zasniva analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije. Autor zaključuje da je proces odlučivanja o vanjskoj politici Jugoslavije evoluirao od 1945. do 1980. tako što je Tito, kao glavni donositelj odluka, sve više morao voditi računa o strukturi i raznim akterima unutar nje. Očita je bila sve veća pluralizacija procesa odlučivanja, kako na horizontalnoj razini, u interakciji Saveznog sekretarijata za inozemne poslove, partijskog vrha i Titova kabineta, tako i na vertikalnoj osi, kroz utjecaj republika i pokrajina na odlučivanje na saveznoj razini. Iako je ostao glavni donositelj odluka, Titovu su moć s vremenom znatno ograničili utjecaji drugih aktera, osobito otkako je sedamdesetih godina Predsjedništvo SFRJ dobilo mnoge ovlasti. ; Unlike the great majority of analyses that have taken the historiographic perspective, this study of socialist Yugoslavia's foreign policy, focusing on the Josip Broz Tito era, is the first of its kind to provide a perspective of political science. The first section of this article provides an overview of the main elements of foreign policy analysis, whereby the author focuses on the relationship between the actors and the structures as one of its inherent elements. The second section offers insight into the theoretical and methodological tenets on which the analysis of socijalist Yugoslavia's foreign policy resides. The author argues that the foreign-policy decision-making process in Yugoslavia evolved between 1945 and 1980 as Tito, the chief decision-maker, increasingly had to take into account the structure and the multiple actors within that structure. Evidently, the decision-making processes were becoming more and more pluralized both horizontally, in the interaction between the Federal Secretariat for Foreign Affairs, party leadership and Tito's cabinet, and vertically – as seen from the influence the republics and provinces hadon federal decision-making. Though he remained the chief decision-maker, with time Tito's power became limited by other actors' influence, in particular after the Presidency of Yugoslavia was given extensive authority in the 1970s.

Autor razmatra političke učinke kompleksnoga izbornog sustava Austrije na stranački sustav te na zakonodavnu i izvršnu vlast. Reformom izbornog zakonodavstva u Drugoj Republici uvedeni su preferencijsko glasovanje i zatvorene neblokirane liste pa su birači dobili pravo da jedan preferencijski glas dadu kandidatu na listi za koju su glasovali. No to nije značajnije pridonijelo personalizaciji izbora i političkog predstavništva. U gotovo tridesetogodišnjem razdoblju (1959-1990) samo je jedan kandidat izabran u parlament zahvaljujući preferencijskim glasovima birača, a i poslije je to polazilo za rukom rijetkima. Autor smatra da pokušaji personalizacije izbora i političkog predstavništva nisu uspjeli zato što su u izborni sustav ugrađeni instituti i mehanizmi koji to nedostatno potiču: opcijsko preferencijsko glasovanje, visoka kvota preferencijskih glasova koja je potrebna za izbor kandidata, "tehničke" teškoće u primjeni preferencijskog glasovanja na pokrajinskoj razini, ali nevoljkost birača da ih prevladaju. Tome treba dodati centralizirane i ekskluzivne postupke selekcije kandidata za parlamentarne izbore u političkim strankama u kojima ključnu ulogu imaju stranačka vodstva, što kandidate potiče da daju prednost stranačkoj, a ne osobnoj izbornoj kampanji. ; The author looks at the complex Austrian electoral system and its political implications for the party system and for the legislative and executive powers. With the reform of the electoral legislation in the Second Republic, which introduced preferential voting and closed and nonblocked lists, voters got the right to give a preference vote to one of the candidates on the list they voted for. This, however, did not bring significant improvements in terms of more personalized election and political representation. In almost thirty years (1959-1990), only one candidate was elected to Parliament thanks to preferential votes, and few have managed to do so since. The author believes that attempts at personalizing election and political representation have failed because the electoral system is fraught with institutes and mechanisms that do not encourage such personalization strongly enough, such as optional preferential voting, too high quota of preference votes for a candidate to be elected, "technical" difficulties in implementing preferential voting at province level, as well as voters' reluctance to overcome such difficulties. On top of that, political parties have got centralized and exclusive parliamentary election candidate selection procedures, where the party leadership plays a crucial role, thus encouraging candidates to give precedence to the party campaign, instead of using a personalized one.

U radu analiziramo sadržaj konceptualnih metafora u političkome diskursu u Bosni i Hercegovini te na osnovu indeksa sadržaja analiziranih metafora pokušavamo utvrditi pokazuju li metafore koje koriste bosanskohercegovački političari jače emocionalne izljeve. Kroz analizu će se napraviti i usporedba sadržaja konceptualnih metafora u korpusu na jezicima bosanskohercegovačkih naroda sa sadržajem metafora pronađenih u korpusu na engleskome jeziku. Tematski, korpus istraživanja vezan je za događaje iz 2014. poznate pod nazivom Bosansko proljeće. ; The paper analyzes the content of conceptual metaphors in political discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on the basis of the content index of analyzed metaphors it tries to determine if metaphors, used by Bosnian-Herzegovinian politicians, show stronger emotional outbursts. Through analysis the author will also compare the content of conceptual metaphors taken from the corpus in Bosnian-Herzegovinian languages to the content of metaphors from the English corpus. Thematically, the research corpus is related to the events from the year 2014 known under the name Bosnian Spring.

Cilj je ovog rada steći što širi uvid u problem definiranja modernizma u fotografiji između dva svjetska rata u Zadru. Pozornost se posvetila političkoj i društvenoj situaciji u Zadru, fotografima te fotografskim izložbama koje su ostva- rile utjecaj na razvoj zadarske fotografije. Obradom referentne građe o izložbama, pregledom relevantne literature i periodike te uvidom u arhivske i muzejske zbirke raspravio se razmjer prodora i utjecaja modernizma na fotografsku situaciju u Zadru toga vremena i utjecaj koji je izvršio na poslijeratni modernizam. ; The aim of this paper is to offer a broader insight into the problem of defining modernism in Zadar's photography between the two World Wars. Particular attention has been paid to the political and social situation in Zadar, its photographers, and the photo exhibitions that had a special impact on the development of Zadar's photography. By analysing the relevant material on the exhibitions, scholarly literature and periodicals, as well as the archival and museum collections, the author has assessed the extent to which modernism has permeated and influenced Zadar's photography at that time and the impact it exerted on post-war modernism.