Suchergebnisse

The author analyses the design and imposition of the bank levy that came into effect on the 1st of February 2016 both from the economic and legal perspective. The author portrays its origin as well as the main solutions. The risks connected with their implementation involving the capacity to collect the tax are outlined. The author also presents the development of the design of taxation of the banking sector in Poland in the past dozen or more years. The author conducts a comparative analysis of the various tax designs that prove effective in many E.U. Member States. This allows to show the similarities and tell the differences between the various state-specific designs and the ones adopted in Poland. The paper is also concerned with the consequences that the bank levy might bring about in Poland. The author postulates that the analysis of its design flaws makes it possible to evade taxation. The author puts forward alternative concepts, which would make the provisions of the law more precise. The bank levy applicable in Poland has also been subject to an in-depth analysis in the context of tax avoidance.

The first part of the article is dedicated to the classic approach to security in three areas: the security of the individual, the state and on the international stage. Then the author conducts an analysis of the interdisciplinary approach to security. He characterised the behavioural as well as sociological and economic theories. The author analyses the government policies pertaining to internal security in the last fifteen years. He explained the legal and constitutional rules of the government administration in Poland and then characterised the system of institutions responsible for security within the country involving a critical analysis of internal security policy, i.a. its effectiveness and efficiency. The author formulates the thesis which holds that within the last fifteen years the governments have failed to design an effective policy of internal security, so far. The postulated concepts and governmental proposals have been designed as temporary measures and under political pressure without much consideration for systemic solutions. The policy of internal security lacks the systemic approach deriving from the theory of organisation.

The article refers to relations in the process of communication between teacher and students. The author uses classical literature and an expert interview with an experienced school teacher to bring her point across. The author feels that the described issues are of particular significance for beginner pedagogues. Shakespeare's genius gives a broad perspective on the subject of communication, because in both comedies and dramas we observe the importance of the communication aspect, which may be transferred to the relationship between students and the teacher. This gives a broad picture of the possible scenarios that will appear in the teacher's work and allows one to draw conclusions from the heroes' mistakes, which may be identical to those made in the relationships with students.

The author argues that the clerical mobility - related to the career paths of civil servants - is closely connected not only to politics understood as the struggle for power (leading political science point of view) but also to public policy. Against this background, he analyzes the occupational mobility of public officials, taking into account the processes of public administration politicization and professionalization. I search for the interrelations between this phenomena, civil service systems (career and position based) and governance models (Weberian bureaucracy, new public management, governance / good governance). He defines the type of the influence of mobility on the civil servants' professionalism and state agility. For this purpose, the author also examines the typical advantages and disadvantages of clerical mobility as well as the influence the politicians exert on it.

The author presents three selected types of situations depicting the participation of persons with disabilities, their caregivers and supporting non-governmental organisations, in designing and monitoring the public policy towards disability in Poland. The first type of situations concerns supporting inclusive education. The second type concerns the support system for the caregivers of the persons with disabilities, while the last one refers to the alternative report prepared by NGOs, dealing with Poland's implementation of the U. N. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In each of these cases, the author examines the reasons behind the decision to participate, the process, and the final results of participation. The results show that - although the NGOs of the persons with disabilities have the possibility to participate in the discussion on disability policy - their influence on that policy is insignificant and limited to exceptional situations.

The aim of the article is to deepen the discussion on the conceptualisation of migration policy as a specific public policy. The author analyzes the definitions of this policy formulated by Polish researchers and points out that their characteristic features are: the concentration on activities of state institutions and the reference to the functional and technical level of policy appropriate for public policy. At the same time, she observes that particular areas of public activity, including immigration, emigration and often also integration policies, are included in the scope of migration policy. The author proposes her own definition of migration policy as the totality of instruments, political actions and decisions designed and/or undertaken by the state authorities in relation to migration processes and their participants. She argues that migration policy should be distinguished from migration management, the term which was coined in order to name the (ostensibly) depoliticized, global migration control system.

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors - the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and the institutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups and backstage actors of politics.

The author focuses on the analysis of the participatory budgeting issue. He presents the outcomes of its three-year implementation in Warsaw's Ursynów District. He emphasises more the conclusions drawn from practice than from the confrontation of the reality with the assumptions of participatory budgeting. The participatory budget is defined as a process aimed at enabling the community to directly influence the decision to allocate part of the public budget. Within its scope the inhabitants report proposals for projects worth funding. It is a way of including them in the planning of spending public funds that have been given by the authorities at their disposal. The author formulates the thesis that the practice of the participatory budget functioning in Poland is subject to numerous procedural defects. Local governments do not always produce the right patterns for its implementation. They struggle to match these budgets to their realities and often duplicate mistakes. It is a challenge for self-government councils to use their democratic mandate to more actively shape public spending processes.

The author has made an attempt to theoretically - by referring to empirical evidence - formulate the necessary conditions that allow participatory processes to happen. In this perspective, participation is not only an ethical requirement but primarily a mechanism that supports taking up the challenges posed by the increasing complexity of the social world. The examples presented in the article show that participation has a very strong 'competitor': clientelism. In the spaces where the latter forms the base of the relations between the government and society, it is difficult to find a well-rooted and sustainable presence of participatory processes. The author thus presents a hypothesis that the logic of clientelism, together with the lack of the ability to recognise the importance of resource interdependence, has the ability to weaken participation, or in other words, wash it out in a specific way. Clientelism strives to maximise the control over resources. This can, in some cases, support the realisation of development goals or be effective in particular governmental arrangements (e.g. the transformation in Poland in the 90s of the 20th century), however, it also deepens the passivity and in the long run can lead to a decrease in the value of some resources or even their loss. In this context, participation is thus understood mainly as an expression of caring for the owned and acquired resources and as the recognition of their interdependence.

The main aim of the article is to present several of the most important patterns of modernization of the urban space in Warsaw in the post-1989 period, with particular emphasis on the different ways of treating the objects typical of late modernism, also called socmodernism, in the Third Reich. The reflections refer to the four types of social change identified in the context of historical institutionalism: survival and return; reproduction by adaptation; gradual transformation; breakdown and replacement. The author for his part distinguishes four general and seven more specific modernization options and shows their different urban-architectural examples, being present in Warsaw public space.

The author makes an attempt to analyze the Strategy for Responsible Development (SRD), the process of its creation and its place among state policies. He tries to answer the question about its feasibility, degree and direction of the impact of new policies on the social and economic situation. He refers to previous policy-making documents after 1989, with an emphasis on the process of their creation, characteristics and role in the institutional environment. Next, he discusses the process of developing and adopting the SRD. The coherence and the ability to achieve the objectives of the Strategy are examined. Additionally, instruments of the new state policy have been critically evaluated, which has been expanded on selected examples showing system problems with the implementation of SRD policies. The article concludes with proposals addressed to the SRD and future state policies.

The book addresses issues related to labor market policy, shows the relevant mechanisms of its research, programming and implementation, and its subject is, in particular, the analysis of the situation of employees of employment offices and the unemployed themselves. The book is multidimensional. For me, the first part, in which the author presents his view on trends in the policy of the labor market that are decreasing in the environment of our science, presents to me a special focus. Recognizes the disproportionate emphasis on the analysis of legal acts, on "official documents, on target-set objectives, often unrealistic." He points to the dean of the research perspective in which the official who is the "face of the state" is present, which determines the quality of public service , de "perspectives of the final recipient", i.e. a citizen (quality of services for a citizen).

Normative concept of The Social-Economic order proposed by Wilhelm Röpke allows for the valuation of the modern shape of Capitalism. In the introduction the author has attempted to show the actual problems faced by current Public Policy such as reinstatement of the socially accepted order of freedom during era of oligopolistic-corporate-finance oriented capitalism, fight against asymmetric distribution of wealth and management of sustainable Immigration Policy. Wilhelm Röpke was a member of a group called "Ordo liberals". According to the Ortoliberals the public policy needs to allow most possible freedoms to all citizens (including economic free market freedoms). At the same time, the Ortoliberals want to be active in preparing the Public Policy which would prepare a platform for effective economy, fair justice system and equal opportunity for all members of society. According to Ortoliberalism, administrative actions need to follow the principle of subsidiarity. The Public Policy must also ensure social justice and protection of dignity for the whole population, as expected in the society governed by Social Solidarity.

The subject of the analysis in the article is the participation of the local government administration in running a cultural institution. The situation in the Podlaskie voivodship has been analyzed on a nationwide basis. The main problems focus on the principles and methods of financing cultural institutions by regional self-government and various ways of obtaining additional, extra-budgetary funding for their activities, especially from Ministry of Culture and National Heritage and the European Union. The author points to spatial, social, and financial diversification related to the access to cultural events and participation in them using the example of Podlaskie voivodship. He propounds greater professionalisation related to running cultural institutions at the level of the voivodship as well as conducting pro-development cultural policy by local government units. He also stresses the need for activating local and regional communities in connection with cultural events and participation in organizing them. Participation in culture at the local and regional level and prudent government policy in this area are the foundation for building a strong social and regional identity.

The paper presents the implementation phases of EU funds illustrated by the example of Rural Development Programme for 2014-2020. The author emphasizes the role of authorities and institutions, both the European Union and member states which are responsible for programming EU funds for rural development. The paper indicates the most relevant events and documents necessary to organize financial support from the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development in Poland. Furthermore, it focuses on the programming of EAFRD assistance in the form of the RDP, which is implemented in Poland in the form of a single programme, together with the presentation of the allocation of funds and their changes between the initial and the final programme. The analysis of the implementation of the RDP 2014-2020 is complemented by a management area in which the division of competencies between institutions is diversified. The article also highlights problems and negligence in the implementation of selected RDP actions, whose total budget in the financial perspective of 2014-2020 in Poland is 13.5 billion zlotys.