This work intends to be a contribution to the study of subnational entities participation in the international system. Based on a critical review of the existing theoretical framework & two particular case studies (the Mexican state of San Luis Potosi & the Canadian province of Alberta), the author concludes that the current theoretical framework is wanting, as it basically ignores the relationship between the subnational entity & the state to which it belongs. These relationships, though, have a major impact in shaping the form & content that the regional international action adopts. Therefore, it is contended that, besides the international theoretical approach, the study of international relations regionalization must include elements of both constitutional law & political science, as they enable adequate analysis of the relations between the state & the subnational entity. This multidisciplinary perspective counters the realist theoretical assumption that states are the only actors in international relations -- an assumption that has been severely criticized in recent times -- but acknowledges & allows to analyze the relation between the international system's anarchy & the hierarchical order of the internal political system of states. The contrast between Mexico & Canada shows two extreme positions that this relationship can reach. 66 References. Adapted from the source document.
This article analyzes the antecedents of regional peace in South America from 1935 to 1995. First, it summarizes three hypotheses of political realism & three hypotheses of international liberalism regarding the causes of war & peace. The conclusions of the analyses follow, in the historical context of peace in South America since the end of the Chaco War between Bolivia & Paraguay in 1935 until democracy was consolidated, in 1995. While concluding that regional peace is only partly explained by one or another of the hypotheses discussed, the rest of the article presents & analyzes the "Military Peace" hypothesis as an exegetical complement to realism & liberalism. This new hypothesis is based on two fundamental factors: the independence of the military vis-a-vis civilian control & the army's political power on the national & regional scale. Finally, the article emphasizes the evolution of a supranational fraternity among military groups in several neighboring countries. It also points to a change in the mission of the military: from defending the state from external threats to contending for domestic political control. Given this sequence of cause & effect, the author concludes that the military factor is important in explaining not only regional peace in South America but the level of domestic political violence in several countries in the region. Adapted from the source document.
An investigation of the nature of capitalism distinguishes three historical periods in Latin America: (1) the oligarchic period of agricultural exports; (2) the earlier industrial period of substitution of imports; & (3) the later industrial period of monopolistic transnationalization &, currently, of global monetarism. Each period is characterized, using a wide range of statistical data & published studies, taking as parameters the distribution of nonagricultural employment & income, & distinguishing economic & occupational sectors, including both formal & informal Ur sectors. The social groups of the different periods are described in relation to their SC situation. Considering the analytic importance of the relations between the formal & informal sectors, a theoretical discussion examines the SC position of one sector typical of global monetarism: the "hidden" proletariat or subproletariat, which is considered to be a necessary product & reproductive subject of this type of accumulation of capital. The themes discussed include: capitalism, urbanization, & migration; stratification; employment in manufacturing & in the third sector; the influence of the informal sector on the distribution of income; modes of exploitation of the LF; relations between formal & informal sectors & the relations of production; & the informal sector & the SC situation. Author Summary Tr & Modified by C. Waters
One of the central problems of contemporary politics lies in the difficulty of its legitimacy. The legitimacy of politics had been carried out according to the rules & rationality within the political arena. Politics today, however, faces a situation in which there is a large variety of spheres & logic that compete against it in order to arrive at a definition of the public. Without a doubt, one of these spheres & perhaps the most significant, is generated by the media. The media is inseparable from the political system, in so far as the rules of the first prevail on the latter. Starting from these premises, the article deals with four large aspects that express the fragmentary, if not entropic, character of contemporary politics. The first of these deals with the deinstitutionalization of politics, which stems either from the draining or the ownership of it by various lobbying groups. The second of this highlights the non political forces of legitimacy, focused on the use of "public opinion" by the mass media. The third explains the instability & inconsistency of political formulas, subjugated to the same ephemeral process as news production. As a result & in fourth place, one can talk about the emergence of a new political model, one which the author classifies as "news democracy.". Adapted from the source document.
The capacity to govern reflects the ability of the public sector, increasingly in conjunction with the private sector, to set collective goals for the society and to use a variety of instruments to reach those goals. This steering capacity reflects not only the capabilities of the public sector itself but also the governability of the society and the presence of effective civil society actors which can assist in governance. This paper first develops a model of governance involving some essential elements of governing. These include the ability to set goals, to create coherent goals, to implement programs designed to reach goals, and then to have effective means of monitoring and feedback. The paper then proceeds to examine changes in the governing capacities across time. In particular, the author is concerned with the shift first to a highly decentralized, fragmented form of governing using instruments such as privatization and the creation of agencies and then a reassertion of the need for some governing capacity in the center of government, and some strategic planning if governance is to be successful. The arguments presented here are both empirical and normative. There is an examination of changes in the nature of governance in a range of countries, as well as the development of some standards for effective and democratic governance.(CLAD/DÜI)
The purpose of this essay is to analyze the mechanisms of economic governance in Mexico in the twentieth century. It explores the development, breakdown & later reconstruction of political institutions designed for economic cooperation. It addresses the following questions. What type of mechanisms of political regulation were constructed by the Mexican political system to manage distributive conflicts throughout modern history? What were the factors determining the end of the traditional agreements leading to the economic-political crisis of the 1980s? How did the political regime reconstruct the institutions allowing to generate the conditions for cooperation between government, businessmen, & workers? The author analyzes the mechanisms permitting the PRI political regime to manage economic conflict between political actors throughout its history, as well as the process of constructing institutions for economic governability after 1987, including the following: the reconstruction of the tripartite political arrangements from 1987 to 1994 & the role of the economic pacts in the recovering & stabilization of the Mexican economy. The theoretical framework used is the new historical institutionalism which can illuminate the impact of formal & informal rules on the strategies & aims of political and economic actors & and its effect on economic performance. 3 Charts, 1 Graph, 82 References. Adapted from the source document.
In this article the author discusses why nationalist parties in Spain gain popular support. She examines why people vote for a nationalist, rather than a national, party. With a multivaried approach, she tests hypotheses derived from four different theoretical approaches that offer complementary explanations. Her results show that, according to social identity theory, people with higher levels of regional identification are more likely to vote for a nationalist party. Higher educational levels are also a factor in a voter's supporting a nationalist party, according to the modernization approach. The fact that a person's position in the Left-Right political spectrum was a statistically significant variable seems to prove that regional sympathies or ethnic identity are not the only factors that influence a nationalist vote. There are other (economic, political) aspects that also play an important role. Nationalist parties in Spain are ideological, not only protest parties. Contrary to what has been established in traditional literature regarding social divisions, in this model, sociodemographic variables do not explain an individual's preference for nationalist parties. Finally, the author's findings show that people that are more interested in politics are more likely to vote for a nationalist party than for a national one; this might reflect their commitment to local issues in their region. 4 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.
El presente trabajo tiene como finalidad hacer un análisis de los estereotipos manejados en la campaña 1988-2000 de planificación familiar, producida por el Consejo Nacional de Población (CONAPO) y emitida por lo la televisión mexicana en todas sus modalidades: abierta y de paga. Esta campaña es una de las últimas que el Estado, a través del CONAPO, ha puesto en el escaparate de los medios masivos de comunicación, específicamente de la televisión. La campaña fue diseñada especialmente para este medio y se estuvo transmitiendo desde su salida al aire en 1998 hasta el 2004, en que se reprogramó como parte de las festividades por los 30 años de campañas de salud reproductiva del Estado mexicano. Después de esta campaña, prácticamente ninguna otra se ha vuelto a emitir a través del medio televisivo. Un elemento más que la hace interesante como objeto de estudio es el hecho de que por primera vez se incluye el estereotipo masculino como parte decisiva de la planificación familiar. Este material audiovisual constituye pues una buena fuente de información en su tipo para poder analizar aquellos mensajes producidos por el Estado y donde además se incluyen estereotipos tanto urbanos, como rurales. Se tomó como modelo el llamado de las representaciones sociales, de Sergei Moscovici, así como algunos elementos de la técnica de Análisis de Contenido. Se analizaron los 22 mensajes de televisión que integran la campaña 1998-2000. De ellos, 11 dirigidos hacia zonas urbanas y 11 hacia zonas rurales. En ambos se cuantificó las veces en que participan hombre y mujer, la forma como participan: si lo hacen solos o solas o en pareja y se asignó un valor positivo o negativo al estereotipo presentado en los mensajes, tomando como criterio de esta asignación o evaluación, la medida en que (a través del discurso textual o visual) se fomente o no de manera equitativa la participación masculina y femenina en relación con la decisión de planificar la familia. Se elaboraron 10 cuadros donde se hace este ejercicio por cada una de las temáticas abordadas en los mensajes de la campaña y a partir de los resultados arrojados se realizaron inferencias a partir de dos elementos: el estereotipo masculino y femenino y la equidad de género manejada en dichas representaciones de lo social. Finalmente se concluye que a través de los mensajes de planificación familiar se deja una "herencia cultural"
September 11 (2001) events prompted a series of debates concerning how & how much has the international order changed. There is still much misunderstanding between those who assert that "nothing has changed" & those for whom "nothing will be the same after 9/11." Due to records scattering, events or processes have been studied as if they were structural changes, but without explaining how can they transform international politics. Also, the search for more useful analyses to identify both changes & continuities has produced methodological confusion. This work pursues three main objectives: first, to present a methodology of change analysis by organizing the various approach modalities with which international relations theory has been working so far. Second, to use this methodology for understanding the likely transformations of the international order as of September 11, 2001. Third, to offer some conclusions & work hypotheses on international politics change study. The author reaches four conclusions: (a) every international relation theory demands an explanation of 9/11 events & they all have arguments for such a demand; (b) in relation with this, 9/11 does not compel thinking new categories to understand its causes & outcomes; (c) from a wider perspective, & beyond any strident statement, 9/11 has not generated a major change in international politics in historical & systemic terms; & (d) a better understanding of change in international relations requires a historical approach, that has been largely eluded by this discipline. 68 References. Adapted from the source document.
This book studies the period of the Chilean political graphic art (posters, public art). The author inquires into the unexplored area between the "golden age" of the political poster during the Popular Unity and the poster produced after the 1973 coup d'état in exile. And it does so by taking the experience of two graphic collectives that until now had been left in darkness: the Association of Young Plastics APJ (1979-1987) and Tallersol (1977). In this sense, this book does more than fill a void, for "filling" already announces a fiction of totality; As we know, a field of knowledge is never completely saturated: there is always emptiness and there is full, and such dynamics is what produces possibility and future. This is well known by Nicole Cristi and Javiera Manzi, the authors of this book, who have the audacity to construct with rigor and passion a story that places and restores the artistic-political itinerary of two essential collectives of graphic action of the dictatorial period, In turn, are the tip of a much wider skein of coordinations, groupings and experiences still very little explored by historiography and local criticism. A plot of which the posters shown here - almost for the first time - are a historical and technical mark. So, this book does not come to fill, but to reopen the discussion about graph and politics, a book that also has the generosity to leave offered multiple edges to explore on the field of cultural resistance to the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet
This article discusses some of the effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on Mexico's economy, society, & politics. The author argues that since the agreement went into effect in 1994, & in spite of the grave financial crisis that led to a significant devaluation in Dec 1994, there was an accelerated expansion of Mexican exports & an increase in foreign investment, further, the main macroeconomic variables show signs of recovery. However, NAFTA's impact on different economic activities & on different regions varies. Large transnational & Mexican enterprises have benefited more than small enterprises; northern Mexico more than southern Mexico. Not only small entrepreneurs but the Mexican society at large agree that these macroeconomic indicators have yet to be evident at the microeconomic level, in jobs or in family income. Economic liberalization & NAFTA affect the Mexican political system as actors, movements, & parties take advantage of them & interact more intensely both domestically & in external forums; as a result, domestic policy adopts an international dimension. NAFTA offers new opportunities but also implies important challenges. The necessary modernization of the private sector will have to meet the challenge of competing in the global economy while maintaining the competitive advantages of NAFTA & the agreements Mexico signed with several Latin American countries & the European Union. Most important is achieving economic modernization without social exclusion -- which has been the case thus far -- within the framework of a more efficient, dependable, & transparent State, & a more democratic society. 10 Tables, 4 Graphs. Adapted from the source document.
The study of the process preceding the July 2002 political shift in Mexico's government has been mainly focused on electoral issues. Therefore, several institutions of the political system that played a key role during the transition to democracy remain largely unknown, including governorships & the federal Congress, whose functioning experienced relevant changes & had an unprecedented bearing on the process. This paper explores the new political role of state governments, which was not due to a constitutional change, but rather was the result of two features of the process of change itself, namely, the expansion of pluralism & the gradual restraint of presidentialism. The author argues that the process of change prompted reactions from state governors that varied according to their PAN or PRD affiliation -- when they were still opposition -- or to their PRI origins -- the party still in power. The new institutional arrangement created before the political shift, in the midst of the electoral race, had an impact on the last PRI administration, but it also shaped a new relationship with the first democratic government, as it dismantled the foundations of ancient subordination. A secondary outcome of political change restructuring was the growth of local autonomies, whose manifestation varied according to governors' party membership. PRI governors were the major beneficiaries, as PAN governors -- the opposition -- focused their activities on administrative issues, while the former profited from a party network developed since the regime's inception. A positive upshot of this change for Mexico was that the president's bearing on politics management shrank. However, by putting the party's control in the hands of governors, a decisive element was transferred to a non-homogeneous & also conservative sector, deeply identified with the authoritarian regime. Having accomplished the political shift, the threat now is the likely re-emergence of ancient cacicazgos & the growth of a practice aimed at blocking federal government policies. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
El texto de este artículo tiene por objeto dar noticia y ofrecer una
visión general de la última propuesta de Reglamento presentada por la Comisión
Europea en materia de protección de datos, con la intención de destacar aquellos
elementos más innovadores en relación con la normativa actualmente vigente.
No pretende ser un análisis exhaustivo del articulado que sin lugar a dudas en el
momento de su aprobación definitiva merecerá un estudio más pormenorizado,
pero sí destacar aquellas cuestiones que, a criterio de la autora, pueden ser más
llamativas o suponer un cambio de paradigma y que aunque a día de hoy todavía
no hayan entrado en vigor, sí dejan entrever el enfoque final que pueda acabar
imponiéndose en la materia. Artikulu honen helburua Europako Batzordeak datu-babesaren
arloan aurkeztutako azken erregelamendu-proposamenaren berri ematea da, eta
proposamen horren ikuspegi orokor bat eskaintzea, gaur egun indarrean dagoen
araudiarekiko berrikuntzarik nabarmenenak azpimarratzeko asmoz. Erregelamendua
behin betiko onartzen denean azterketa xeheago bat egin beharko bada ere,
testu honen asmoa ez da artikuluen analisi sakon bat egitea, baizik eta egilearen
ustez azpimarragarrienak izan daitezkeen eta paradigma-aldaketa bat ekar dezaketen
auziak nabarmentzea, auzi horiek, gaur egun oraindik indarrean ez badaude
ere, gai honetan zein ikuspegi nagusituko den antzematen laguntzen dute eta. The text of this article has the aim of informing and providing
a general vision about the last proposal of Regulation drafted by the European
Commission regarding the data protection with the intention of highlighting
those more innovatives elements in relation to the current legislation. It does not
pretend to be an exhaustive analysis of the articles, which will be necessary in
any case once the Regulation is enacted, but to emphasize those questions which
the author considers more striking or that mean a change of paradigm. Albeit the
regulation is not in force yet, it seems to suggest the final approach that may prevail
on the matter.
Los derechos de acceso, participación y tutela judicial, así
como la difusión de información en materia ambiental han sufrido una
gran evolución como consecuencia de la ratifi cación del Convenio de
Aarhus. Tanto la Unión Europea como los diferentes Estados han ratifi cado
este Convenio. No se puede menos que afi rmar el carácter democráticamente
avanzado de esta normativa, aunque la distancia entre norma y
realidad parece agrandarse en esta materia. Así lo pone de manifi esto el
autor cuando evidencia la utilización de instrumentos como la validación
legislativa, es decir, la intervención de los Parlamentos para legalizar en
algunos casos, o permitir en otros, intervenciones que los Tribunales han
considerado ilegales. En este punto la participación se niega radicalmente,
imponiéndose vía parlamentaria decisiones de ordenación del territorio
que deberían adoptarse por otros procedimientos y, en especial,
respetando los procesos participativos de la población. Las nuevas tecnologías
de la información ofrecen los instrumentos necesarios para lograr
que el acceso y la difusión de la información sean más fácilmente
realizables. En materia ambiental se ha producido un avance importante,
aunque la confrontación entre los derechos a la información y la obligación de difusión de los poderes públicos no se cumple con la debida efi -
cacia, tal como se evidencia en este estudio al realizar un análisis de las
páginas web que deben tener un contenido informativo ambiental determinado.
Concluye el autor llamando la atención sobre la necesidad de
modifi car la cultura democrática existente para que los derechos de acceso
y participación y la difusión de la información en materia de ordenación
del territorio y el medio ambiente se apliquen adecuadamente. Ingurumen arloan, sarbide, partaidetza eta tutoretza judizialeko
eskubideak, bai eta informazioaren zabalkundeak ere, bilakaera
handia izan dute, Aarhusko Hitzarmena berrestearen ondorioz. Europar
Batasunak nahiz estatu guztiek berretsi dute hitzarmen hori. Baieztatu
egin behar da, inondik ere, araudi horren izaera demokratikoki aurreratua,
nahiz eta arauaren eta errealitatearen arteko aldea handitu egiten
bide den arlo honetan. Horrela jartzen du agerian egileak, legebiltzar-berrespena
bezalako tresnak erabiltzen direla baieztatzen duenean, hau da,
legebiltzarren esku-hartzea epaitegiek legez kanpokotzat jo dituzten esku-
hartze batzuk legeztatzeko zenbait kasutan, edo ahalbidetzeko beste
batzuetan. Gai horretan, partaidetza erabat ukatzen da, eta legebiltzarraren
bidez beste prozedura batzuen bitartez ¿eta bereziki, biztanleriaren
partaidetza-prozesuak errespetatuz¿ hartu beharko liratekeen erabakiak
ezartzen dira lurralde-antolamenduaren arloan. Informazioaren teknologia
berriek beharrezko tresnak eskaintzen dituzte, informazioaren sarbidea
eta zabalkundea errazago egin ahal izaten daitezen. Ingurumenaren
arloan, aurrerapen handi bat gertatu da, nahiz eta herritarrek informazioa
jasotzeko eskubideen eta aginte publikoek zabalkundea egiteko betebeharraren
arteko oreka ez den behar bezalako eraginkortasunez betetzen.
Horrela frogatzen da azterlan honetan, ingurumen arloko informazioeduki
jakin bat izan behar duten web-orrialdeen azterketa egiten denean.
Eta amaitzeko, egileak honako hau nabarmentzen du: dagoen kultura demokratikoa
aldatu behar da, sarbideko eta partaidetzako eskubideak eta
informazioaren zabalkundea, lurraldearen antolamenduren eta ingurumenaren
arloan, behar bezala aplika daitezen. The rights to access, participation and judicial protection
together with the dissemination of information in environmental matters
have undergone a great evolution because of the ratifi cation of the
Aarhus Convention. Both the EU and different States did ratify this Convention.
The democratically advanced nature of this Convention has to
be stated, although the gap between rule and reality seems to become
wider in this area. That is what the author points out by showing the use
of instruments as the legislative convalidation, that is, the intervention
by Parliaments to legalize in some cases, or authorizing in others, actions
considered illegal by the courts. Regarding this point, participation is radically
vetoed, and decisions on zoning which should have been adopted
by means of other procedures, specially by observing participative procedures,
are imposed by the Parliaments. New technologies of information
offer the necessary instruments to attain that access to and dissemination
of information are easy. There has been an important advance in
the environmental fi eld although the confrontation between the rights to
information and the obligation of dissemination by the public authorities
is not fulfi lled with the due effectiveness, as it is proved by the analysis
of the web sites which must have a specifi ed informative content. The
author fi nishes this article attracting our attention to the need of change
in the existing democratic culture so as to apply properly the rights of
access and participation and the dissemination of the information in the
fi eld of zoning and environment.
El trabajo señala la importancia del sector turístico para la Comunidad
Foral y plantea la necesidad de reformar en profundidad su regulación para
adaptarla a la Directiva de Servicios, apuntando diversas líneas de actuación. La
transposición de la directiva a la legislación turística efectuada por la Ley Foral
6/2010 fue parcial e incompleta, limitándose a introducir la figura de la declaración
responsable, como único requisito de inicio de la actividad e inscripción registral.
Por ello el autor propone reformar en profundidad la Ley Foral de Turismo para incorporar
a la misma, de manera conjunta y coordinada, las principales propuestas
y líneas de actuación que marca la Directiva, así como las nuevas realidades y
figuras turísticas que están surgiendo con fuerza en los últimos años en el sector
turístico. Idazlanak turismoaren sektoreak Foru Komunitataerentzat duen
garrantzia azpimarratzen du, Zerbitzuen Zuzentarauari egokitze aldera araubidea
sakonki aldaberritu beharra planteatzen du eta horretarako zenbait jardun-lerro aipatzen
ditu. Turismo-legedira 6/2010 Foru Legearen bitartez egindako Zuzentarauaren
transposizioa zatizkoa izan zen, ez osoa, eta jarduerari ekiteko eta erregistroan
inskribatzeko betekizun bakar bezala erantzukizunpeko adierazpena ezartzera mugatu
zen. Horregatik, egileak Turismoari buruzko Foru Legea sakon aldaberritzea
proposatzen du, Zuzentarauak finkatzen dituen proposamen eta jardun-lerro nagusiak
modu oso eta betean Legean sartzeko, azken urteetan turismoaren alorrean
indar handiz sortzen ari diren errealitate eta figura berriak bezala. This paper highlights the importance of the tourism sector to the
Foral Community of Navarra and it sets out the need for an in depth reform of the
actual regulation in order to adapt it to the Directive of Services, pointing several
lines of action. The transposition of the Directive into the tourism legislation, by
virtue of the Foral Act 6/2010, was partial and incomplete, since it only introduced
the statement of responsibility, as the sole requirement for business start ¿ ups
and registration. The author proposes, therefore, a fundamental reform of the
Foral tourism legislation incorporating into it, in a cohesive and coordinated
manner, the main lines of actions which have been set out by the Directive and the
new realities and upcoming forms of tourism which are emerging strongly in the
last years in the tourism sector.
