Suchergebnisse

The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how "regime consolidation" plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present "one face" to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena. Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part.
Abstract in Kurmanji
Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê
Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa "xurtkirina rejîmê" roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir "rûyekî" nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve.
Abstract in Sorani
Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êrraq
Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon "ptewkirdnî rjêm" rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin "yek rûîy" pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt.
Abstract in Zazaki
Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî

No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke "konsolîdasyonê rejîmî" senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi "yew rî" teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between citizen participation and the level of trust in government's decisions and policies; as well as examining the impact of disclosure of information on the level of citizens' engagement with governments' projects. In addition, testing the real motives behind Egyptian citizens' participation in financing national projects. The study is applied to the "New Suez Canal," which was finished in only one year opposing the three years implementation period suggested by some studies.Design/methodology/approachThe researcher depended on secondary and primary data as well in working on this paper. She used secondary data gathered from scholars and from domestic and international institutions. Then, she conducted a field study and collected data through distributing 384 Likert Scale questionnaires containing 34 self-administered among respondents to test the following: 1. Citizens perceptions regarding the level of trust in government's decisions and policies. 2. The impact of citizens' trust on their willingness to participate in governments' projects. 3. Is 'public service motivation' (PSM) behind citizens' willingness of participating in national projects. 4. Is the 'high expected profit of Suez Canal Investment Certificates' behind citizens participation in national projects.FindingsH1 and H2 have been accepted as trust, transparency and citizen participation proved to be important pillars of building a participatory government. Moreover, citizens' participation in national projects encouraged national and international enterprises to invest in the canal provision. H3 and H4 are accepted and the statistical study revealed dual contradicting results regarding the motive of citizens' financial participation in the New Suez Canal project. The justification for the contradiction is that right after the 2011 up-rise, Egyptian citizens were overwhelmed with patriot emotions and feelings pushing them to participate in national projects. At the same time this patriot drive was moderated by the "performance-based rewards and citizens" self-interests' pushed by the Egyptian government (offering a high-interest rate for Suez Canal Certificates at that time). Citizens might be motivated to participate in national projects triggered by many factors: public service drive – patriotism or self-interest.Research limitations/implicationsThe study needs further deeper investigation and empirical pieces of evidence to answer the following questions: would different participatory actions result differently in other circumstances? Do individuals' levels of PSM vary over time? Besides, the researcher needs to find ways to test PSM against various motives such as self-interest, which needs to be confirmed empirically.Practical implicationsThe author came up with important recommendations for central government and decision-makers in Egypt and is based upon the study's statistical results. The most important recommendations were: central government and decision-makers should frame a policy designed to promote citizens' participation in decision-making drawing on the guidelines for civil participation in political decision-making. Decision-makers in the central government should work local and regional authorities to update and improve local and regional regulations concerning the participation of citizens in local public life and promote a culture of democratic participation shared by communities and local authorities. Performance-based rewards (high-interest rate) are moderating the citizens' public service motivation (PSM – patriot sense) and citizens may be motivated by different factors such as public service drive – patriotism or self-interest.Social implicationsThe study is tackling an important issue, which is civil participation in political decision-making. It is also discussing promoting cultural awareness regarding the importance of democratic participation shared by communities and local authorities. The study came up with certain findings proving Egyptian civil society's willingness in participating with the government in national projects; believing in its socio-economic benefits.Originality/valueFinally, the study is of value, as it could be considered a pilot study representing the outcomes of citizen participation in national projects; in addition, it can be considered as a road map to policymakers. Moreover, the findings provide a set of recommendations and policies for governments and decision-makers to undertake tangible actions to accelerate citizen participation in further projects and decisions and be able to establish a democratic system in developing countries.

Cristina A. Bejan, Intellectuals and Fascism in Interwar Romania: The Criterion Association, Cham, Switzer land: Palgrave, 2019, 323 pp., €74.89 (hardback), ISBN 978-3-030-20164-7.Chiara Bonfiglioli, Women and Industry in the Balkans: The Rise and Fall of the Yugoslav Textile Sector, London: I. B. Tauris, 2020, 232 pp., £85 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-78533-598-3.Aslı Davaz, Eşitsiz kız kardeşlik, uluslararası ve Ortadoğu kadın hareketleri, 1935 Kongresi ve Türk Kadın Birliği (Unequal sisterhood, international and Middle Eastern women's movements, 1935 Congress and the Turkish Women's Union), İstanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası, 2014, 892 pp., with an introduction by Yıldız Ecevit, pp. xxi–xxviii; preface by the author, pp. xxix–xlix, TL 42 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-605-332-296-2.Biljana Dojčinović and Ana Kolarić, eds., Feministički časopisi u Srbiji: Teorija, aktivizam i umetničke prakse u 1990-im i 2000-im (Feminist periodicals in Serbia: Theory, activism, and artistic practice in the 1990s and 2000s), Belgrade: Faculty of Philology, University of Belgrade, 2018, 370 pp., price not listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-86-6153-515-4.Melanie Ilic, ed., The Palgrave Handbook of Women and Gender in Twentieth-Century Russia and the Soviet Union, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 572 pp., $239 (e-book) ISBN: 978-1-137-54904-4; ISBN: 978-1-137-54905-1.Luciana M. Jinga, ed., The Other Half of Communism: Women's Outlook, in History of Communism in Europe, vol. 8, Bucharest: Zeta Books, 2018, 348 pp., USD 40 (paperback), ISBN: 978-606-697-070-9.Teresa Kulawik and Zhanna Kravchenko, eds., Borderlands in European Gender Studies: Beyond the East-West Frontier, New York: Routledge, 2020, 264 pp., $140.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-367-25896-2.Jill Massino, Ambiguous Transitions: Gender, the State, and Everyday Life
in Socialist and Postsocialist Romania, New York: Berghahn Books, 2019,
466 pp., USD 122 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-785-33598-3.Gergana Mircheva, (A)normalnost i dostap do publichnostta: Socialnoinstitucionalni prostranstva na biomedicinskite discursi v Bulgaria (1878–1939) ([Ab]normality and access to publicity: Social-institutional spaces of biomedicine discourses in Bulgaria [1878–1939]), Sofia: St. Kliment Ohridski University Press, 2018, 487 pp., BGN 16 (paperback), ISBN: 978-954-07-4474-2.Milutin A. Popović, Zatvorenice, album ženskog odeljenja Požarevačkog kaznenog zavoda sa statistikom (1898) (Prisoners, the album of the women's section of Požarevac penitentiary with statistics, 1898), edited by Svetlana Tomić, Belgrade: Laguna , 2017, 333 pp., RSD 894 (paperback), ISBN: 978-86-521-2798-6.Irena Protassewicz, A Polish Woman's Experience in World War II: Conflict, Deportation and Exile, edited by Hubert Zawadzki, with Meg Knott, translated by Hubert Zawadzki, London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019, xxv pp. + 257 pp., £73.38 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-3500-7992-2.Zilka Spahić Šiljak, ed., Bosanski labirint: Kultura, rod i liderstvo (Bosnian labyrinth: Culture, gender, and leadership), Sarajevo and Zagreb: TPO Fondacija and Buybook, 2019, xii + 213 pp., no price listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-9926-422-16-5.Gonda Van Steen, Adoption, Memory and Cold War Greece: Kid pro quo?, University of Michigan Press, 2019, 350 pp., $85.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-472-13158-7.D imitra Vassiliadou, Ston tropiko tis grafi s: Oikogeneiakoi desmoi kai synaisthimata stin astiki Ellada (1850–1930) (The tropic of writing: Family ties and emotions in modern Greece [1850–1930]), Athens: Gutenberg, 2018, 291 pp., 16.00 € (paperback), ISBN: 978-960-01-1940-4.Radina Vučetić, Coca-Cola Socialism: Americanization of Yugoslav Culture in the Sixties, English translation by John K. Cox, Budapest: Central European University Press, 2018, 334 pp., €58.00 (paperback), ISBN: 978-963-386-200-1.Nancy M. Wingfield, The World of Prostitution in Late Imperial Austria, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017, xvi + 272 pp., $80 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-19880-165-8.Anastasia Lakhtikova, Angela Brintlinger, and Irina Glushchenko, eds., Seasoned Socialism: Gender and Food in Late Soviet Everyday Life, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019, xix + 373 pp., $68.41(hardback), ISBN: 978-0-253-04095-4.

Purpose
Self-esteem values, with the new art of living, in the minds of Indians, lead to establish faith among the spiritual organization. Later on, the spiritual organizations brand their names and market the products in their branded name. These brands, which are inspired by faith and created by Indian spiritual gurus, have even disrupted the fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) market by being customer-centric instead of being geared by lucrative returns. It is in this context that this paper aims to find the cultural divergence factors that lead to change the consumption pattern of FMCG and how such brands of faith have been segmented in the Indian perspective by spiritual gurus. The research concludes that cultural divergence variables such as power distance, collectivism, uncertainty avoidance and long-term orientation influence the brands that are inspired by faith. Spiritual gurus in India are using sociocultural marketing activities such as social endorsement and cause-related marketing strategies for segmenting the markets.


Design/methodology/approach
The primary data were collected from the 1,678 customers of the Isha products. The respondents were selected based on the snowball sampling. The responses were collected from the followers who visited the foundation at least three times during the period of two years in Coimbatore and purchased Isha products worth more than Rs 500. The data were collected between the period August 2016 and April 2018. Of 1,678 responses, 1,465 responses were validated after coding. Of 1,465 responses that were validated, 1,126 responses were found reliable.


Findings
"Cause-related marketing" and "social group endorsement" activities of the firms tend to create a brand image. To find out which of the above activities highly influence the brands of faith, realistic-operating characteristic (ROC) analysis was carried out. ROC curves were drawn to assess the brands of faith centroid values with social group endorsement and cause-related marketing variables. ROC curves explored the precision of diagnostic tests and were used to find the best "cut-off" value for impressive and unimpressive cluster test results.


Research limitations/implications
Cultural divergence variables such as power distance, collectivism, uncertainty avoidance and long-term orientation are influencing the brands of faith. The followers of the spiritual foundation have their own distinct culture, and their social affinity values increase the brands of faith. Social group endorsement and cause-related marketing are the marketing strategies suitable for spiritual foundation (to market their product/ service). Age, education and occupation are demographic values that influence the brands of faith. The spiritual foundations are segmenting their customers based on the occupational values, and they use the cause-related marketing strategies to increase the values of brands of faith.


Practical implications
As the cultural values related to the art of living have been recognized by society as the measure of social well-being, the spiritual leaders can enhance their brands of faith. The social media communication about cause-related marketing can create trust in society. On the other hand, societal marketing activities cannot target the entire society. Hence, it is to be stratified. While stratifying, the players of diversity markets have to target a group based on the values generated by the stakeholders in the foundation. The diversified markets created by the Indian spiritual gurus are providing cultural diversity.


Social implications
The business value created by spiritual foundations is increasing the social values which are essential to uplift society. The author concludes that if business values and societal values are integrated by any group of people, it improves economic value to that society and they can use the social currency in the form of "brands of faith".


Originality/value
The cultural values of a society are measured and compared with national and global index. The enumerate method is an original one.

This is a retracted article, whose corrected version, bearing the same title, is available under the DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.2417. The correction was introduced at the request of the Author.
The article is a study of the symbolic topography of Warsaw's Chłodna Street. In 1940–1942 Chłodna Street was an "Aryan" border strip, dividing the Small and Large Ghettos. For the past quarter of century, the symbolic landmark dominating within this space have been the subsequent commemorations of the Ghetto's wooden footbridge that existed here between January and August 1942. These commemorative artefacts evolved from a counter-commemoration (1996), through a commemoration with the use of painting (2007) and photography (2008), to a symbolic reconstruction of the bridge (2011). The analysis of this dynamics, from representation of an object to its materialization, is complemented by a reconstruction of the patterns and stakes of narratives that make up the subsequent layers of the Chłodna Street narrative palimpsest. An important context of the analysis, apart from the history of the site, is the fact that today, the means of control over the space of the former Ghetto are in exclusive possession of the non-Jewish majority.
A breaking point in the commemoration process was Roman Polański's film The Pianist (2002). The bridge over Chłodna was reconstructed "one to one" – in Warsaw but outside the space of the former Warsaw Ghetto. The film was shot in the midst of a nationwide debate taking place in Poland over Jan Tomasz Gross's book Neighbors (2000). The debate concerned the Poles' participation in the Holocaust and the socio-cultural determinants of their attitudes and behaviors. Within the Polish dominant culture, the narrative shock was so immense that a return to the old Polish tale of heroism and martyrdom seemed impossible. Meanwhile the mainstream journalistic discourse cast Gross and Polański on the two sides of a narrative opposition. The former supposedly represented subjectivism and rash generalizations, while the latter was supposed to embody objectivism and fair judgment. The silhouette of the bridge over Chłodna Street merged at that point with a counterfactual vision of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The international success of The Pianist (Palme d'Or and Oscar) sealed the evolution of the bridge as a figure: from an abject to an object of desire, a tourist attraction, and an export. (A separate issue, also tackled in the article, is how the story told in the film relates to the story of Władysław Szpilman, mediated originally by Szpilman's ghostwriter Jerzy Walfdorff and then by the scriptwriters, Ronald Harwood and Roman Polański. In both cases the most serious discrepancies concern depictions of the Poles' attitudes toward the Jews during, but also before, the Holocaust).
The success of the film was the determining factor in a decision made to invest public funds in another, and thus far last, commemoration of the bridge over Chłodna: its symbolic reconstruction in situ. What was reconstructed was not so much the bridge as it was in 1942 but the bridge from the film, and with it – the film's idealized portrayal of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The figure of the bridge suggests tight isolation of Jews and Poles – an isolation instituted by the Germans. By so doing, it feeds into the image of Poles as helpless bystanders (onlookers/gawkers, at times even witnesses) in the face of the Holocaust. The figure of the Polish bystander/witness to the Holocaust, in its turn, is a key figure of Polish innocence. In addition, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge draws the attention of the users of this space away from another site on Chłodna Street, where Jews and Poles came into direct contact with each other throughout the entire existence of the Warsaw ghetto. In obscuring the factual state of affairs uncovered as a result of the Jedwabne debate, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge over Chłodna Street functions as a discourse-reproducing machine of sorts, alowing the dominant majority to "indulge in retrospective hallucination" (Baudrillard).
The article uncovers the workings of a roly-poly narrative mechanism that renders impossible any successful reassessment and rejection of the Polish dominant culture and prevents common knowledge about facts from bearing in any way on the collective consciousness.

Disaster call be explained as an occurrence disrupting the normal conditions of existence and, causing a level of suffering that exceeds the capacity of adjustment of the affected community. Any disaster event is tagged with tremendous impact to the society or community. Thus, Social Impacts of Landslides can be defined as "the consequences to human populations of any Landslide incident that alter the ways in which people live, work and spend their leisure time, relate to one another, organize to meet their needs and generally cope as members of society including changes 10 the cultural norms, values, and beliefs that guide and rationalize their cognition of themselves and their society ". Hence, any consequence caused as a result of a landslide, which eventually leads to alter the day to day life-styles, livelihood patterns, cultural integrity and social networks of affected family/s or a neighbourhood can be classified as a Social Impact. Scope of the Problem Of the 65,000 sq. kill of the land area of the island of Sri Lanka, nearly 12,000 kill spread over seven of its administrative districts are highly prone to landslides. Scientific studies have revealed that the frequency of landslides is on the increase particularly because of the unplanned intensive cultivation, nOI1 - engineered constructions, deforestation, neglect of land, and ever increasing human intervention. Although humans create and contribute to landslide events, they are also the sufferers of these dreadful events. This paper will focus on the Social Impacts of Landslide Disasters in Sri Lanka with special reference to May -2003 and January -2007 incidents in Matara and Nuwara Eliya Districts respectively. Objective of this paper is to explore the Social Impacts of Landslides with reference to Deaths, Displacement, Personnel & Social Insecurity, Health Issues, Issues of Women & Children, Psychological Reactions, Involuntary Resettlement, Legal Issues and Recovery & Reconstruction Needs. This paper includes information gathered and experiences gained from the research conducted among the May 2007 landslide affectedfamilies in the Deniyaya area of the Matara District and the field observations carried out among families that experienced similar disasters in mid January 2007 in Walapane and Hanguranketha areas of the Nuwara Eliya District of Sri Lanka. A Questionnaire Survey was carried out among the affectedfamiliesjust one week after the May-2003 landslides in the Southern Sri Lanka. In the Research Methodology techniques such as field observations. recording of case studies. collection of spatial data and geographical coordinations of the affected areas using Global Positioning Systems (GPS - MLR - SP24) were also used in this research headed by the author of this paper. in collaboration with several members of the academic staff and about 70 under graduates of the Department of Geography of University of Sri Jayewardenepura Sri Lanka. Field observations and informal interviews were conducted afew days after the January - 2007land5lide incidents in central Sri Lanka among the affected families and formal meetings were held with officials to collect information. Major Issues Addressed The population and social structures of the landslide affected areas were seriously affected mainly by the number of human deaths. During the period 1869 to 2003. there were about 178 reported landslides all over Sri Lanka. causing over 455 deaths. The impacts of landslides have worsened during the last 25 years and 85% of deaths have occurred during this period The worst ever landslide disasters in the history of Sri Lanka were reported in May-2003 with 188 deaths and 139. 000 displaced. Further, the landslides of January - 2007 in Sri Lanka have claimed 21 lives while over 4.200 have been displaced. In the past 25 years from 1982 to 2007 landslides have killed 403 persons and affected over 150.000 families while around 28 billion rupees (US$ 28 million) had been incurred on relief and reconstruction efforts. Landslide disasters in May-2003 were solely accountable for 96% of the above expenditure. Conclusion Social impacts of landslide disasters in Sri Lanka are immense and the effects more pronounced during the last 25 years. Thus landslide mitigation strategies that harmonize with the natural environment need to be implemented vigilantly in landslide prone areas.

PurposeThe majority of states and school systems within the USA have implemented the Common Core State Standards, but with this implementation and focus on language arts and mathematics, many believe that social studies education has lagged. The purpose of this paper is to investigate preservice teachers' social studies self-efficacy, experiences, and beliefs. Participants were preservice teachers in a required education course. During this course, preservice teachers were required to complete a 20-hour practicum within a school. Participants completed a teacher social studies self-efficacy scale, as well as a reflection questionnaire and course discussions. Results showed that preservice teachers reported that they did not have social studies experiences within the practicum. Implications of this study support preservice teachers having additional social studies education and C3 Framework mastery experiences.Design/methodology/approachWith regard to the teacher's sense of efficacy scale, descriptive statistics (means, standard deviations) were calculated. Following qualitative tradition (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Miles and Huberman, 1994), the author used a constant comparative method to code the reflection questionnaire and group discussions. This included calculating answers and coding themes across the sources. These data gleaned insight into the participants' experiences within the course and practicum regarding the domain of social studies education.FindingsTo answer research question 1, means and standard deviations were calculated. Using the social studies teacher's sense of efficacy scale, participants reportedM=6.4, SD=1.25. Research question 2 concerned whether or not participants were given a mastery experience (practicum/tutoring) in social studies. Moreover, if they were not given such an experience, in what domain did they work? Results indicated that a few participants (19 percent) stated that they had an opportunity to tutor in social studies. Most reported that the majority of their tutoring is in reading (58 percent) or mathematics (24 percent).Research limitations/implicationsThe findings from this study inform social studies research as it focuses on teacher social studies self-efficacy and mastery experiences within a practicum. First, preservice teachers in this study had relatively low self-efficacy beliefs in the domain of social studies. Second, the participants had very few mastery experiences in social studies. Finally, preservice teachers seem to feel that they will enjoy teaching social studies, and they did learn social studies within their schools.Practical implicationsTeacher educators are constrained in the time that they have to impart knowledge, pedagogy, and efficacy beliefs on preservice teachers. While evolving legislative mandates are at the forefront of many aspects of teaching, a teacher's belief in his or her ability to teach may be what leads to perseverance in the classroom. Experiences within social studies classrooms and a use of the C3 Framework will help to highlight teachers' and students' growth within the domain of social studies. This study highlights the need for more mastery experiences in social studies as a way of strengthening new teachers' content knowledge.Social implicationsThe future of social studies education within the classroom seems to be a dire situation. The consequence of the marginalization of social studies within the classroom is twofold. First, students to do have direct social studies instruction. Second, preservice teachers do not have an opportunity to observe or teach within this domain. As stated earlier, legislation is guiding classroom instruction. However, if teachers and schools are informed, social studies education does not have to disappear from student's classroom time. School systems and teachers who have not yet done so should begin to consider using the C3 Framework.Originality/valueThe need to understand preservice teachers' social studies self-efficacy beliefs is of importance given the constraints that they will most likely be facing once they enter the classroom. In other words, if preservice teachers are expected to teach children social studies, teacher educators should understand their learning of and beliefs about teaching in this domain. This study focused on preservice teachers' self-efficacy and social studies beliefs. This study highlights the need for more mastery experiences in social studies as a way of strengthening new teachers' content knowledge. Today, there are limitations wherein preservice teachers do not have many experiences with social studies. Future approaches should focus on offering more mastery experiences to preservice teachers.

To Recover Liberalism. Review of a book by Andrzej Walicki Od projektu komunistycznego do neoliberalnej utopii (From the Communist Project to the Neoliberal Utopia), Warszawa: Universitas 2013This review discusses a recent book by Andrzej Walicki, Od projektu komunistycznego do neoliberalnej utopii (From the Communist Project to the Neoliberal Utopia) (Warszawa: Universitas 2013). The book features a collection of essays, interviews, and scholarly articles published by Walicki in academic and popular journals between 2001 and 2012. Topics include a history of the communist project in a broader European perspective; the significance and legacy of de-Stalinization in Poland, with a particular emphasis on what the author calls "the Polish road away from communism" after 1956; right-wing conservative politics in Poland after 1989, the politicization of the memory of communism; and possible directions for the development of the Polish Left as a necessary component of a healthy democratic system. The compelling scholarly discussion is often combined with autobiographical sketches of an intellectual who has been deeply engaged in intellectual and social life in postwar Poland. Walicki, a prominent intellectual and specialist on intellectual history, studied and worked in Warsaw until he emigrated to Australia and then the United States (The University of Notre Dame) in the 1980s. In that sense, Walicki provides a unique perspective on Polish history and culture, influenced by both Polish and American academic worlds and intellectual traditions. The strength of the book is its focus on the role of language and the manipulation of terms such as "communism" or "liberalism" by contemporary political leaders in Poland to achieve specific emotional reactions from the public. One of the central claims of the book is that Polish political elites have "distorted" the meaning of liberalism by connecting it solely to the free market rather than to the original idea of individual freedoms. In this way, the dominant conservative elites in Poland are able to depict human rights and the welfare state as alien to the "Polish" tradition, supposedly exclusively Catholic and socially conservative. Walicki points to the need to recover the rich history of the Polish Left as well as to restore the original meaning and value of liberalism in shaping Polish democracy. Odzyskać liberalizm. Recenzja książki Andrzeja Walickiego Od projektu komunistycznego do neoliberalnej utopii, Warszawa: Universitas 2013Recenzja omawia najnowszą książkę Andrzeja Walickiego Od projektu komunistycznego do neoliberalnej utopii (Warszawa: Universitas 2013). Książka to zbiór esejów, wywiadów oraz artykułów naukowych publikowanych przez A. Walickiego zarówno w czasopismach naukowych, jak i popularnych w latach 2001-2012. Tematyka prac dotyczy: historii projektu komunistycznego w szerszej, europejskiej perspektywie; znaczenia i spuścizny destalinizacji w Polsce ze szczególnym naciskiem na to, co sam autor nazywa "polską drogą od komunizmu" po 1956 roku; prawicowej, konserwatywnej polityki w Polsce po roku 1989; polityzacji pamięci komunizmu oraz możliwych dróg rozwoju polskiej lewicy jako niezbędnego elementu zdrowego systemu demokratycznego.Interesująca dyskusja naukowa jest często połączona z autobiograficznymi szkicami autora, który angażował się w życie intelektualne i społeczne powojennej Polski. Andrzej Walicki, prominentny intelektualista i historyk idei, studiował i pracował naukowo na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim do lat osiemdziesiątych, kiedy wyemigrował do Australii, a następnie do USA na Uniwersytet Notre Dame. Z tego punktu widzenia Walicki dostarcza nam wyjątkowego spojrzenia na Polską historię i kulturę, ukształtowanego zarówno przez polską, jak i amerykańską tradycję intelektualną i oba akademickie światy. Siłą książki jest koncentracja autora na roli języka i manipulowaniu terminami takimi, jak "komunizm" czy "liberalizm", przez współczesnych politycznych liderów w Polsce po to, aby osiągnąć określoną reakcję emocjonalną odbiorców. Jedno z kluczowych twierdzeń książki dotyczy zniekształcenia znaczenia pojęcia "liberalizm" przez polskie elity intelektualne i polityczne poprzez połączenie go wyłącznie z wolnym rynkiem zamiast z oryginalną ideą wolności jednostki. W ten sposób dominujące konserwatywne elity w Polsce są w stanie przedstawić prawa człowieka oraz państwo opiekuńcze jako obce "polskiej" tradycji, z założenia wyłącznie katolickiej i społecznie konserwatywnej. Walicki wskazuje na potrzebę ponownego odkrycia bogatej historii polskiej lewicy, przywrócenia pierwotnych wartości liberalizmowi i odrestaurowania jego znaczenia w kształtowaniu polskiej demokracji.

Review of a book by Katarzyna Wrzesińska, Culture and civilization in the thought of National Democratic Party (1893–1918). Between the educational idea and politics, Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, pp. 377.The book by Katarzyna Wrzesińska, a historian of ideas and Polish political thought of the 19th and 20th centuries, a researcher of the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, has an ambitious aim to deal with cultural politics of National Democracy, the largest political movement in the history of Polish lands, at the fin-de-siècle. The further themes are, among others, definitions of nation and folk in the nationalist framework, the role and place of educational ideas in a wider scope of the nationalist project, an influence of nationalist ideas on the Polish intelligentsia.Interestingly, Wrzesińska does not correspond with current social sciences debates about definitions and understandings of nationalisms in literature, but tries to step outside them altogether. Undoubtedly, such a new framework would have helped us move forward in studies on Polish nationalism. Paradoxically though, while the book analyzing a wide array of published primary documents, it offers, in the end, a well-known and conventional story on 'young idealist' debouched whether by mass-politics or by masses as such. The rhetoric of nationalism is quite evident but not equally obvious from Wrzesińska's presentation are the ways in which people appropriated that vocabulary and those ideas for their own ends. The author gives then another casual tale on an innocent but cultural nation and, first and foremost, its elites beset by brutal and uncivilized enemies. Epistemological naiveté, surplus of not analyzed details and quotations, and, last but not least, rather surprisingly narrow catalogue of questions does not address how and why the Polish integral nationalists differed from other national strains of this time.All in all, unfortunately, the book does not help to capture the complexity of National Democracy in the Polish history of the period under discussion. Not only it does not substantially extend our knowledge on the subject, but as well obscures and blocks serious questions about this political movement and its toxic legacy.Recenzja: Katarzyna Wrzesińska, Kultura i cywilizacja w myśli Narodowej Demokracji (1893–1918). Między ideą wychowania a polityką, Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, ss. 377.Książka Katarzyny Wrzesińskiej, historyczki idei oraz polskiej myśli politycznej w XIX i XX wieku, związanej z Instytutem Slawistyki PAN, stawia sobie ambitny cel: omówienie polityki kulturowej Narodowej Demokracji, największego ruchu politycznego na ziemiach polskich przełomu XIX i XX stulecia. Książka porusza kwestię definicji "narodu" i "ludu" w nacjonalistycznej ramie pojęciowej, roli pomysłów edukacyjnych w szerszym spektrum projektu nacjonalistycznego oraz wpływu nacjonalistycznych idei na polską inteligencję.K. Wrzesińska nie odnosi się do obecnie toczącej się w naukach społecznych debaty dotyczącej definicji i rozumienia nacjonalizmu w literaturze, decyduje się zupełnie pominąć tę dyskusję. Bez wątpienia nowa rama teoretyczna pozwoliłaby rozwinąć studia nad polskim nacjonalizmem. Paradoksalnie jednak, chociaż autorka analizuje szeroki zestaw publikowanych już, podstawowych dokumentów, na koniec oferuje dobrze znaną i konwencjonalną opowieść o "młodych idealistach", z czasem uformowanych przez masową politykę lub przez masy jako takie. Retoryka nacjonalizmu jest sama w sobie wystarczająco zrozumiała, jednak w obrazie stworzonym przez Wrzesińską nie jest oczywiste, w jaki sposób nacjonalistyczne słownictwo i idee zostały powszechnie przejęte i wykorzystane. Autorka tworzy za to kolejną wymijającą opowieść o niewinnej i kulturalnej nacji oraz – przede wszystkim – o jej elicie, napastowanej przez brutalnych i niecywilizowanych przeciwników. Epistemologiczna naiwność, nadmiar niezanalizowanych cytatów oraz wąski zestaw pytań badawczych nie pozwalają w pełni przedstawić przyczyn i sposobu, w jaki polski integralny nacjonalizm różnił się od innych nacjonalistycznych nurtów epoki.Niestety książka nie pomaga zrozumieć złożoności sytuacji Narodowej Demokracji w polskiej historii omawianego okresu. Nie tylko w niewystarczający sposób poszerza naszą wiedzę, lecz również blokuje poważne pytania na temat tego ruchu i jego toksycznej spuścizny.

The second All-Belarusian Congress (after the First Congress in 1917, which laid the foundations of the Belarusian national statehood) was held in Minsk on June 27, 1944 on the eve of Soviet Army invasion in the capital of Belarus ('liberation' of Minsk from Nazi occupation). In Soviet historiography, this Congress was treated unambiguously negative as a criminal 'gathering' of Hitler's henchmen. Official historiography of Soviet Belarus ignored this event. Several generations of citizens grew up in the post-war decades who had no idea about the Second Congress, its decisions and speeches that were voiced from the tribune. The task of overcoming this ignorance is still relevant which, of course, does not exclude the development of modern critical thinking about political and ideological positions of the national movement leaders of that dramatic era. This problem is connected with concurrent need to revise the view at the Second All-Belarusian Congress, which was dominant in science and political journalism of Eastern European countries, particularly in Polish historical literature – until 1989 in Polish emigre circles and in the last decades in Polen itself. Here this Congress was well know (down to the smallest detail in the memory of eyewitnesses of what happened in June 1944) and discussed openly. Irreconcilable contradictions between Poland and Belarus and anti-Polish sentiment of the Congress were often emphasized. Allegedly, Congrees participants were more concerned about the imaginary 'Polish threat' rather than salvation of their country from the Nazi and Soviet occupation in those tragic days (the last days of their stay in the native land). Based on the sources found in archives and examined by the author, primarily the full transcript of the Congress, we can imagine that the content and emotional speeches of Congress delegates (chairman Yauhim Kipel, head of the Belarusian Central Rada Radoslav Austroysky / Ostrovsky, Archbishop of Mogilev and Minsk – Filafey, General Constance Ezavitov, Master M. Shkelionk and culture referent – Nadzeiya Mizkevich) were aimed at protecting the Belarusian national statehood and culture against the threat of degeneration in the USSR. Great moral value in the perspective of revival of the Belarusian state and political activities in the strategy of the Belarusian emigration in the postwar world had Declaration 'On breakup with the Bolshevik Moscow' passed by the Congress. The myth engrafted by communist propaganda that the Second All-Belarusian Congress was initiated by the Nazi occupants of Belarus should be dispelled in today's public consciousness. In fact, the leaders of the Belarusian national movement managed to convene Congress in spite of resistance, prohibitions and unwillingness of the occupation authorities (which is why it only became possible in the last days before the entrance of the Soviet Army in Minsk). Belarussians were the only peoples of the former Soviet Union (who found themselves 'between a rock and a hard place' of rivaling forces during the Second World War – Nazi Germany and the Kremlin), who managed to articulate their national objectives and claims primarily related to public integrity and independence of Belarus at the level of the national congress. The very date of the Second All-Belarusian Congress (June 27th) signifies an important additional perspective, which should be considered in the history of the peoples of Eastern Europe of 1944. It turns out that you can do a lot in the last minute. The trail of All-Belarusian Congress, conducted in emergency circumstances, should not be erased from the memory of the Belarusian people and the international community. Comparative analysis of the Congress delegates' speeches and those of leaders of Belarusian Popular Front 'Adrazhenne / Renaissance' that were made in Minsk at the turn of 1980–1990s (for example, at a rally in memory of victims of Stalin's repression in Minsk on November 1, 1987) shows that there is a political relay race passing from the First to the Second All-Belarusian Congress, to the Belarusian emigration of 1940–1950s (especially to international 'Promethean League of Atlantic Charta', speaking also on behalf of the Belarusian people), to democratic forces of the country, entered the historical arena in the era of perestroika.

O principal objetivo deste artigo é, com base nas limitações críticas apontadas à experiência histórica da Cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS), analisar alguns dos dilemas com que se confrontam as atuais estratégias de Cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS), concebidas e desenvolvidas por países comoBrasil, México, Índia, China, Turquia ou África do Sul. O autor defende a hipótese de que a diferenciação entre CNS e CSS é fundamentalmente empírica, devendo, porém, também ser pensada à luz do legado do ativismo multilateral de alguns desses países e do novo papel econômico e político que desempenham no cenário internacional. O argumento é construído no sentido de que, por terem sido (e ainda serem) beneficiários da CNS, tais países deveriam atentar para os riscos de reprodução de um modelo de cooperação que eles próprios criticaram no passado recente. O que haveria de singular e distintivo nas práticas de CSS desses países? Quais seriam os riscos de que suas práticas de CSS sejam menos solidárias do que as promessas anunciadas por seus dirigentes e representantes políticos?

When Michael Harrington's The Other America: Poverty in the United States first appeared in bookstores in March 1962, its author had modest hopes for its success, expecting to sell at most a few thousand copies. Instead, the book proved a publishing phenomenon, garnering substantial sales (seventy thousand in several editions within its first year and over a million in paperback since then), wide and respectful critical attention, and a significant influence over the direction of social welfare policy in the United States during the decade that followed. By February 1964, Business Week noted, "The Other America is already regarded as a classic work on poverty." Time magazine later offered even more sweeping praise, listing The Other America in a 1998 article entitled "Required Reading" as one of the twentieth century's ten most influential books, putting it in such distinguished company as Sigmund Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents and Alexander Solzhenitsyn's The Gulag Archipelago. Harrington's own knowledge of poverty was, for the most part, acquired secondhand, as he would recount in two memoirs, Fragments of the Century (1973) and The Long Distance Runner: An Autobiography (1988). Born in 1928 in St. Louis, the only child of loving and moderately prosperous parents of sturdy Irish-Catholic lineage, educated at Holy Cross, Yale Law School, and the University of Chicago, he moved to New York City in 1949 to become a writer. In 1951, he joined Dorothy Day's Catholic Worker movement as a volunteer at its soup kitchen; there he got to know a small subset of the nation's poor, the homeless male alcoholics of New York City's Bowery district. Within a few years he left the Catholic Worker (and the Catholic Church) and joined the Young People's Socialist League, the youth affiliate of the battered remnants of the American Socialist Party, a party then led by Norman Thomas. A tireless organizer, prolific writer, skillful debater, and charismatic orator, Harrington succeeded Thomas as America's best-known socialist in the 1960s, just as Thomas had succeeded Eugene Debs in that role in the 1920s. Socialism was never the road to power in the United States, but socialist leaders like Debs, Thomas, and Harrington were, from time to time, able to play the role of America's social conscience. In the years since Harrington's death from cancer in 1989, at the age of sixty-one, no obvious successor to the post of socialist tribune in the Debs-Thomas-Harrington tradition has emerged. Harrington's most famous appeal to the American conscience, The Other America, was a short work (one hundred and eighty-six pages in the original edition) with a simple thesis: poverty in the affluent society of the United States was both more extensive and more tenacious than most Americans assumed. The extent of poverty could be calculated by counting the number of American households that survived on an annual income of less than $3,000. These figures were readily available in the census data, but until Harrington published The Other America they were rarely considered. Harrington revealed to his readers that an "invisible land" of the poor, over forty million strong, or one in four Americans at the time, fell below the poverty line. For the most part this Other America existed in rural isolation and in crowded slums where middle-class visitors seldom ventured. "That the poor are invisible is one of the most important things about them," Harrington wrote in his introduction in 1962. "They are not simply neglected and forgotten as in the old rhetoric of reform; what is much worse, they are not seen." That was then. Fifty years since the publication of The Other America the poor are still among us -- and in a testament to the lasting significance of Harrington's work, not at all invisible. Whether or not the poor exist is thus no longer a matter of debate; what if anything can be done to improve their condition remains at issue. Adapted from the source document.

The author brings forth a range of information on forced migration of the
Serb population from the Croatian part of the Independent State of Croatia in
1941 (NDH). Almost one third of the population were Serbs in the NDH. One of
the methods of solving ?the Serbia issue? in the NDH was migrating the Serbs
into Serbia. The other methods were forced conversions of the Serbian
population, namely physical killings. The adopted legal provisions made the
terror policy over Serbian population legitimate. A conference was held on
June 4th in the German legation in Zagreb. At the meeting it was agreed that
Slovenians from Styria were to be moved to NDH, and Serbs from the NDH to
Serbia. Deportation was to be carried out in three waves. The first wave was
to last from June 7th to July 5th and 5000 Slovenian intellectuals from Lower
Styria were to be deported directly to Serbia, except for catholic priests
who were to be deported to the NDH. Orthodox priests from the NDH were to be
deported to Serbia together with their families. In the second wave, lasting
from June 10th to August 30th, 25,000 Slovenians from Slovenia were to be
deported to the NDH and NDH was to deport just as many Serbs. In the last
wave (from September 15th to October 31st), 65,000 Slovenian peasants from
the Gorenjska region (Upper Carniola region) were to be deported to the NDH,
and NDH was to migrate just as many Serbs to Serbia, as well as 30,000 Serbs
whose citizenship was not acknowledged by the NDH. The government of the NDH
founded an office for this purpose under the name State Directorate for
Renewal. The migration of the Serbs from NDH began in June of 1941.
Volunteers from the Salonika Front were then moved from their properties in
Slavonia and Srem. Their total number was about 28,000. Then the Orthodox
priests were migrated. According to the lists made by the NDH authorities,
327 of them were migrated from the NDH. 104 priests from the Croatian part of
NDH were moved away in an organized manner. One part of them managed to
escape before they were arrested. The migration of priests was carried out
through transit camps in Caprag and Pozega. Massive deportations of the
Serbian population through transit camps in Caprag, Bjelovar and Pozega began
with the arresting of Serbs in Zagreb in the first half of July 1941, and
then continued in other districts of northern Croatia and Bosnia. The total
number of migrations in an organized manner from the Croatian part of the NDH
up to the beginning of September 1941, according to the name list drawn up in
2012, amounted to 9875 Serbs, although that number was not final since there
were greater disparities for certain districts. By the end of September 1941,
the Ustashas migrated 14,733 Serbs out of the NDH in a legal way. Croatians
from Dalmatia, Herzegovina and the Croatian Zagorje as well as displaced
Slovenians primarily originally from Styria, moved into their houses. The
authorities of NDH confiscated the property of the forced out Serbs. Other
forms of the Ustasha terror, like massive killings, caused intensive illegal
emigration of Serbs from NDH to Serbia, which, according to German data, had
already increased to around 180,000 relocated Serbs by the end of July,
although it seems this number exceeded 200,000 by the end of September.
Organized migration was ceased in October 1941 after the German authorities
in Serbia forbid further immigration of Serbs from the NDH mainly because of
the uprising in western Serbia. Part of the banished Serbs from the Pozega
concentration camp were returned home to the districts of Osijek, Garesnica,
Krizevac, Virovitica and Ludbreg. However, from the documentation of the
Commissariat for Refugees in Belgrade, it is evident that the research on the
migration of Serbs from Croatia and the whole of NDH was not finished in
1941, so the number of 200,000 of forced migrants who have left is not final.

"The question at hand seems relatively simple and straightforward: whether and to what extent the protection and promotion of human rights is necessary for efforts to address conflict and build peace. The issue has been much debated over time. The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights forcefully associated the protection of human rights with the prevention of violent conflict, stating that 'it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law' (UN 1948, preamble). Yet in 1996, an anonymous author in Human Rights Quarterly accused the international human rights movement of prolonging the war in Bosnia Herzegovina. There, human rights activists had rejected pragmatic deals that could have ended the violence and, from hindsight, were no worse than the eventual agreement in rewarding ethnic cleansing and aggression. In that author's view, it made 'today's living the dead of tomorrow' by pursuing a perfectly just and moral peace that would bring 'justice for yesterday's victims of atrocities' (Anonymous 1996, 259). Since then, the idea that the normative nature of human rights standards may complicate the practical demands of peacemaking has been a recurrent theme in discussions on the relationship between human rights and efforts to address violent conflict. This is especially the case when the latter is conceived of in terms of conflict settlement or resolution. Questions of definitions and objectives are thus key. Also relevant are the time frame, context and level of intervention one focuses on, though few authors on the subject make this explicit. In addition, narrow perceptions and generalizations abound in this debate as people working on human rights, peace and conflict have been grouped into categories of 'human rights activists' and 'conflict resolvers' as if these were homogenous and coherent clusters of actors. In this chapter, the authoress argues that considering human rights and conflict transformation in conjunction deepens one's analysis of what is involved in moving from violence to sustainable peace. It is informed by the idea that the two fill 'gaps' in one another, in that each contributes to a better understanding of the other by highlighting elements that are relatively under-explored in the theory and practice of each separate field. For conflict transformation, which will be the main focus here, the perspective of human rights forces a greater emphasis on structural conditions, especially the role of the state, systems of governance and issues of power in generating, escalating and transforming violent conflict. Considering human rights in relation to conflict transformation, moreover, highlights the need to employ a holistic, multidimensional understanding of human rights that does not reduce them to their legal foundations. This chapter suggests that conflict transformation, because of its explicit grounding in social justice, and hence inherently normative foundation, may provide a more nuanced and fruitful conceptual space for thinking about human rights, conflict and peace than conflict resolution and conflict management. Placing constructive social change at its core, conflict transformation acknowledges the need for addressing power imbalances and recognizes a role for advocacy and the importance of voices that challenge the status quo. Its concern with direct, structural and cultural violence is thus also highly relevant from a rights perspective. In order to place these ideas in context, the chapter will briefly comment on literature that has been published on human rights and approaches for addressing conflict and building peace (section 2). Section 3 proposes a framework for understanding the relationship between human rights and conflict transformation, using the metaphor of an iceberg, with its graphic image of things visible connected to matters unseen. It also introduces four dimensions of human rights that need to be taken into account in processes to build a just and sustainable peace. Section 4 discusses some of the practical implications of adopting a human rights perspective on conflict transformation. Nepal, South Africa, and other countries where the authoress has worked over the past 15 years, are used as illustrative examples throughout sections 3 and 4. Finally, section 5 concludes and points to some areas for further research." (excerpt)

Uno de los métodos utilizados para identificar los patrones en el consumo de información que siguen los investigadores de un área determinada es el análisis de citas. El objetivo del presente documento es determinar mediante dicho método los hábitos informativos que siguen los autores que han publicado en la revista Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos, grupo integrado principalmente por especialistas en demografía, estudios urbanos y ambientales. Con ello se busca incidir en el desarrollo de las colecciones de la Biblioteca Daniel Cosío Villegas de El Colegio de México en dichas temáticas.Se analizaron 6 559 citas bibliográficas de 162 artículos publicados en la revista durante el periodo 1998-2007. La información se registró en una base de datos preparada en Microsoft Access y posteriormente se exportó a una hoja de cálculo en Microsoft Excel, con la finalidad de analizar cuantitativamente los datos con base en indicadores que fueron previamente definidos.Entre los resultados a destacar se encuentran los siguientes: los libros cubren el mayor porcentaje de las obras citadas (34.7%); México es el país en el que se edita la mayoría de los documentos citados (38.92%); Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos es la revista más citada por los investigadores que publicaron durante ese periodo; el español (51.55%) y el inglés (43.33%) son los idiomas más consultados por los autores. Sólo 26.73% del total de las referencias citadas fueron publicadas en los cinco años previos a la fecha en que fueron consultadas, lo que puede deberse a la escasa literatura sobre temas nuevos, enfoques innovadores y materias muy especializadas; a la dificultad para obtener información actualizada y confiable tanto de México como de Latinoamérica y, en ciertos casos, a la poca actualidad del material que los autores consultan, entre otros factores.El análisis de los resultados obtenidos nos permite realizar algunas sugerencias respecto a las políticas de desarrollo de las colecciones, las cuales están relacionadas con el idioma y la actualidad de los documentos. Asimismo nos muestra la necesidad de reforzar la adquisición de colecciones como las del INEGI y el Conapo.AbstractOne of the methods used to identify patterns in the use of information consulted by researchers in a set area is the analysis of quotes. The aim of this article is to use this method to determine the information habits of authors that have published in the Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos journal, a group mainly comprising specialists in demography, urban and environmental studies. The aim is to influence the development of the collections in the Daniel Cosío Villegas Library at El Colegio de México on these topics.A total of 6,559 bibliographical quotes from 162 articles published in the journal during the period from 1998/2007 were analyzed. The information was registered in a data-base prepared by Microsoft Access and subsequently exported to a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet, in order to quantitatively analyze the data on the basis of previously defined indicators.The most outstanding results are given below: Books account for the highest percentage of works cited (34.7%); Mexico is the country where the majority of the documents cited are edited (38.92%); Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos is the journal most widely cited by the researchers that published during that period; Spanish (51.55%) and English (43.33%) are the languages most frequently consulted by the authors. Only 26.73% of the total references cited were published in the five years prior to the date in which they were consulted, which may be due to the lack of literature on new topics, innovative approaches and highly specialized subjects, the difficulty of obtaining reliable, up-to-date information on either Mexico or Latin America and in some cases, to the out-of-date material consulted by the authors, among other factors.An analysis of the results obtained enabled the author to make suggestions about the policies for developing the collections, related to the language they are published in and the topicality of the documents. It also shows the need to increase the acquisition of collections such as those in INEGI and Conapo.