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Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation. ; Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation.

Nowelizacja ustawy o Trybunale Konstytucyjnym uchwalona 22 grudnia 2015 r. budzi liczne wątpliwości krajowych i zagranicznych ośrodków naukowych, medialnych i politycznych. Obawy wywołuje zwłaszcza to, że nie mieści się ona w granicach określonych w art. 197 Konstytucji RP. Wbrew pozorom wykracza bowiem poza sprawy organizacyjne i proceduralne. Przepisy narzucające zasadę orzekania w 13-osobowym składzie, w kolejności wyznaczanej datami wpływu spraw oraz brak vacatio legis uniemożliwiają w praktyce normalną działalność orzeczniczą Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. W szczególności blokują możliwość zbadania w rozsądnym terminie konstytucyjności ustawy z 22 grudnia 2015 r., co z kolei rodzi niebezpieczeństwo powstania absurdalnych sytuacji prawnych. Może to oznaczać ingerencję w kompetencje orzecznicze Trybunału Konstytucyjnego zagwarantowane w art. 188 Konstytucji RP. Do niego też powinno należeć ostateczne rozstrzygnięcie wszystkich dylematów związanych z wymienioną wyżej ustawą. ; The Amendment to the Act on the Constitutional Tribunal passed on 22 December 2015 has raised serious doubts in Polish and foreign academic and political institutions and the media. Of particular concern is the fact that the amendment does not correspond to the limitations of Article 197 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Contrary to appearances the amendment exceeds organisational and procedural questions. The amendment imposing a rule that 13 judges must rule on cases in the chronological order of their submission and the lack of vacatio legis makes it impossible for the Constitutional Tribunal to continue in practice its normal judicial function. In particular it makes it impossible for the Constitutional Tribunal to decide on the constitutional legality of the Amendment of 22 December 2015 within a reasonable time scale which in itself could result in dangerous and absurd legal situations. This could be tantamount to an interference in the judicial competences of the Constitutional Tribunal guaranteed by Article 188 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It is the Constitutional Tribunal itself that should rule on all dilemmas concerning this amendment.

There are two passages in the Book of Revelation where the author evokes the subject of peace (Rev 1:4; 6:4) and, through analysis, we can detect semantic connections between them. God is presented as the source and owner of peace, offering it to human beings (Rev 1:4). Then again, God also allows the second horseman, after the breaking of the seal, to take peace from the earth (Rev 6:4). The union between peace and love/mercy is dependent upon receiving charis from God (Rev 6:4), the result being peace in the world and in the human heart. It implies the need to love one another, with the lack of it leading to hostility (Rev 6:4). The author strengthened that reflection by a series of sensory depictions of peace, in Rev 7:15b-17 and Rev 21:1–22:5, where peace is manifested as an internal experience. On a personal level, the emphasis lies on the value of an individual's decision to turn to God and thus receive the blessings of peace. ; Autor natchniony Apokalipsy św. Jana dwukrotnie przywołuje pojęcie pokoju – w Ap 1,4 i 6,4. Analiza ukazuje istniejące między tymi fragmentami powiązania semantyczne. Bóg zostaje przedstawiony jako posiadający i oferujący pokój człowiekowi, jak również dopuszczający usunięcie go z ziemi. Powiązanie pokoju z miłością uzależnia jego posiadanie od przyjęcia Bożej charis (Ap 1,4), a zarazem lokując go na pozycji owocu takiej relacji wskazuje, że tam, gdzie nie ma pokoju nie będzie też miłości ofiarowywanej drugiemu człowiekowi, a jedynie wrogość (Ap 6,4). Autor natchniony wzmacnia przekonanie dotyczące wagi pokoju wprowadzając obrazy Ap 7,15b-17; Ap 21,1-22,5, które swoją sensorycznością kreują w odbiorcy doświadczenie. Personalizm odniesień podkreśla wagę ludzkiej decyzji w przyjęciu/podjęciu/zwróceniu się do Boga o ten dar.

The article analyses the role of European Union (EU) and NATO in the system of the international security. The official documents often highlights that EU and NATO are unique and essential partners. Both organisations share common values and have 22 common members. Furthermore, it is stressed that UE and NATO can and should be complementary to one another and help one another in pressing area of international peace and security. Unfortunately co-operation between these both organisations still maintain difficult, complex and challenging problem. ; W artykule poddano analizie rolę Unii Europejskiej (UE) i NATO w systemie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. W oficjalnych dokumentach często pojawia się stwierdzenie, że UE i NATO to wyjątkowi partnerzy. Obie organizacje łączą wspólne wartości, a 22 państwa członkowskie NATO należą też do UE. Podkreśla się, że UE i NATO mogą, a nawet powinny wzajemnie się wspierać i uzupełniać w dziedzinie międzynarodowego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. Niestety, współpraca pomiędzy nimi stanowi trudny i złożony problem.

In the first part of the article, the author deals with the question of the functions of the Ukrainian Parliament, which include constitutional, legislative, budgetary and financial, controlling and creative functions. Then, there are attempts to clarify the meaning of these functions. The author pays particular attention to the importance of the legislative functions of the Verkhovna Rada [Supreme Council]. The next part deals with the issues concerning the structure of the Parliament, including specific responsibilities of various bodies and their functioning. Next, the author refers to the mode of Parliament's operating, sessions, as well as meetings of committees and commissions. He pays special attention to the fact that the competences of the standing committees of the Ukrainian Parliament cover the entirety of public life in this country. The parliamentary factions are also important for the functioning of the Verkhovna Rada. Further, the author examines the status of Members of Parliament, including the issues of formal and substantive immunity. Next, the subject of the consideration includes the duties and powers arising under the mandate of a people's deputy. Another topic touches upon the incompatibility of a deputy's mandate with execution of other public functions. The article is concluded with general remarks which imply that the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada relies on the parliamentary rules used elsewhere. However, what distinguishes the Verkhovna Rada is its unicameralism and corruption problems connected with the functioning of a young democracy. ; In the first part of the article, the author deals with the question of the functions of the Ukrainian Parliament, which include constitutional, legislative, budgetary and financial, controlling and creative functions. Then, there are attempts to clarify the meaning of these functions. The author pays particular attention to the importance of the legislative functions of the Verkhovna Rada [Supreme Council]. The next part deals with the issues concerning the structure of the Parliament, including specific responsibilities of various bodies and their functioning. Next, the author refers to the mode of Parliament's operating, sessions, as well as meetings of committees and commissions. He pays special attention to the fact that the competences of the standing committees of the Ukrainian Parliament cover the entirety of public life in this country. The parliamentary factions are also important for the functioning of the Verkhovna Rada. Further, the author examines the status of Members of Parliament, including the issues of formal and substantive immunity. Next, the subject of the consideration includes the duties and powers arising under the mandate of a people's deputy. Another topic touches upon the incompatibility of a deputy's mandate with execution of other public functions. The article is concluded with general remarks which imply that the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada relies on the parliamentary rules used elsewhere. However, what distinguishes the Verkhovna Rada is its unicameralism and corruption problems connected with the functioning of a young democracy.

The restructuralization process in the field of research and development and the barriers that have appeared during this process in the former Soviet Union and the former Soviet bloc countries are presented in this article. The author has paid particular attention to the role of transformation in the area of industrial research, an area that has suffered the most due to the new political and economic conditions. Furthermore, the author discusses the role of particular factors that determine the institutional transformation process, including the financial factors. The author also shows the differences among the restructuralization processes in selected countries, above all the differences in the situation of research personnel. ; W artykule zostały przedstawione uwarunkowania procesu restrukturyzacji sfery badawczo-rozwojowej - bariery występujące w trakcie realizacji tego procesu w byłych krajach socjalistycznych. Autor zwraca szczególną uwagę na rolę przekształceń w sferze badań przemysłowych, które najbardziej ucierpiały w wyniku nowych uwarunkowań politycznych i ekonomicznych. Ponadto omawia rolę czynników determinujących proces przemian instytucjonalnych, w tym czynników finansowych. Pokazuje także różnice w procesie restrukturyzacji między poszczególnymi krajami, a zwłaszcza sytuację kadr badawczych.

Film actors, theatre actors? The Polish actors' market in recent yearsThe author of the paper analyzes the career paths of Polish film and theater actors in recent years, taking account of social and institutional changes in Polish theater and cinema after 1989. On this basis, current three strategies present in the acting profession are identified: Courtier, Byplay and Celebrity. These three groups are highlighted depending on actors' artistic achievements and accu- mulated symbolic capital. The main thesis of the article is that leading film actors, who are most successful on the big screen, forsake engagement in theater. While describing this regularity, the author provides specific examples of actresses and actors - eg. Magdalena Cielecka, Andrzej Chyra, Jacek Poniedziałek and Agnieszka Grochowska. The article concludes with considerations about the various reasons why Polands market for film actors and the theater market have split in recent years. ; Film actors, theatre actors? The Polish actors' market in recent yearsThe author of the paper analyzes the career paths of Polish film and theater actors in recent years, taking account of social and institutional changes in Polish theater and cinema after 1989. On this basis, current three strategies present in the acting profession are identified: Courtier, Byplay and Celebrity. These three groups are highlighted depending on actors' artistic achievements and accu- mulated symbolic capital. The main thesis of the article is that leading film actors, who are most successful on the big screen, forsake engagement in theater. While describing this regularity, the author provides specific examples of actresses and actors - eg. Magdalena Cielecka, Andrzej Chyra, Jacek Poniedziałek and Agnieszka Grochowska. The article concludes with considerations about the various reasons why Polands market for film actors and the theater market have split in recent years.

Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values. ; Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values.

The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.

The primary research question of the article is: What determined the results of the Polish left-wing parties in the Polish parliamentary election of 2015? Moreover, the article asks also: Did the electoral platform affect the results of the United Left Coalition and Razem? The aim of the author is to discuss the characteristics of the left-wing political parties and coalitions during the parliamentary election of 2015. To that end, the author analyzes the electoral platforms of the particular organizations. The article is interdisciplinary in nature, since it analyzes the issue from three distinct perspectives: political, sociological, and philosophical. In turn, the attempted answer to the research questions can give significant insight into the further research into the legitimization process of left-wing parties in Poland.

In the article the author has analyzed the public administration competent for security policy, centered under the aegis of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers itself. By reviewing the most important legal acts, and based on texts were included the competences and tasks of the institutions established to protect the life and health of citizens of the Republic of Poland, during the time of warand peace. Leaning at scientific journals author described the main functions of institutions that support government and the prime minister in the security policy. By making analysis and based on the descriptions, author reveals changes in the process of creating of institutions protecting internal and external security together under the umbrella of government activity as executive power. ; W ramach artykułu autor dokonał analizy organów administracji publicznej właściwej w sprawach polityki bezpieczeństwa, skupionej pod egidą Prezesa Rady Ministrów i samej Rady Ministrów. Dokonując przeglądu najważniejszych aktów prawnych oraz bazując na tekstach źródłowych, ujęte zostały główne kompetencje i zadania instytucji mających na celu ochronę życia i zdrowia obywateli Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej zarówno w okresie wojny, jak i pokoju. Wspierając się publikacjami ciągłymi, autor określił główne funkcje organów powołanych do wsparcia rządu i instytucji premiera w polityce bezpieczeństwa. Dokonując analizy oraz opierając się na deskrypcji, autor wyszczególnia zmiany w budowaniu i formułowaniu organów chroniących bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne skupionych pod parasolem działalności rządu jako władzy wykonawczej.

The aim of the article is to present self-government diplomacy as a novel, innovative form of international contacts realized by regional and local authorities, including the kujawsko-pomorskie voivodeship. The author has made a formal and statistical analysis of the various forms of functioning of this method of international cooperation. On this basis, the author concludes that local government diplomacy fosters the construction of international social, economic, cultural and other ties at local and regional level. ; Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie dyplomacji samorządowej jako nowatorskiej, innowacyjnej formy kontaktów międzynarodowych realizowanej przez samorządy regionalne i lokalne, w tym województwa kujawsko-pomorskiego. Autorka dokonała analizy formalnej i statystycznej różnych form funkcjonowania tej metody współpracy międzynarodowej. Na tej podstawie autorka wnioskuje, że dyplomacja samorządowa sprzyja budowie międzynarodowych więzi społecznych, gospodarczych, kulturalnych i innych na poziomie lokalnym i regionalnym.

Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values. ; 5 ; 1 ; 170 ; 186 ; 9 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

In the face of the proposed reforms encompassing industrial R&D units in Poland the author makes attempts to show how the functions, status, organisation and forms of activities undertaken by those units evolved in response to changes in policy, in the outside environment and the units' own strategies. Those issues are analysed in the comparative context of non-university public research institutions in countries of 'old Europe', and the author makes use of (mutually complementary) notions of path dependency and path creation, known from analysis of institutional change. ; W obliczu planowanych reform pionu jednostek badawczo-rozwojowych w Polsce, autor podejmuje próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak zmieniały się ich funkcje, status, organizacja i formy działalności w następstwie zmian polityki rządowej i otoczenia zewnętrznego oraz zmian ich własnych strategii. Analiza przeprowadzona jest na tle porównawczym pozauczelnianych jednostek badawczych sektora publicznego w krajach tzw. starej Europy, z wykorzystaniem (uzupełniających się) koncepcji "zależności od szlaku" oraz "tworzenia szlaku", stosowanych w analizie zmian instytucjonalnych.

The author presents the current limitations and developmental requirements of higher education against the context, that the higher education institutions in Poland are situated in, due to the systemic transformation taking place in the country. On the ground of the evaluation of the situation, the author presents the general directions of the higher education change, also he proposes actions, that should be undertaken at the individual institutions. Accepting the postulate concerning the necessity of the higher vocational education development, the author formulates the postulate regarding its universality. This signifies, that the vocational courses have to be introduced to the autonomous institutions of higher education as well. In such the context, the unique model of combining the vocational and M.A. degree courses within the same department, described as the flexible Y model, is presented. In the final paragraphs, the postulate to introduce to higher education institutions, so called, rationalization programs of II level, adjusted to the local specifics, was presented. The adjustment and development programs should form the basis of the pro-effectiveness changes continuation in the higher education. The author emphasizes however, that the range of desired transformations is determined by the proper policy of the Ministry of National Education, supported by the budgetary decisions of the Parliament. ; Autor przedstawia aktualne ograniczenia i uwarunkowania rozwojowe szkolnictwa wyższego na tle sytuacji, w jakiej znalazły się szkoły wyższe w Polsce w wyniku trwającego okresu transformacji systemowej w państwie. Wychodząc z oceny tej sytuacji, przedstawia warunki oraz generalne kierunki zmian w szkolnictwie wyższym, a także proponuje posunięcia, które powinny być podejmowane w uczelniach. Przyjmując założenie o konieczności rozwijania wyższego kształcenia zawodowego, autor formułuje postulat jego powszechności. Oznacza to uznanie potrzeby wprowadzenia studiów zawodowych także do szkół autonomicznych. W tym kontekście zaproponowana została oryginalna koncepcja modelu łączenia studiów magisterskich i zawodowych w ramach tego samego wydziału szkoły wyższej (tzw. model elastyczny Y). W końcowej części artykułu sformułowany został postulat wprowadzenia w uczelniach tzw. programów racjonalizacji II poziomu, dostosowanych do lokalnej specyfiki. Takie programy dostosowawcze i rozwojowe powinny stać się podstawą do kontynuowania przemian proefektywnościowych w szkołach wyższych. Autor podkreśla jednak, że skala pożądanych przeobrażeń uwarunkowana jest odpowiednią polityką Ministerstwa Edukacji Narodowej, wspartą decyzjami budżetowymi Sejmu.