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Whilst Edward Gibbon's Memoirs of My Life comprise a notoriously complex document of autobiographical artifice, there is no reason to question the honesty of its revelation of his attitudes to geography and its relationship to the historian's craft. Writing of his boyhood before going up to Oxford, Gibbon commented that his
vague and multifarious reading could not teach me to think, to write, or to act; and the only principle, that darted a ray of light into the indigested chaos, was an early and rational application of the order of time and place. The maps of Cellarius and Wells imprinted in my mind the picture of ancient geography: from Stranchius I imbibed the elements of chronology: the Tables of Helvicus and Anderson, the Annals of Usher [sic] and Prideaux, distinguished the connection of events . . .
This seems a fairly direct comment on Gibbon's attitude to geography as a historian in that it is confirmed by various of his working documents and commonplace book comments not aimed at posterity and by the practice embodied in his great work that was thus targeted, the Decline and Fall. Taking Gibbon's private documents, the first manuscript we have in his English Essays, for example, is a tabulated chronology from circa 1751 when Gibbon was fourteen years old, which begins with the creation of the world in 6000 BC and runs up to 1590 BC, this being exactly the sort of material which could be commonplaced from the likes of Ussher and Prideaux. Matching this attention to chronology is a concern with geography, and indeed the two are coupled together as in his comment in the Memoirs. Thus in his Index Expurgatoris (1768–9), Gibbon berates Sallust as "no very correct historian" on the grounds that his chronology is not credible and that "notwithstanding his laboured description of Africa, nothing can be more confused than his Geography without either division of provinces or fixing of towns". In this regard, Gibbon the author of the Decline and Fall was a "correct" historian, in that he was careful to frame each arena in which historical events were narrated in the light of a prefatory description of the geography of the location under discussion. This is most readily apparent in the second half of the opening chapter of the work, where Gibbon proceeds on what his "Table of Contents" calls a "View of the Provinces of the Roman Empire", starting in the West with Spain and then proceeding clockwise to reach Africa on the other side of the Pillars of Hercules, a pattern of geographical description directly mirroring ancient practice in Strabo's Geography and Pomponius Mela's De Situ Orbis. But this practice of prefacing a historical account with geographical description repeats itself at various points in the work, as when, approaching the end of his grand narrative, Gibbon reaches the impact of "Mahomet, with sword in one hand and the Koran in the other" on "the causes of the decline and fall of the Eastern empire". Before discussing the birth of Islam, Gibbon treats his readers to a discussion of the geography of Arabia, beginning with its size and shape before moving on to its soils, climate and physical–geographic subdivisions.

The following document, previously unpublished, was written in March 2010 by a recently retired ( June 2009) U.S. Army colonel with thirty years experience in the Middle East, including tours of duty and advisory roles (in both military/security and civilian domains) from North Africa to the Persian Gulf. The subject of the informal report is the author's first two trips as a "civilian" to Israel and the West Bank, where he had served two tours of duty, most recently as U.S. military attachéé in Tel Aviv during Israel's 2005 unilateral disengagement from Gaza and the formation of the U.S. Security Coordinator's (USSC) mission to reform Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces.
Written as an internal document for military colleagues and government circles, the report has been circulating widely——as did the author's earlier briefings on travel or missions in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and especially Iraq——among White House senior staff, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Defense Intelligence Agency, CENTCOM (U.S. Central Command), EUCOM (U.S. European Command), and the USSC team.
The document's focus is the state of the "peace process" and the current situation in the West Bank, with particular attention to the PA security forces and the changes on the ground since the author's last tour there ended in mid-2007. But the real interest of the paper lies in the message directed at its intended audience of military and government policy officials——that is, its frank assessment of the deficiencies of the U.S. peace effort and the wider U.S. policy-making system in the Israel-Palestine arena, with particular emphasis on the disconnect between the situation on the ground and the process led by Washington. The critique has special resonance in light of the emerging new thinking in the administration fueled by the military high command's unhappiness (expressed by CENTCOM commander General David Petraeus and Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman Admiral Michael Mullen) with the State Department's handling of Middle East diplomacy, especially with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, on the grounds that diplomatic failures are having a negative impact on U.S. operations elsewhere in the region.
For most JPS readers, the report has additional interest as an insider's view of the U.S. security presence in the Israel-Palestine arena. It also reflects a military approach that is often referenced but largely absent in public discourse and academic writings.
The author, in addition to his tours of duty and peacekeeping missions in various Middle Eastern countries, has served as advisor to two U.S. special Middle East envoys, the U.S. negotiating team with Syria, General Petraeus, Lieutenant General Keith Dayton, Vice President Dick Cheney, and, more generally, to CENTCOM, the Department of Defense, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, among others. In retirement, he has worked with CENTCOM as a key primary subject matter expert in the development of analyses and solutions for its area of responsibility, leads predeployment briefings for army units heading to Iraq, and travels frequently to Iraq and elsewhere in the region as an independent consultant. He is currently in Afghanistan with the CENTCOM commander's Afghanistan-Pakistan Center of Excellence.
The report, made available to JPS, is being published with the author's permission.

Editor's Note Robert A. Dahl, the foremost living theorist of democracy, is the emeritus Sterling Professor of Political Science at Yale University, where he received his Ph.D. in 1940 and where he spent virtually his entire academic career. After five years working for the government—as a management analyst at the U.S. Department of Agriculture, then as an economist in the Office of Price Administration and the War Production Board, and finally as a member of the Army—he returned to Yale in 1946. With colleagues Charles Lindblom, Robert Lane, and others, he helped build the first modern department of political science, a department that asked major substantive questions while using the best social science techniques available at the time. In the interview that follows, which I conducted on March 30, 2008, Dahl grounds his motivation for studying democracy not only in his academic encounters but also in his experiences growing up in Alaska, attending public schools there, and working with longshore workers as a boy. He does not want to replicate the utopian visions of classical philosophers. His commitment is to the development of an empirical model of democracy that guides scholars in their efforts to determine the extent of democratization throughout the world as well as in the United States. Normatively, he is committed to a democracy that recognizes the rights and voice of all who have a legitimate claim to citizenship. Although he is known for his arguments about the procedures democracy requires, some of his most important work deals with the distribution of power. He engaged in debate with elitist theorists such as C. Wright Mills and Floyd Hunter, who argued that a small elite determined virtually all important policy decisions. Dahl's book Who Governs?, winner of the 1962 Woodrow Wilson Prize of the American Political Science Association, makes a very different set of claims. There Dahl analyzes decision making in several policy arenas and finds different key actors influencing the outcomes. The debate did not stop there, of course, but Dahl transformed the style of argument by investigating how decisions were made and who made them. Dahl continued to study and contemplate democracy, winning a second Woodrow Wilson Prize in 1990 for Democracy and Its Critics. By his admission, he concluded his writing career with a second edition of How Democratic is the American Constitution in 2003 and On Political Equality in 2006. Robert Dahl has received numerous honors. He was a Guggenheim fellow in 1950 and 1978, a fellow of the Center for Advanced Study in Behavioral Sciences in 1955–1956 and 1967, and an elected member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, American Philosophical Society, National Academy of Sciences, and British Academy (as a corresponding fellow). He served as President of the American Political Science Association in 1966–1967. He was the 1995 recipient of the Johan Skytte Prize in Political Science. He holds numerous honorary doctorates in addition to other major awards in recognition of his remarkable standing in the profession. The editorial committee of the Annual Review of Political Science was unanimous in its selection of Robert Dahl as the author of this first prefatory article by a distinguished living scholar to be published in our pages. -Margaret Levi

Straipsnyje aptariama graikiškojo filosofavimo genezė, t. y. nagrinėjamos pirmojo filosofijos teiginio susiklostymo prielaidos ir tų prielaidų numanoma teiginio prasmė. Filosofijos istorijoje nusistovėjusios pirmųjų filosofų teiginių interpretacijos kilmė siejama su Aristotelio filosofija. Teigiama, kad Aristotelis graikiškąjį filosofavimą jau visiškai įkurdina rašte. Iš rašto pozicijų Aristotelis žvelgia ir į pirmųjų filosofų ištaras, todėl suvokia jas vien kaip rašto (teorinio mąstymo) elementus. Straipsnyje daroma prielaida, kad filosofavimas prasidėjo ne kaip raštas, o kaip su žmogaus veikla susijęs tradicinis kalbėjimas. Filosofavimo kaip konstruktyvios kalbėjimo atmainos specifiką lėmė antikoje susiklosčiusi refleksijos situacija, kuri siejama su septynių išminčių imperatyvu 'Pažink save!' Parodoma, kad šis imperatyvas steigia skirtį tarp logo ir kosmo, kurią antikos išminčius išgyvena kaip sinkretinio gyvenimo vidujybės netektį. Straipsnio autorius interpretuoja filosofavimą kaip kalbėjimą ir veikimą, kuriais antikos išminčius siekia susigrąžinti ikirefleksinę būseną. Teigiama, kad sinkretinių mąstymo įgūdžių nepraradęs antikos išminčius savąjį filosofavimą linkęs aiškinti kaip pritapimo prie kosmo būdą. Kadangi refleksija įkurdina žmogų teorinio mąstymo erdvėje, tai pritapimo prie kosmo veiksmas tegalimas mąstymo plotmėje, todėl filosofavimą steigianti skirtis tarp logo ir kosmo besiplėtojančiame filosofavime nuaidi skirtimis kosme. Tačiau pirmieji išminčiai dar tikisi pilnatviško pritapimo prie kosmo ir tokio pritapimo regimybę jie dar pelno kosmo kaip grožio išgyvenimu, kurį Platonas ir Aristotelis sieja su nuostaba. Pirmoji kanonizuotoji filosofijos ištara interpretuojama kaip estetinį pritapimą prie kosmo referuojantis poetinis bylojimas.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: raštas, priežastis, refleksija, kosmas, pritapimas, archė, grožis, tiesa, būtis.On the Nature (of Philosophy)Skirmantas Jankauskas

SummaryThe paper deals with the genesis of Greek philosophy. The circumstances of the appearance of the first utterance in Greek philosophy and their impact upon its meaning are revealed. The traditional interpretation of the first utterances in the early Greek philosophy is attributed to Aristotle. The latter is said to have transferred Greek philosophizing totally into writing and subsequently to treat the first utterances as elements of writing. In the article, the suggestion is put forward that philosophizing did not begin as a writing but rather as a talking activity immersed in human activity in general. The specificity of philosophizing as constructive talking is related to the situation of reflection, caused by the imperative of the Seven Sages, namely by the imperative 'Know thyself!". It is shown here that the imperative introduces the difference between logos and cosmos, which is experienced by a Greek Sage as a loss of sincretic life. Philosophizing is then introduced as an activity of talking, provoked by the will to reestablish the original sincretic state. The author argues that because of syncretist skills, this activity is treated by early Greek philosophers as a way of partaking in cosmos. As reflection conveys a philosopher into the realm of theoretical thinking, partaking in cosmos is possible only as a way of thinking. Consequently, the difference between logos and cosmos in philosophizing resolves itself in the differences of cosmos. Nevertheless, the first philosophers still retained some hope for complete partaking in cosmos, and they gained the illusion of such a partaking by aesthetic experience of cosmos, which was attributed by Plato and Aristotle to wondering. Consequently, the first utterance of Greek philosophy is interpreted in this article as a kind of poetic discourse that refers to the activity of aesthetic partaking in cosmos.Keywords: writing, reason, reflection, cosmos, partaking, arche, the beautiful, truth, being.

Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.

Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.

History, however, is not Phillips's strong suit. Moreover, his peculiar take on the country's cyclical experience with wealth and democracy is a telling commentary on his own oddly inflected populism. His is the populism of the 'silent majority,' which first made his reputation back in the days of Richard Nixon's 'southern strategy.' Phillips's lingering Republican past leads him to fantasize about some underground tradition of progressive middle-class Republicanism, which in Phillips's quirky narrative confection embraces the governments of William McKinley, Richard Nixon, and Abraham Lincoln. Phillips imagines these regimes as all suspicious of unsupervised wealth and mildly friendly to labor, while nonetheless operating under the dominating influence of the economic elites of their day. The characterization might loosely apply to Lincoln's new party, although the great merchant bankers of the antebellum North were the Great Emancipator's loyal opposition, not his natural constituency. When applied to McKinley and Nixon the notion verges on the preposterous--industrial workers in 1896 were terrorized into voting for the Ohio governor or staying away from the polls, while the whole tenor of the Republican campaign and the McKinley presidency that followed entailed an explicit repudiation of any suggestion of wealth redistribution or government regulation of big business. The evidence for Nixon's labor sympathies seems to consist of presidential invitations extended to the ossified leadership of the AFL-CIO to visit the White House. Phillips himself acknowledges that in every case--even in the one that most robustly supports his argument, namely Teddy Roosevelt's reign--the Republicans soon gave themselves over to the most self-interested, money-mad, socially irresponsible fat cats who always peopled the party's inner sanctums. As the author demonstrates, only during the Progressive Era, which was half Democratic, and during the New Deal order did the apportionment of national income and wealth swing the other way and were the commanding institutions of the private sector subject to some serious public surveillance and discipline. The Clinton interregnum, conversely, was the outcome of what Phillips calls the first white-collar recession of the early nineties-itself a fitting epitaph to the extreme 'financialization' of the Gordon Gekko years--conjoined to the rapidly inflating Internet bubble. The atmosphere of sixties' cultural liberation that hovered over the Clinton administration had more to do with the borrowed anti-hierarchical argot and upscale designer egalitarianism of the new dot-com billionaires than it did with any sixties-era political engagement with the lower orders. While the New Deal welfare state was wrapping up its affairs, the new information-age elites were busy putting in place a global corporate welfare system of 'financial mercantilism.' Wall Street quickly acclimated itself to the new environment. It became heavily invested not only financially and not only because the microprocessor transformed the way it conducted its own high-velocity speculations. Psychologically and culturally as well, the Street became vested in new-era hype. Phillips talks about 'grinds and globalists' supplanting the old skull-and-bones elites, committed to a relentless, de-regulated 'securitization' of the universe, transforming customary signs of distress into market-cheering acts of 'downsizing,' deepening the chasm between the haves and the have-nots at home and abroad.

This article attempts to deal with various forms of poverty. What do the long‐term unemployed, young people looking for work and on training schemes, single adults eligible for the RMI (guaranteed minimum income benefit), lone mothers, young couples crippled by the impossibility of paying bills and rent, all have in common? The author puts forward the hypothesis that they express a particular mode of dissociation from the social bond: disaffiliation. This is a different condition of misery from that of poverty in the strict sense. The latter can perhaps be read as a state, whose forms can be listed in terms of lack (lack of earnings, of housing, of medical care, of education, lack of power or of respect). By contrast, situations of destitution constitute an effect at the place where two vectors meet: one, the axis of integration/non‐integration through work; the other, an axis of integration/non‐integration into a social and family network. A model of four 'zones' of social life – integration, vulnerability, assistance and disaffiliation – constructed from pre‐industrial societies, may serve as a reference grid against which we can interpret contemporary social circumstances and the rise of social vulnerability. Present‐day insecurity largely results from the growing fragility of protective regulations which were implemented from the nineteenth century onwards in order to create a stable situation for workers: the right to work, extended social protection, coverage of social risks set up by the welfare state. We can describe the specific nature of present‐day insecurity as relating to the structure of wage society, its crisis or its disintegration since the mid‐1970s.Cet article vise à traiter des formes différentes de la pauvreté. Qu'ont en commun le chômeur de longue durée, le jeune en quête d'emploi et consommateur de stages, l'adulte isolé qui s'inscrit au RMI, la mère de famille 'monoparentale', le jeune couple étranglé par l'impossibilité de payer traites et loyers? L'auteur fait l'hypothèse qu'ils expriment un mode particulier de dissociation du lien social, la désaffiliation. Il est un autre pathétique que celui de la pauvreté stricto sensu. Si celle‐ci peut Átre lue comme un état dont on inventorie les formes en terme de manque (manque à gagner, à se loger, à se soigner, à s'instruire, manque de pouvoir ou de considération), l'auteur voudrait pour sa part envisager les situations de dénuement comme un effet, à la conjonction de deux vecteurs: un axe d'intégration‐non‐intégration par le travail, un axe d'insertion‐non‐insertion dans une sociabilité socio‐familiale. Un modèle des quatre 'zones' de la vie sociale – d'intégration, de vulnérabilité, d'assistance et de désaffiliation – construit à partir des sociétés pré‐industrielles peut servir de grille de lecture pour interpréter la conjoncture sociale contemporaine et la remontée de la vulnérabilité sociale. S'agissant de la précarité d'aujourd'hui, elle relève dans une large mesure de la fragilisation de régulations protectrices qui se sont mises en place à partir du XIXe siècle pour stabiliser les situations de travail: droit du travail, protection sociale étendue, couverture des risques sociaux mise en place par l'Etat Providence. C'est par rapport à la structure de la société salariale, de sa crise ou de son effritement à partir du milieu des années soixante‐dix, que l'on peut qualifier la spécificité de la précarité d'aujourd'hui.

Since the classic work of Castells (1972), the 'urban question' has been a focal point for debate among critical urban researchers. Against the background of contemporary debates on globalization and urban restructuring, this article argues that the urban question is currently being redefined as a scale question. The first part of the essay reconstructs the diverse scalar assumptions that were implicit within earlier rounds ofdebate on the urban question and argues that, since the early 1990s, urban researchers have confronted questions of scale with an unprecedented methodological self‐reflexivity. Under contemporary conditions of 'glocalization' scholars are systematically rethinking the relations between urban spaces and supraurban processes of capital accumulation, political regulation and social struggle. The second part of the article explores the urban question as a scale question through the lens of Henri Lefebvre's writings on space, scale and state power. The author argues that three aspectsof Lefebvre's work are particularly relevant to the task of reconceptualizing the urban question as a scale question in the current period: (1) his notion of an 'implosion‐explosion' of urbanization; (2) his theorization of state spatiality; and (3) his analysis of the politics of scale. The urban remains a fundamental arena of capitalist spatiality, but its social, political and economic dynamics hinge increasingly upon its relations to a wide range of supraurban geographical scales. Lefebvre's approach to sociospatialtheory provides a particularly useful source of methodological insights for decoding the scalar dimensions of the urban question in the current era of global, national and local restructuring.Depuis le travail classique de Castells (1972) 'la question urbaine' a été un point central de débat pour la recherche urbain critique. Dans le contexte des débats contemporains sur la globalisation et la restructuration urbaine, cet article soutient quela question urbaine est actuellement redéfinie comme une question dééchelle. La premiére partie de l'essai reconstruit les différents postulats concernant les échelles quiétaient implicites dans les générations précédentes des débats sur la question urbaine. Depuis le début des anne??es quatre‐vingt‐dix les chercheurs urbains ont fait face aux questions d'eéchelle avec un méthodologie réflexive sans précédent. Dans les conditionscontemporaines de 'glocalisation', la recherche urbaine repense systématiquement les relations entre les espaces urbains et les processus supra‐urbains d'accumulation du capital, de réglementation politique et de luttes sociales. La seconde partie de l'article explore la question urbaine comme une question d'échelle á travers les écrits d'Henri Lefebvre sur l'espace, l'échelle et le pouvoir de l'état. L'auteur maintient que trois aspects du travail de Lefebvre sont particuliérement pertinents á la reconceptualisation de la question urbaine comme une question d'échelle dans la période actuelle: (1) sa notion 'd'implosion‐explosion' de l'urbanisation; (2) sa théorie de l'espace étatique; et (3) son analyse des politiques d'échelle. L'urbanisme reste un champ fondamental á l'espace capitaliste mais sa dynamique sociale, politique et économique repose de plus en plus sur ses relations avec un grand nombre d'échelles géographiques supra‐urbaines.L'approche de Lefebvre sur la théorie socio‐spatiale offre une source particuliérement utile d'aperçus méthodologiques pour déchiffrer les dimensions de l'échelle de la question urbaine dans l'ére actuelle de restructuration globale, nationale et locale.

The Sirinic district is located in one of the four mountain valleys (Sirinic,
Sredska, Opolje and Gora) in the Sara mountain region. Its geographic
boundaries almost match the administrative borders of the commune of Strpce.
It is first mentioned in Serb manuscripts of the first half of the XIV
century. The census taken in 1455 by the Turks shows a relatively high
density of Serb population. The Albanians immigrated to the Sirinic district
from northern Albania after the second mass migration of Serb population in
1737. They came from north and east, from southern parts of Kosovo,
Kacanicka gorge and the Valley of Skoplje. A larger-scale settlement of
Albanians into the Sara mountain region was prevented by massive
Islamization of native Serb population in the districts of Gora, Opolje and
Sredska. Thus, a multi-ethnic buffer zone was formed during Turkish reign
which has been basically preserved until today. For this particular reason
the region has attracted interest of many domestic and foreign researchers
ever since early XIX century. Elaboration of two multi-disciplinary
scientific research projects by the Institute of Geography "Jovan Cvijic" of
the Serb Academy of Science and Arts in the period from 1989 to 1994 was
based on the same considerations. One of the projects is fully concerned
with the Sirinic district and the author of this paper was asked to study
migrations and the origins of Albanian population as well as to organize and
conduct a population census in the commune of Strpce. Immigration of
Albanians to the Sirinic district took place in several phases which
ultimately led to the formation of five mixed Serb-Albanian settlements
located between a group of four homogenous Albanian and seven such Serb
settlements. Thus, a relatively stable ethnic and geographic structure was
formed as early as in the XIX century. Its territorial and demographic
proportions did not substantially change regardless of all tumultuous
historical and political events that had since taken place. A more detailed
analysis shows that the share of Albanians in total population of the
district rose from about 29% in 1931 to only 33% in 1989 in spite of the
natural increase in population in excess of 30 per thousand ever since the
early 1980s. However, demographic growth of Albanian population remained
much below the level of the biological reproduction rate due to intensive
emigration i.e., a negative migratory balance ranging from 21.8 per thousand
in 1961 to 26.5 per thousand in 1989. The causes for emigration were
economic and, for decades, bound toward Kosovo, Western Macedonia and the
Valley of Skoplje. Emigration to Turkey began in late XIX century, resumed
during the Balkan Wars and was recorded again in the early 1980s (encouraged
by the Balkan Treaty signed by the FPRY, Greece and Turkey) but did not much
affect total demographic movement of Albanians in the Sirinic district.
Economic emigration of population to Switzerland and Germany has been
growing from the 1960s onward. This paper also reviews parallel existence
and functioning of two crucially different homeostatic demographic systems -
the Albanian and the Serb - in the same compact geographic environment. The
paper also points to the preserved awareness of a fixed (tribal) affiliation
and finally displays a detailed review of migratory dynamics and origins of
Albanian population, number of houses (families) and the number of members
of each clan in 1989.

SummarySOCIETAL TYPES AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIESThis article asserts that agents of social change have often narrowly conceived and thus misinterpreted the nature of their target systems, especially target systems at the macro–level – societies. Change programs initiated within such limited or distorted conceptions would undoubtedly have serious negative consequences. At present, the modernization process has come to be appreciated as a very complex phenomenon for which the customary societal dichotomies of social theorists have been found seriously wanting and in need of revision and expansive interpretation.Drawing upon the contributions of a number of contemporary thinkers who have pioneered this new typologizing effort, the author proposes a tentative paradigm which in expanded form, he suggests, could be employed as a tool or simulation device by change agents in the general assessment of infrastructural characteristics and its implications for program decisions.The paradigm posits three ideal–typical societal orders: the folk, the feudal, and the urban–industrial – all of which, as constructed, are asserted to have potentially both diachronic and synchronic comparative application.Following some of the arguments of the theorist Sjoberg (1952), the final section of the article attempts to focus upon certain of the more salient characteristics of each of these societal types and to note how they bear different implications for development strategies.RésuméTYPOLOGIES DBS SOCIéTéS ET STRATEGIES DU DéVELOPPEMENTLes agents du changement social ont, souvent, conçu de maniére trop étroite et de ce fait, mal interprété la nature de leurs objectifs, particuliérement au niveau macrosociologique. Les schémas de transformation élaborés à l'aide de conceptions aussi limitées et déformées auront, sans aucun doute, d'importantes conséquences negatives. A l'heure acruelle, le processus de modernisation est perçu comme un phénoméne trés complexe pour lequel les habituelles dichotomies des théoriciens sociaux nécessitent une interprétation élargie.S'appuyant sur les contributions d'un certain nombre de penseurs contemporains, pionniers de cet effort de classification, l'auteur propose un modéle expérimental qui, dans une forme élargie, suggéret–il, pourrait être utilisé comme outdl de sensibilisation ou de simulation par les agents du changement en matiére d'analyse ou dévaluation des infrastructures ou de leurs implications dans les programmes d'action.Ce modéle met en lumiére trois types idéaux de sociétés: la societe «primitive«, la société féodale et la société urbaine–industrielle. De par Ieur construction ces modéles permettent des comparaisons diachroniques et synchroniques.Reprenant certains arguments du théoricien Sjoberg (1952), la derniére partie de l'article est un essai de définition des caractéristiques les plus saillantes de ces types de sociétés et de leurs implications quant aux stratégies de développement.ZusammenfassungGESELLSCHAFTSTYPEN UND ENTWICKLUNGSSTRATEGIENDer Beitrag behauptet, daß die Agenten des sozialen Wandels die Natur ihrer Zielsysteme, besonders die Zielsysteme auf der Makroebene, namlich die Gesellschaften, oft zu eng begriffen und daher falsch interpretiert haben. Programme des Wandels, die innerhalb begrenzter oder verzerrter Konzeptionen begonnen werden, –würden unzweifelhaft ernsthafte negative Folgen haben. Gegenwärtig wird der Modernisierungsprozeß als ein sehr komplexes Phänomen betrachtet, für das die üblichen Gesellschaftsdichotomien der sozialen Theoretiker sich als sehr mangelhaft erwiesen haben. Sie bedurfen der Revision und der expansiven Interpretation.Auf Grund der Beiträge mancher gegenwärtiger Denker, die diesen neuen Versuch zur Typologisierung angestrebt haben, schlägt der Verfasser versuchsweise einen Rahmen vor. Dieser könnte nach seiner Meinung in erweiterter Form als ein Werkzeug oder als Simulations–instrument von den Agenten des Wandels für die allgemeine Beur–teilung der Infrastrukturmerkmale und ihrer Bedeutung für Programmentscheidungen benutzt werden.Dieser Rahmen geht aus von drei idealtypischen Gesellschaftsordnungen: der archaischen, der feudalen und der städtisch–industriellen. Nach dieser Konstruktion wird angenommen, daß sie alle sowohl fur den diachronischen als auch den synchronischen Vergleich anzuwenden sind.Unter dem Einfluß der Argumente von Sjoberg versucht der letzte Teil des Beitrages sich auf einige der wichtigsten Merkmale jedes dieser Gesellschaftstypen zu konzentrieren und festzustellen, welche verschiedene Bedeutung sie für Entwicklungsstrategien haben.

This guide accompanies the following article: Sarah E. Rusche and Zachary W. Brewster, '"Because they tip for shit!" The Social Psychology of Everyday Racism in Restaurants,'Sociology Compass 2/6 (2008): 2008–2029, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2008.00167.xAuthor's IntroductionThe context of the article is very relatable to students, many who have worked in restaurants and most who eat in them. Sociologically, this article taps into three major topical areas: racism and discrimination, social psychology and workplaces. This research shows how racist discourse in workplaces shapes servers' discriminatory behavior toward African‐American customers. This article also exposes students to important concepts of social psychology, such as: status beliefs, stereotype activation, cognitive bias, attribution errors, performance expectations, and self‐fulfilling prophecies.Author Recommends:Bonilla‐Silva, Eduardo. 2002. 'The Linguistics of Color‐Blind Racism: How to Talk Nasty about Blacks without Sounding "Racist."'Critical Sociology 28: 41–64.According to the author, color‐blind racism constitutes the primary racial ideology of the post‐civil rights era. This ideology is characterized by linguistic practices surrounding whites' discourse about race‐related issues in the United States. The author outlines five components of the post‐civil rights racial ideology: (1) as a result of the current normative climate most whites, avoid directly expressing their racial views; (2) whites cautiously express their racial views using a variety of 'semantic' moves that conceal their racial prejudices (e.g., 'I'm not prejudiced, but ..., 'I am not black, so I don't know,''Yes and no, but ...,'); (3) whites tend to project racial motivations onto blacks and in doing so they are able to avoid taking responsibility for their own sentiments and actions (e.g., blacks don't want to be friends with us); (4) whites often use diminutives in color‐blind racetalk. For instance, whites rarely say that they are opposed to a racialized matter, such as interracial marriage, but instead express such views by prefacing their position with a diminutive (e.g., 'I'm a little against interracial marriage'); (5) when whites are pushed to discuss sensitive racial topics they often become incoherent and incomprehensible. The author concludes by discussing the potential for race‐neutral policies to emerge out of research that fails to consider the rhetorical tools that whites utilize to preserve the false and socially constructed perception of color blindness.Dirks, Danielle and Stephen K. Rice 2004. 'Dining While Black: Tipping as Social Artifact.'Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly 45: 30–47.The authors locate the documented racial tipping differential within the context of everyday racism that African Americans, in particular, continue to encounter. The authors' qualitative analysis reveals the existence of what they describe as a 'culture of white servers' within restaurant establishments. Indicative of such a culture are anti‐black sentiments among predominately white wait staff. Such anti‐black sentiments are evidenced in derogatory stereotyping and coded language utilized by servers to privately disparage African‐American patrons. The documented anti‐black beliefs and attitudes among servers constitute the underlying cause of both covert and overt discriminatory server behaviors. Among other examples of racial discrimination, the authors delineate instances wherein servers' expressed an unwillingness to serve black patrons and to avoid doing so they actively engaged in negotiations with other white servers in a game of 'Pass the [Black] Table'. Moreover, the authors find that when servers are 'forced' to wait on African Americans they often admittedly provide inferior service by exerting a minimum amount of effort to these guests. In short, the authors argue that the racial tipping differential is, in part, a manifestation of a server initiated self fulfilling prophecy wherein restaurant servers adhere to racial stereotypes concerning the tipping practices of black patrons and therefore feel justified in discriminating – both overtly and covertly – when delivering service to them. African Americans in‐turn reciprocate with lower than average tips thereby reaffirming servers' anti‐black sentiments.Feagin, Joe R. 1991. The Continuing Significance of Race: Antiblack Discrimination in Public Places. American Sociological Review, 56: 101–116.Drawing on in‐depth interviews with 37 middle‐class African Americans, the author highlights the continuing significance of anti‐black public‐place discrimination. The author's analysis provides an empirical challenge to contemporary claims that discrimination no longer threatens economically advantaged African Americans. To the contrary, the author's research details incidents of public‐place discrimination (e.g., restaurants, retail stores, pools, public streets, etc.) including avoidance, poor service, verbal epithets, threats, and harassment. The author also explores African Americans' coping responses to such disparate treatment. Findings show that in response to public accommodation discrimination (e.g., restaurants, stores, etc.) victims are likely to engage the perpetrator in a verbal confrontation or may withdraw to avoid the time and energy that a confrontation requires. Street discrimination, on the other hand, offers victims less protection and is more likely to involve violence, leaving their responses more restricted. Common responses to street discrimination include withdrawal, resigned acceptance, or quick verbal retorts. The author argues that the nature and consequences of contemporary discrimination can only be understood once the important intersection between the individual's and group's accumulated experiences with discrimination are considered.Fiske, Susan T. and Shelley E. Taylor. 1984. 'Social Schemata' in Social Cognition, Reading, MA: Addison‐Wesley.In this chapter from Social Cognition, Fiske and Taylor explain the concept social schemata, discussing a wide range of research on its functions. Social schemata, or schemas, are 'cognitive structures' that store organized knowledge about some object, idea or person. A schema organizes and stores information in a related way, sort of like a filing cabinet of prior experience. Schemata help individuals process information – about situations, objects, or people – efficiently. A fundamental assumption of this concept is that perceivers actively construct their own reality through the creation and interpretation of meaning. This assumption is important when considering that schemata are virtually unchanging; the schemas become real to those who hold them. What the authors call the perseverance effect suggests that schemata tend to persevere despite evidence that contradicts the schema. (For example, relating to Rusche and Brewster's research, a server with a schema that views black patrons as poor tippers will be activated despite experiences with black patrons who tip well). It is much more difficult to change a schema than it is to develop one. While Fiske and Taylor argue that schemata do not generally change, they also note that discrepancies are the most common catalysts for schema change. Since the information does not fit the schema, the perceiver must consider the reasons and further consider the accuracy of the schema.Mallinson, Christine, and Zachary W. Brewster. 2005. '"Blacks and Bubbas": Stereotypes, Ideology, and Categorization Processes in Restaurant Servers'. Discourse.'Discourse and Society 16: 787–807.In this paper, the authors analyze data from 15 in‐depth interviews with restaurant servers to investigate how stereotypes and categories are formed in casual interaction and casual discourse. Findings suggest that servers categorize customers by drawing on race and class based cues, which are subsequently used to produce two distinct but related types of discriminatory discourse –'racetalk' and what the authors term 'regiontalk'. According to the authors, racetalk and regiontalk can be understood as constituting structured forms of discourse that appears to cast the speaker as 'color‐blind' or 'class‐blind' but that actually serves to justify his or her race‐ and class‐based stereotypes, attitudes, and discriminatory behaviors against racial minorities and lower‐class southern whites –'redneck/bubbas'. Findings show that when categorizing black patrons, race alone is sufficient to invoke cultural stereotypes that correspond with the cognitive category of 'black' in servers' minds. As such, servers do not differentiate between black patrons. In contrast, servers' categorization of 'redneck' patrons draws on many regional and/or class‐based characteristics that are manifested in markers of cultural capital (such as linguistic behavior, table manners, and style of dress, which may be similar to class status markers). Another key difference between racetalk and regiontalk delineated by the authors involves the use of positive self‐presentation. Findings demonstrate that servers generally follow their use of negative other‐presentation with positive self‐presentation when speaking about black patrons, but this is not the case when speaking about the redneck social type. While there are marked differences between the two forms of discourse the authors argue that both racetalk and regiontalk can be seen as discourses of colonialism, since they both reflect and maintain stereotypes and categorizations that draw upon, support, and sustain the ideology of white supremacy that has dominated past and present American society.Ridgeway, Cecilia L. and Kristan Glasgow Erickson. 2000. 'Creating and Spreading Status Beliefs.'American Journal of Sociology, 106: 579–615.The authors outline findings from two experiments that lend support to status construction theory, which claims that status beliefs are spread through interaction and behavior. Status beliefs are shared cultural beliefs that people in one group are more esteemed and competent than those in another group. These status beliefs create social distinctions based on categories such as race, age, gender, and occupation. Status beliefs are extremely pervasive and are a product of categorization processes, for without these categorizations, important social distinctions could not be made. In addition, they are also maintained and reproduced through the spreading of these beliefs throughout the culture by individuals and institutions. Status beliefs can be 'spread' and taught to others who share nominal characteristics like race or job title. The first experiment discussed found that by treating 'the other' according to the status beliefs, actors teach the belief to their peers (e.g. race‐peers; workplace peers). The second experiment showed that those who witness these behaviors also develop the status belief. The implications of the spreading of status beliefs are far‐reaching in that this process enables dominant groups to spread status beliefs that will be widely embraced.Online Materials: 1. Understanding Race – Lived Experience http://understandingrace.com/lived/index.html RACE is a project of the American Anthropological Association. Using historical and scientific examinations of race, as well as lived experiences with racism, the RACE project seeks to reveal the 'unreality' of race. Most relevant for this article is the section on lived experience, where students can play games about everyday experiences in 'different' shoes, take quizzes about stereotypes, explore how race is defined on censuses across the globe, see a film about the contradictions black girls face regarding the beauty standard, read a blog where experiences of racism and discrimination have been documented and discussed, and much more. The other sections of this project can provide supplemental learning opportunities for students including the history of racial classification, timelines, details on human variation, and information about what genetics, biology and health have to do with race. 2. FRONTLINE http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/ FRONTLINE's website is user friendly and provides a host of resources for educators of the behavioral and social sciences. On this website teachers will find a large library of documentaries that have aired on The Public Broadcast Station (PBS) over the last 26 years. While this site offers something relevant to just about any sociology course that one teaches the documentaries exploring diversity in America are particularly noteworthy. A Class Divided and The O. J. Verdict are two specific documentaries that are relevant to any course on race and ethnic relations. The website also provides teachers with lesson plans, discussion questions, active learning exercises, and student assignments that align with each of the one hour documentaries.Sample syllabus:This article can be used in multiple settings, but would be especially relevant to courses on racism or social psychology. To maximize breadth, we have included units for which this article may useful. Depending on the focus of the course, this article can be used differently, either emphasizing the discussion about racism and discrimination, or by emphasizing the social‐psychological processes in a course in this field.
 Unit – Racism and Discrimination Concepts:
 Everyday Racism New Racism or Color‐blind Racism Systemic Racism Racist Discourse Stereotypes Discrimination
Readings: Antecol, Heather and Deborah A. Cobb‐Clark. 2006. 'Racial and Ethnic Discrimination in Local Consumer Markets: Exploiting the Army's Procedures for Matching Personnel to Duty Locations.'The Australian National University Centre for Economic Policy Research, Discussion Paper No. 544. Available online at <http://econrsss.anu.edu.au/pdf/DP544.pdf>.Coates, Rodney D. 2008. 'Covert Racism in the USA and Globally.'Sociology Compass 2: 208–231. Reference Online. DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00057.xDirks, Danielle and Stephen K. Rice 2004. 'Dining While Black: Tipping as Social Artifact.'Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly 45: 30–47.Essed, Philomena. 'Everyday Racism' in A Companion Study of Race and Ethnic Relations. David Theo Goldberg and John Solomos [eds]. 2002. Blackwell Reference Online. DOI: 10.1111/b.9780631206163.2002.00020.xFeagin, Joe R. 1991. The Continuing Significance of Race: Antiblack Discrimination in Public Places. American Sociological Review 56: 101–116.Mallinson, Christine, and Zachary W. Brewster. 2005. '"Blacks and Bubbas": Stereotypes, Ideology, and Categorization Processes in Restaurant Servers' Discourse.'Discourse and Society 16: 787–807.Rusche, Sarah E. and Zachary W. Brewster. '"Because they tip for shit!": The Social Psychology of Everyday Racism in Restaurants.'Sociology Compass 2/6 (2008), pp. 2008–2029. DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2008.00167.xSwim, Janet K., Lauri L. Hyers, Laurie L. Choen, Davita C. Fitzgerald, and Wayne H. Bylsma. 2003. 'African American College Students' Experiences with Everyday Racism: Characteristics of and Responses to These Incidents.'Journal of Black Psychology 29: 38–67.Tomaskovic‐Devey, Donald, Marcinda Macon, and Matthew Zingraff. 2004. 'Looking for the Driving While Black Phenomena: Conceptualizing Racial Bias Processes and Their Associated Distributions.'Police Quarterly 7: 3–29.Van Dijk, Teun A. 'Discourse and Racism' in A Companion Study of Race and Ethnic Relations. David Theo Goldberg and John Solomos [eds]. 2002. Blackwell Reference Online. DOI: 10.1111/b.9780631206163.2002.00017.x
 Unit – Social Psychology of Everyday Racism Concepts:  Self‐fulfilling prophecy Stereotypes; Stereotype Activation Social Cognition Attribution Errors Racist Discourse Readings: Berard, Tim J. 'The Neglected Social Psychology of Institutional Racism.'Sociology Compass 2/2 (2008), pp. 734–764. DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00089.xBonilla‐Silva, Eduardo. 2002. 'The Linguistics of Colorblind Racism: How to Talk Nasty about Blacks without Sounding "Racist"', Critical Sociology, 28, 1–2, 41–64.Correll, Shelley J. and Cecilia L. Ridgeway. 2003. 'Expectation States Theory.' In Delamater, John [ed.]. 2003. Handbook of Social Psychology, Springer: New York.Devine, P. G. 1989. 'Stereotypes and Prejudice: Their Automatic and Controlled Components.'Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 56: 5–18.Fiske, Susan T. 2000. 'Stereotyping, Prejudice, and Discrimination at the Seam between the Centuries: Evolution, Culture, Mind, and Brain.'European Journal of Social Psychology 30: 299–322.Fiske, Susan T. 2004. 'Intent and Ordinary Bias: Unintended Thought and Social Motivation Create Casual Prejudice.'Social Justice Research, 17: 117–127.Kaiser, Cheryl R. and Carol T. Miller. 2001. 'Stop Complaining! The Social Costs of Making Attributions to Discrimination.'Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 27: 254–263.Kawakami, Kerry, Heather Young, and John F. Dovidio. 2002. 'Automatic Stereotyping: Category, Trait, and Behavioral Activations.'Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 28: 3–15.Pettigrew, Thomas. 1979. 'The ultimate attribution error: Extending Allport's cognitive analysis of prejudice.'Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 5: 461–476.Ridgeway, Cecilia L. and Kristan Glasgow Erickson. 2000. 'Creating and Spreading Status Beliefs.'American Journal of Sociology 106: 579–615.Rusche, Sarah E. and Zachary W. Brewster. '"Because they tip for shit!": The Social Psychology of Everyday Racism in Restaurants.'Sociology Compass 2/6 (2008), pp. 2008–2029. DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2008.00167.xTomaskovic‐Devey, Donald, Marcinda Macon, and Matthew Zingraff. 2004. 'Looking for the Driving While Black Phenomena: Conceptualizing Racial Bias Processes and Their Associated Distributions.'Police Quarterly 7: 3–29.Focus and discussion questions:

How does the authors' use of triangulation improve their research results?
What is the relationship between systemic racism and social‐psychological aspects of racism?
What role does workplace discourse play in servers' discrimination? In what other contexts is discourse used to promote, justify or minimize discrimination?
Are there further‐reaching consequences for blacks apart from the quality of dining experiences? In what other contexts might these social‐psychological processes play out
If restaurant managers or owners wanted to eliminate racist discourse and discrimination against blacks in their restaurants, how could they go about doing it?

Project Ideas: 1. Racist Discourse Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Christine Mallinson, University of Maryland, Baltimore County)Now that you have read our article as well as research by Bonilla‐Silva (2002), Dirks and Rice (2004), and Mallinson and Brewster (2005), you are ready to begin doing research to corroborate what you have learned from these authors. Thus, for this assignment you will collect and analyze evidence of racialized restaurant server discourse. Such discourse is disproportionately evidenced when servers converse about patrons' tipping behaviors. Begin by visiting The Original Tipping Page (http://tipping.org), a website that is specifically geared toward restaurant servers and which includes a job‐related discussion board. On this site, restaurant servers post messages on discussion boards and debate issues related to their jobs, including the tipping practices of patrons. Task: Search these online postings and gather data about how servers talk about racial differences in tipping behaviors. On The Original Tipping Page, collect servers' online postings by clicking on the 'Forums' link in the toolbar at the top of the home page. From there, you can access the discussion board by clicking on the 'Enter the Board' link at the bottom of the page and then clicking on the 'Tipping Forum' link on the following page. Upon entering the 'Tipping Forum', students can read/search various postings from servers for evidence of 'racetalk,' racial prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination (be sure to search the archives too). When analyzing1 the data you collected, look for patterns in servers' discourse and pay particular attention to the properties of racetalk as described by Bonilla‐Silva (2002) and Mallinson and Brewster (2005). There are many other server blogs that you are encouraged to explore in search of data on servers' racialized discourse, which provide opportunities for analytic comparison. These include but are not limited to: The Bitter Waitress (http://bitterwaitress.com), The Insane Waiter (http://allprowaiter.blogspot.com), Waiter Rant (http://WaiterRant.Net), The Stained Apron (http://stainedapron.com), Raging Server (http://www.ragingserver.com/), and The Upset Waitress (http://upsetwaitress.com). 2. Restaurant Ethnography Assignment For this assignment, you will collect data and write a short ethnography on the racialized nature of restaurant establishments. Your first task is to select a restaurant that will serve as your research site. Because you will be spending a considerable amount of time in this restaurant, we suggest taking some time to think about the type of restaurant that you find most interesting. For instance, you may want to explore the racialized nature of small locally owned and operated restaurants (e.g., 'ma and pop' type establishments). Alternatively, you may think about doing your field research in a corporate owned chain restaurant (e.g., Red Lobster, Outback Steak House, Applebee's, etc.), such as those explored in Rusche and Brewster's (2008) research. Another option is to explore the racialized nature of 'ethnic' restaurants, such as Chinese, Mexican or Indian restaurants. Owing to the fact that students will be doing their research in different types of restaurants, we encourage instructors to allocate class time to discussing emergent similarities and differences across research sites.Once you have chosen a research site of interest to you, it is time to begin doing research by visiting your chosen restaurant (we suggest requiring students to log a minimum of hours to be determined by the instructor). While in the field, you should attempt to position yourself in a location that allows you to observe the interactions between servers, customers, and managers (e.g., the bar area or host stand). While observing the activities of the restaurant, you should take brief notes on what you see, hear, and think. These notes will permit you to identify patterns in observed behaviors and interactions over the course of your research. These notes will become the data that you will later analyze. While it is impossible to foresee the exact patterns that you will find, existing research should inform your analysis. There is a wealth of empirical evidence that shows that contemporary racism is subtle in nature in contrast to the overt nature of Jim Crow era racism. The subtle nature of contemporary racism will likely make it difficult to identify racialized workplace patterns. We encourage you to carefully observe both server–customer interactions as well as those among servers, if you have the vantage point to do so. Some questions that you might explore include: Are there are any differences in the way white servers interact with white customers versus black patrons? Do white servers smile at whites when greeting them more than comparable black tables? Do servers appear to be more friendly or welcoming when providing service to whites compared with blacks? Do white and black customers appear equally satisfied or dissatisfied with their service? How do you know? Do servers 'check in' with white tables more than black tables?Once you have collected and analyzed the data, it is time to write an analytic paper using data excerpts to support your argument. Details for this assignment will vary by instructor but can include analytic memos or other sociological research reports.Notes* Correspondence address: Pomona College. Email: serusche@chass.ncsu.edu

1 The data students collect can be analyzed in class and facilitated by the instructor or alternatively can be analyzed on their own time and turned in as a course project or term paper. We also suggest that instructors consider having students complete the assignment in small groups.

The purpose of the research. To identify the director's tools for conveying the authorial understanding of history. To prove that the director's authorial vision in working on film history does not always depend on the script written by the playwright. The article explores the directorial interaction with the film text in fiction films and identifies two forms of director's engagement with film dramaturgy and examines the distinction between the "theatrical" approach to working with film text and the authorial interpretation of the story. The object of the research is films with realized unity of time, place, and action, serving as examples of the space for potential directorial authorial approach.
The methodology. In the article the following scientific methods are applied: research (to collect information about the chosen topic), deductive method (to identify certain stylistic features of films with the rule of three unities), comparative method (to identify the features of the director's work), and generalization method (to write conclusions).
The results. In conclusion, films with embodied unity of place, action and time serve as a vivid basis for illustrating the interaction of the director with the cinematic context: working on such projects requires the ability to create a complex cinematic context and tell a story within limited possibilities without violating the artificially defined canon of the three unities. Through the analysis of selected cinematic contexts and the identification of the director's toolkit used in them, authorial experiments with local narratives were divided into two groups. The first group included films in which the director works in a theatrical manner and simply transfers the action from the script to the screen, while the second group includes films with an existing authorial interpretation of the story, where the rule of the three unities is complemented by the director's concept. Studying the director's approaches of the second group allowed for the identification of four main tools for narrating a complex cinematic context, which complement or even contradict the script content: 1) the director-author's chamber view ("camera-pen") — to convey the directorial intonation of attitude towards characters and emphasize his authorial meanings and accents; 2) the chamber view of the character-author to convey his thoughts, attitude towards other characters, motivations, internal events, emotions, experiences, etc.; 3) audiovisual expression of the character's state and associations through associative editing, to narrate the character's perception of events; 4) a special, non-mediated cinema-theatrical actor's existence to narrate complex characters and human relationships. None of these tools is usually inherent in the screenplay of the film, therefore, their application does not affect storytelling but only complements it with new meanings.
The scientific novelty. It is the first comprehensive study of the director's aspect of interaction with the film text, depending on the author's intention.
The practical significance. Prospects for further research are related to the following aspects of the evolution of cinema art, which require scientific attention: the methodology of directorial interaction with text and subtexts; directorial innovations in "screenlife" films, where the rule of the three unities is observed; director's approaches to the cinematic adaptation of theatrical plays, and so on. Overall, the analysis of directorial tools is a dynamic and relevant process in light of the development of cinema industry technologies and the desire to experiment with formats and meanings of authorial expression.

My paper highlights some meanings of the metaphor of aging, used by André Gorz (1923-2007) in his homonymous article published in Les Temps Modernes in December 1961 and January 1962, the first part of which was republished by Gallimard in 2005 (copyright Éditions Galilée in 2004) as a coda to the new edition of one of his "most philosophical" pieces, The Traitor (1958), as noted by Christophe Fourel in André Gorz, a thinker for the 21st century (Éditions La Découverte, 2009, p. 10). Aging is a process based on inertia and generating – because aging also generates – more and more inertia. But what kind of inertia, that of continuing the movements testifying to the vivacity of body and mind, or that of resisting them, therefore of stopping the rest, of flowing into it while forgetting the previous momentum? To the healthy young man of 36, the metaphor of aging appears to have a bitter correspondence with the shock of suddenly feeling the end of existence while living it. The well-known tripartite division of life – childhood youth, maturity, old age – has been transformed into the youth, old age diptych because maturity itself has become the negation of youth, not a mere stable state but already a slope, a masked old age, a fact. If yet young, "he started over again" (André Gorz, The traitor, followed by The aging, p. 377) that is to say, he was the author of audacious movements that took into account only his aspirations of creativity, aging requires of him only the qualities that conform to the specific roles that are asked of him and that are expected to be assumed without the slightest doubt. The phenomenology of this becoming, meticulously dissected, envisages not only the transformation of the unique being who is the subject of the story (but not the master of the phenomenological approach as such because he is desperate before "the cowardice" of his "free choice" of "integration" into the anonymity of the "Others" producing the society which imposes this decline on him ("Aging (II)", Les Temps Modernes, nº 188, January 1962, p. 829- 852 (830-832). Because the picture of the individual, torn between his existential resistance against all the factors that impose inertia and, on the other hand, the conformism that has become "his nature", extends into the representation of society which is the counterweight to this individual and at the same time frames him. The development of the metaphor of aging has involved the phenomenology of its elements, among which the principal, inertia, and the phenomenology itself has generated messages of social philosophy, pioneers of the powerful ideas commented on in the philosophical thought of the decades later. The phenomenology of the text is and describes awareness, namely the awakening of consciousness, and the metaphor is a manifestation of this process. The metaphor of the aging of the individual thus resonates with the theoretical descriptions of crises and decadence, of degeneration: here, of the capitalist society. The construction of André Gorz is a suggestive model. Today our conclusion in front of such models can only forget the hypocritical criticisms of the phases of the decline, indeed accomplices for their persistence: and, thus, to learn from the previous models. But, it must be emphasized, the metaphor of inertia refers to the awareness of the limits of the figurative meanings of such – and these – metaphors. The awareness of the text is an awareness of metaphors, too, and thus, they become means of intellectual resistance for man.

Բոստոնում հրատարակված «Հայրենիք» ամսագրի առաջին համարում տպագրված է հայ գրականության գլուխգործոցներից մեկը՝ Համաստեղի (Համբարձում Կելենյան, 1895-1966) «Չալոն» պատմվածքը։ Չալոն գրական տիպ է: Գյուղի անտեր ու թափառական շունը՝ Չալոն, շուրջը տեղի ունեցող դեպքերի ու երևույթների մասին իր սեփական «կարծիքն» ունի: Նա հավատարմորեն ծառայում է բոլո՛ր մարդկանց՝ առանց խտրականության, գյուղի բոլո՛ր երեխաների խաղընկերն է: Հեղինակի սերը կենդանու նկատմամբ փոխանցվում է ընթերցողին։ Մարդկանց հավատարիմ ու նվիրված Չալոն կյանքի գնով փրկում է Գոթանենց լավագույն եզանը: Համաստեղը կերտել է նաև քաղաքաբնակ շնիկի կերպար «Սքիփին» պատմվածքում։ Ընթերցողը չթաքցրած հեգնանքով է նայում Սքիփիի՝ ամենօրյա խնամքից, հատկապես լողանալուց խուսափելու զուր ջանքերին ու յուրովի խղճում մարդկանց հարկադրանքին ենթակա շնիկին: Համաստեղը, չկորցնելով չափի զգացումը, շանն օժտում է մտածողությամբ, երախտագիտության, սիրո զգացումներով՝ չանցնելով մարդկենդանի սահմանը։ Չա-լոյի հավասարակշռված նկարագիրը հմայում է ընթերցողին, որը շան հետ անցնում է նրա կյանքի երջանիկ ու ողբերգական դեպքերի միջով, ավելին՝ կատարվածի նկատմամբ Չալոյի ցուցաբերած բացառիկ մարդկային վերաբերմունքով չափում և արժևորում է իրեն, իր արաքները։ Հեղինակը ցույց է տալիս, որ կենդանու նկատմամբ դրսևորած վերաբերմունքով էլ հստակ տարբերվում են ՄԱՐԴ-ը և մարդակերպ էակները։ Համաստեղի «Չալոն» պատմվածքի գրական զուգահեռներն առկա են Հովհաննես Թումանյանի, Ռուբեն Զարդարյանի, Անտոն Չեխովի, Մարկ Տվենի, Արամ Հայկազի և այլոց ստեղծագործություններում։
Օсенью 1922 года в Бостоне стал издаваться журнал «Айреник» («Родина»), в первом номере которого был опубликован один из шедевров армянской литературы – рассказ Амастега «Чало – (Амбарцум Келенян, 1895-1966). Чало – литературный тип. Это деревенский бродячий пес, у которого есть свое «мнение» об окружающем мире. Он верно служит всем – как взрослым, так и детям. Амастег наделил собаку мышлением, чувством благодарности и любви. Уравновешенный характер Чало очаровывает читателя, который оценивает себя и свои действия сквозь призму отношения к животным. Литературные параллели рассказа «Чало» имеются в произведениях Ованеса Туманяна, Рубена Зардаряна, Антона Чехова, Марка Твена, Арама Айказа и других.
In autumn of 1922, the magazine "Hayrenik" began to be published in Boston, in the first issue of which one of the masterpieces of Armenian literature, the story "Chalo" by Hamastegh (Hambardzum Kelenyan, 1895-1966), was published. Chalo is a literary character. Chalo, a homeless and stray dog of the village, is a living creature with its own "opi-nion" about the events and phenomena surrounding him. It faithfully serves all people indi-scriminately, and is the playmate of the all children in the village. The reader loves and respects Chalo, as the author does. Chalo saves the best bull of Gotans family at the cost of his life. He also created an image of a city dog in the story "Skippy". The reader looks with undisguised irony at Skippy's futile attempts to avoid daily care, especially bathing, and in his own way pities the dog subject to human coercion... Hamastegh, without losing a sense of proportion, endows the dog with thinking, feel-ings of gratitude, love and does not overstep the bounds of human-animal. Chalo's ba-lanced character captivates the reader who goes through the happy and tragic events of the dog's life, moreover, the reader measures and evaluates himself/herself and his/her actions with the exceptional human attitude displayed by Chalo: HUMAN and human-like beings are clearly distinguished in relation to the animal. It is no secret that love wins in the relationship between man and animal. In the article, Hamasteg's story "Chalo" is presented in parallel analysis with the works of Hovhannes Tumanyan, Ruben Zardaryan, Anton Chekhov, Mark Twain, Aram Haykaz and others.