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Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation. ; Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation.

Following the coup d'état of December 1926, Lithuania found itself governed by the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalists, Augustinas Voldemaras and Antanas Smetona. The article discusses Voldemaras' foreign policy during the important for Lithuania years of 1927 and 1928. It was the period of attempted reconstruction of Polish-Lithuanian relations, mainly in the context of Vilnius region, secret negotiations with the Germans to secure additional financial support for the young Lithuanian state, and policy of détente with the USSR which made it possible for Lithuania to gain a powerful ally in the argument with Poland. ; Po zamachu stanu w grudniu 1926 r. na czele Litwy stanęli liderzy partii narodowców: Augustinas Voldemaras i Antanas Smetona. W artykule omówiono politykę zagraniczną Voldemarasa w kluczowych dla Litwy latach 1927–1928. Był to okres próby przebudowy stosunków relacji polsko-litewskich, głównie w kontekście Wileńszczyzny, tajnych negocjacji z Niemcami, mających na celu pozyskanie dodatkowego wsparcia finansowego dla młodego państwa litewskiego oraz polityki zbliżenia z ZSRR, dzięki której Litwa zyskała potężnego sojusznika w sporze z Polską.

Following the coup d'état of December 1926, Lithuania found itself governed by the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalists, Augustinas Voldemaras and Antanas Smetona. The article discusses Voldemaras' foreign policy during the important for Lithuania years of 1927 and 1928. It was the period of attempted reconstruction of Polish-Lithuanian relations, mainly in the context of Vilnius region, secret negotiations with the Germans to secure additional financial support for the young Lithuanian state, and policy of détente with the USSR which made it possible for Lithuania to gain a powerful ally in the argument with Poland. ; Po zamachu stanu w grudniu 1926 r. na czele Litwy stanęli liderzy partii narodowców: Augustinas Voldemaras i Antanas Smetona. W artykule omówiono politykę zagraniczną Voldemarasa w kluczowych dla Litwy latach 1927–1928. Był to okres próby przebudowy stosunków relacji polsko-litewskich, głównie w kontekście Wileńszczyzny, tajnych negocjacji z Niemcami, mających na celu pozyskanie dodatkowego wsparcia finansowego dla młodego państwa litewskiego oraz polityki zbliżenia z ZSRR, dzięki której Litwa zyskała potężnego sojusznika w sporze z Polską.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Przedmiotem artykułu jest odpowiedzialność polityczna Rady Ministrów w Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej. Zgodnie z konstytucją z 22 lipca 1952 r. rząd odpowiadał przed Sejmem, a na wniosek premiera zmiany w jego składzie mogły być również dokonywane przez Radę Państwa. Autor dokonał analizy wszystkich przypadków odwołania premiera oraz rządu przez Sejm PRL, poszukując odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy w jakimkolwiek stopniu wydarzenia te były podobne do wotum nieufności funkcjonującego w państwach demokratycznych. W Polsce Ludowej zmiany w składzie rządu – co do zasady – dokonywane były przez Sejm, a jedynie wyjątkowo przez Radę Państwa. Głosowanie w parlamencie miało znaczenie jedynie formalne, a rzeczywiste decyzje personalne podejmowane były przez kierownictwo PZPR. Pozycja Sejmu stała się silniejsza w ostatnich latach PRL. Dymisja rządu Zbigniewa Messnera w 1988 r. nastąpiła w wyniku parlamentarnej krytyki, może być więc uznana za typowe wotum nieufności. Autor omawia także obowiązujący w PRL zwyczaj konstytucyjny, zgodnie z którym, mimo że nie nakazywała tego konstytucja, na pierwszym po wyborach posiedzeniu Sejmu premier zgłaszał dymisję rządu. Zazwyczaj nie dochodziło wówczas do istotnych zmian w składzie Rady Ministrów, którą powoływano pod kierownictwem tego samego polityka. ; The article treats about the political responsibility of the Council of Ministers in Polish People's Republic. Due to the constitution of July 22nd, 1952 the government was responsible to the Sejm. Changes of ministers could be done also by Council of the State, but only at the request of the prime minister. The vote of parliament had only formal importance, because the real personal decisions were made by the leaders of Th e Polish United Workers' Party. Th e constitutional position of Sejm became stronger in the last years of PRL. Th e dismissal of Zbigniew Messner's government took place as the result of the parliamentary opposition to this government, so it can be considered as the real vote of no confi dence. The author describes also the constitutional custom, not based on the norms of the constitution, which ordered to the prime minister to declare the dismissal of his government aft er the parliamentary elections, during the fi rst session of new-elected Sejm. Usually it didn't mean important changes in the Coucil of Ministers, which was still led by the same person as the prime minister.

Nowelizacja ustawy o Trybunale Konstytucyjnym uchwalona 22 grudnia 2015 r. budzi liczne wątpliwości krajowych i zagranicznych ośrodków naukowych, medialnych i politycznych. Obawy wywołuje zwłaszcza to, że nie mieści się ona w granicach określonych w art. 197 Konstytucji RP. Wbrew pozorom wykracza bowiem poza sprawy organizacyjne i proceduralne. Przepisy narzucające zasadę orzekania w 13-osobowym składzie, w kolejności wyznaczanej datami wpływu spraw oraz brak vacatio legis uniemożliwiają w praktyce normalną działalność orzeczniczą Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. W szczególności blokują możliwość zbadania w rozsądnym terminie konstytucyjności ustawy z 22 grudnia 2015 r., co z kolei rodzi niebezpieczeństwo powstania absurdalnych sytuacji prawnych. Może to oznaczać ingerencję w kompetencje orzecznicze Trybunału Konstytucyjnego zagwarantowane w art. 188 Konstytucji RP. Do niego też powinno należeć ostateczne rozstrzygnięcie wszystkich dylematów związanych z wymienioną wyżej ustawą. ; The Amendment to the Act on the Constitutional Tribunal passed on 22 December 2015 has raised serious doubts in Polish and foreign academic and political institutions and the media. Of particular concern is the fact that the amendment does not correspond to the limitations of Article 197 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Contrary to appearances the amendment exceeds organisational and procedural questions. The amendment imposing a rule that 13 judges must rule on cases in the chronological order of their submission and the lack of vacatio legis makes it impossible for the Constitutional Tribunal to continue in practice its normal judicial function. In particular it makes it impossible for the Constitutional Tribunal to decide on the constitutional legality of the Amendment of 22 December 2015 within a reasonable time scale which in itself could result in dangerous and absurd legal situations. This could be tantamount to an interference in the judicial competences of the Constitutional Tribunal guaranteed by Article 188 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It is the Constitutional Tribunal itself that should rule on all dilemmas concerning this amendment.

The article presents the way that governance has formed in Poland after winning the independence in 1918. It also includes the discussion on first legal acts with institutional meaning such as decree law dated on 22nd November 1918 about the supreme representative authority of the Republic of Poland and the act of Parliament's ordinance of 20th February 1919 entrusting Józef Piłsudski with further execution of the office of Chief of state. These documents became the basis for reborn country and enabled to rebuild institutions in historically difficult period. In the opinion of author, the experiences of first years of independence had ultimatelly influenced the solutions that were adapted in so called March Constitution from the year of 1921. ; Artykuł przedstawia kształtowanie się systemu rządów w Polsce po odzyskaniu niepodległości w 1918 r., w tym pierwsze akty prawne o znaczeniu ustrojowym – dekret z 22 listopada 1918 r. o najwyższej władzy reprezentacyjnej Republiki Polskiej oraz uchwałę Sejmu Ustawodawczego z 20 lutego 1919 r. o powierzeniu Józefowi Piłsudskiemu dalszego sprawowania urzędu Naczelnika Państwa. Stały się one podstawą funkcjonowania odrodzonego państwa polskiego, umożliwiając w trudnym okresie historycznym odbudowę państwowości. Zdaniem Autorki doświadczenia pierwszych lat niepodległości wpłynęły ostatecznie na rozwiązania, które przyjęto w tzw. Konstytucji marcowej z 1921.

There are two passages in the Book of Revelation where the author evokes the subject of peace (Rev 1:4; 6:4) and, through analysis, we can detect semantic connections between them. God is presented as the source and owner of peace, offering it to human beings (Rev 1:4). Then again, God also allows the second horseman, after the breaking of the seal, to take peace from the earth (Rev 6:4). The union between peace and love/mercy is dependent upon receiving charis from God (Rev 6:4), the result being peace in the world and in the human heart. It implies the need to love one another, with the lack of it leading to hostility (Rev 6:4). The author strengthened that reflection by a series of sensory depictions of peace, in Rev 7:15b-17 and Rev 21:1–22:5, where peace is manifested as an internal experience. On a personal level, the emphasis lies on the value of an individual's decision to turn to God and thus receive the blessings of peace. ; Autor natchniony Apokalipsy św. Jana dwukrotnie przywołuje pojęcie pokoju – w Ap 1,4 i 6,4. Analiza ukazuje istniejące między tymi fragmentami powiązania semantyczne. Bóg zostaje przedstawiony jako posiadający i oferujący pokój człowiekowi, jak również dopuszczający usunięcie go z ziemi. Powiązanie pokoju z miłością uzależnia jego posiadanie od przyjęcia Bożej charis (Ap 1,4), a zarazem lokując go na pozycji owocu takiej relacji wskazuje, że tam, gdzie nie ma pokoju nie będzie też miłości ofiarowywanej drugiemu człowiekowi, a jedynie wrogość (Ap 6,4). Autor natchniony wzmacnia przekonanie dotyczące wagi pokoju wprowadzając obrazy Ap 7,15b-17; Ap 21,1-22,5, które swoją sensorycznością kreują w odbiorcy doświadczenie. Personalizm odniesień podkreśla wagę ludzkiej decyzji w przyjęciu/podjęciu/zwróceniu się do Boga o ten dar.

The article analyses the role of European Union (EU) and NATO in the system of the international security. The official documents often highlights that EU and NATO are unique and essential partners. Both organisations share common values and have 22 common members. Furthermore, it is stressed that UE and NATO can and should be complementary to one another and help one another in pressing area of international peace and security. Unfortunately co-operation between these both organisations still maintain difficult, complex and challenging problem. ; W artykule poddano analizie rolę Unii Europejskiej (UE) i NATO w systemie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. W oficjalnych dokumentach często pojawia się stwierdzenie, że UE i NATO to wyjątkowi partnerzy. Obie organizacje łączą wspólne wartości, a 22 państwa członkowskie NATO należą też do UE. Podkreśla się, że UE i NATO mogą, a nawet powinny wzajemnie się wspierać i uzupełniać w dziedzinie międzynarodowego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. Niestety, współpraca pomiędzy nimi stanowi trudny i złożony problem.

The following debate took place on March 22, 2019 at the Warsaw School of Economics. The content of the Study on Spatial Chaos report provided the framework for the discussion. Its authors estimated the cost of spatial chaos at PLN 84.3 billion per year. They indicated the main mechanisms leading to the occurrence of this phenomenon.

The author analyses the design and imposition of the bank levy that came into effect on the 1st of February 2016 both from the economic and legal perspective. The author portrays its origin as well as the main solutions. The risks connected with their implementation involving the capacity to collect the tax are outlined. The author also presents the development of the design of taxation of the banking sector in Poland in the past dozen or more years. The author conducts a comparative analysis of the various tax designs that prove effective in many E.U. Member States. This allows to show the similarities and tell the differences between the various state-specific designs and the ones adopted in Poland. The paper is also concerned with the consequences that the bank levy might bring about in Poland. The author postulates that the analysis of its design flaws makes it possible to evade taxation. The author puts forward alternative concepts, which would make the provisions of the law more precise. The bank levy applicable in Poland has also been subject to an in-depth analysis in the context of tax avoidance.

Reserved contracts are a legal instrument that allows the promotion of those economic operators who, as part of their business, pursue also social goals. Pursuant to Article 22 (2) of the Act of 29 January 2004 – Public Procurement Law (Journal of Laws 2018, item 1986 as amended), they may only be applied for by sheltered workshops and other economic operators whose activities include the social and professional integration of members of socially marginalised groups. Unfortunately, the use of reserved contracts is in practice marginal, which is also caused by difficulties in interpretation of national laws. The article discusses the institution of reserved contracts and the terms of application thereof, in the context of the EU legislation. ; Zamówienia zastrzeżone są prawnym instrumentem pozwalającym promować tych wykonawców, którzy w ramach prowadzonej działalności realizują także cele społeczne. O ich udzielenie, na gruncie art. 22 ust. 2 ustawy z dnia 29 stycznia 2004 r. – Prawo zamówień publicznych (Dz.U. 2018, poz. 1986 z późn. zm.), mogą ubiegać się wyłącznie zakłady pracy chronionej oraz inni wykonawcy, których działalność obejmuje społeczną i zawodową integrację osób będących członkami grup społecznie marginalizowanych. Niestety, zastosowanie zamówień zastrzeżonych w praktyce jest marginalne, czemu sprzyjają także trudności interpretacyjne przepisów krajowych. W artykule została omówiona instytucja zamówień zastrzeżonych oraz warunki jej zastosowania w kontekście regulacji prawa unijnego.

The paper concerns the syncretistic, evolutionary nature of political transformation in Po- land prior to the introduction of political plurality in mid-1989. The author refers to the studies published in his books: Wojciech Jaruzelski wobec wyzwañ swoich czasów [Wojciech Jaruzelski and the challenges of his time] (2003) and Los genera3a [The General's fate] (2008) where he confronts recorded facts with political propaganda. The evolution which eventually led to political plurality occurred in three stages. The first spanned the period ending when martial law was formally revoked after 586 days (on July 22, 1983), the second one was related to the office of Prime Minister that Wojciech Jaruzelski held (until September 25, 1985), and the third stage commenced when he gave up direct supervision of the government and assumed the office of Head of State (which continued to be combined with the actual power he held as 1st secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party (KC PZPR)). The last stage was to continue for nearly four years, excluding over 18 months of his presidency, held under completely different conditions. Yet these 18 months were significant for the evolutionary process of the handover of power. Jaruzelski took into consideration the international context, particularly the balance of power in the Kremlin. Real change took place there only after Mikhail Gorbachev assumed power on March 11, 1985. On May 29, 1985 the Polish parliament passed the law on the Constitutional Tribunal, announced three years earlier in an amendment to the Constitution of March 1982. On July 15, 1987 the parliament passed the law on the Defense of Human Rights. The State Tribunal began working at the same time. The first president of Poland after the transformation drew attention to these facts a few years later. The ex-President has become a skilful polemicist and political writer, documenting the peaceful political transformation in Poland after 1980.

The paper describes the Polish road to NATO which, contrary to the West's expectations and promises, was long and bumpy. The author presents and analyses various obstacles that hindered Polish accession to NATO. The author divides such challenges into objective and subjective barriers, but using other criteria, the author points to specific geopolitical, international, political, social, and military conditions. Furthermore, the author presents the stances of different countries on the enlargement of the North Atlantic Alliance after the Cold War, particularly the attitudes of the USA, Germany, France, the USSR, and Russia as these states were either more or less supportive of Polish efforts to join NATO or not supportive at all. In 1989-1999 the Alliance's position was slowly evolving from being initially unwilling to support Poland's accession to NATO to being sympathetic towards it. In the paper, the author poses a few research questions on the above-mentioned obstacles on the Polish road to NATO and a few theses and hypotheses. The author states that primarily the USSR, later the Russian Federation, was against Poland's accession to NATO. Initially, the West also opposed it. After 1989, its priority was to reunite Germany and stabilize military relations with Moscow through the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) and the elimination of Soviet military bases in post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe.