ilustraciones, fotografías, mapas, ; Este ejercicio investigativo tiene como objetivo comprender las maneras en que se configuran las masculinidades de varones heterosexuales mayores de treinta y cinco años pertenecientes a sectores medios de Bogotá que conforman familias nucleares biparentales y que cocinan para sus familias de forma cotidiana como parte de sus responsabilidades diarias. Para ello, me acerqué y conocí las trayectorias de vida en relación con la cocina de tres varones: Juan Manuel, Wilson y Alejandro, contemplando sus historias desde la infancia hasta el momento actual, para tomar de esta forma una fotografía detallada de un contexto que se mantiene cambiante y en construcción, y así permitirme aportar un matiz adicional al estudio de las masculinidades y a los estudios feministas y de género, desde la cocina y sus materialidades. Asimismo, presento el texto de este documento acompañado de imágenes que contienen las recetas ofrecidas por los entrevistados a lo largo de sus narraciones a modo de representar gráficamente su experiencia con la cocina. De esta manera, a partir de la comprensión de las relaciones que los varones establecen con la cocina, los objetos, las tecnologías y las personas, y las dinámicas y tensiones a las que se enfrentan los entrevistados, se reflejan tanto las rupturas como las continuidades del orden de género en sus identidades como varones y padres y la reconfiguración de los significados de la cocina y sus materialidades. (Texto tomado de la fuente) ; This research exercise aims to understand the ways in which the masculinities of heterosexual males over thirty-five belonging to middle sectors of Bogota that make up biparental nuclear families and that cook for their families daily as part of their quotidian responsibilities. To do this, I approached and knew about the life trajectories in relation to the kitchen of three men: Juan Manuel, Wilson, and Alejandro, contemplating in these their stories from childhood to the present moment, thus taking a detailed photograph of a context that remains changing and under construction, to allow me to add an additional nuance to the study of masculinities and feminist and gender studies, from the kitchen and its materialities. I also present the text of this document accompanied by images containing the recipes offered by the interviewees throughout their narratives to graphically represent their experience with cooking. In this way, based on the understanding of the relationships that men establish with cooking, objects, technologies and people, and the dynamics and tensions that interviewees face, are reflected both the ruptures and the continuities of the gender order in their identities as men and fathers and the reconfiguration of the meanings of the kitchen and its materialities. ; Maestría ; Magíster en Estudios de Género ; En primera medida, me interesa mencionar que antes de acercarme al trabajo de campo previo al inicio de la cuarentena, la propuesta era organizar el marco teórico que había construido en un principio, pues este era muy general para lo que realmente quería trabajar. Sin embargo, lograr consolidar en el marco teórico la información pertinente para iniciar el desarrollo de la tesis de maestría comenzaba a tornarse sin un horizonte ni un final claro. Ocuparme en la lectura de textos académicos de autorxs que por largos años han trabajado e investigado masculinidades en Colombia y otros países del mundo, me estaba permitiendo entender el amplio universo al que me enfrentaría al realizar el trabajo de campo y su análisis respectivo, pero al mismo tiempo, me estaba saturando y tal vez desviando del propósito real de mi investigación. Si bien, no podemos llegar al trabajo de campo sin tener un acercamiento a la teoría, me daba cuenta de que el marco teórico podría plantearlo no solo como un punto de partida, sino también como parte del proceso de recolección de la información, del análisis de ésta, en la escritura de la tesis y hasta en las correcciones que en algún momento tuve que hacer de este documento. Es decir, la construcción del marco teórico no presenta en realidad una temporalidad específica, es producto del proceso de lectura que se realiza durante el desarrollo de la tesis. Por ello, decidí comenzar a acercarme a los participantes de esta investigación para que en la misma medida en que mantenía una conversación con ellos, pudiera ir afinando algunos detalles de la propuesta metodológica inicial y al mismo tiempo, entender en diálogo con lxs autorxs lo que iba encontrando. Así que para ello, decidí comenzar con la búsqueda de los participantes, los cuales debían cumplir algunos criterios que definí a razón de mi pregunta de investigación: hombres heterosexuales mayores de 35 años, que conformarán familias nucleares biparentales con hijxs y que cocinarán más de tres veces por semana para su hogar previo a la pandemia. Mi interés se centró en la familia de tipo nuclear por considerarse históricamente como la ideal para ajustarse a los intereses económicos y patriarcales, pues sostiene la división sexual del trabajo en el hogar y asigna a la mujer aquellas actividades que suponen no tener algún valor en el mercado. Así que mi propósito inicial fue cuestionar la idea de familia nuclear, no solo porque ha dado continuidad a la subordinación de la mujer, sino también porque hace parte del entramado de instituciones modernas del Estado. Negándome al mismo tiempo a poner el foco en otro tipo de hogares o en varones de edades menores a los 35 años ya que considero puede haber más posibilidad de encontrar cambios en las relaciones de género en familias constituidas con parejas jóvenes y/o parejas homosexuales o no binarias, precisamente por una posible tendencia en estos grupos a cuestionar algunas formas de organización social y de género. Asimismo, busqué hombres que cocinarán la mayoría de las veces en la semana, ya que esto significaba poder analizar más acertadamente la relación entre hombres, masculinidades y cocina, considerando que ésta involucra actividades que requieren ser realizadas a diario para la sobrevivencia y el cuidado propio y de lxs otrxs, demandando el uso de experiencias, aprendizajes, imaginarios y significados basados en contextos específicos. A través de mis redes sociales emprendí la búsqueda de los participantes. Varixs amigxs compartieron la publicación que realicé en Facebook, en la que escribía los criterios que debían cumplir estos hombres y aclarando que el propósito sería investigativo. Obtuve aproximadamente 30 respuestas en las que me referían varías familias donde podía encontrar a mis participantes y 8 personas compartieron la publicación, por lo que pude encontrar más respuestas de recomendaciones en esas publicaciones compartidas. Sin embargo, al indagar a profundidad sobre el cumplimiento de dichos criterios, me encontré con que muchos de ellos vivían en hogares unipersonales o biparentales sin hijos, otros eran homosexuales o no cumplían con la edad que yo buscaba. A través de esta búsqueda logré encontrar a Juan Manuel, un recomendado de la amiga de una amiga que compartió la publicación. Me presenté con ella, le expliqué el propósito de mi investigación y así, me pasó el contacto de mi primer entrevistado. Pese a la mucha ayuda que recibí a partir de esa publicación realizada en Facebook, solo contaba con Juan Manuel, a quien llamé tan pronto me compartieron su número y se mostró bastante interesado en participar. Al continuar con mi búsqueda, un día hablando con una colega y amiga nutricionista sobre nuestra vida laboral, me recordó que en una conversación previa, me había hablado sobre su tío, un hombre que cocina todos los días y tiene dos hijos. Ella prometió hablar con su tío, contarle sobre la investigación y de acuerdo con ello, pasarme su contacto. A los pocos días, tenía su número de celular, me comuniqué con él y efectivamente, logré tener mi segundo entrevistado, a Wilson. Para el tercer y último entrevistado, la situación fue similar, mientras conversaba con una amiga, me contó que conocía a un hombre que cumplía con las características que yo buscaba. Mi amiga era amiga de su hija, así que ella habló con su padre, luego me comuniqué con él y ese mismo día, Alejandro aceptó participar. A continuación, daré una breve descripción de los participantes (Ver Figura 1-1), pues a lo largo de este documento, cuento más detalles de sus vidas: - Juan Manuel: Barranquillero, hace 3 años vive en el norte de Bogotá, tiene 40 años, es ex militar de las Fuerzas Armadas -FA donde duró 6 años, allí se especializó como enfermero y buzo, frecuentaba la cocina de la base militar en la que se encontraba para apoyar a los cocineros. Se retira de las FA debido a que decide casarse con una militar de más alto rango. Por el trabajo de su esposa, se trasladan constantemente de ciudad. Actualmente tienen dos hijas, una de 11 años y otra de 4 años. Él trabaja en una empresa como especialista en Salud y Seguridad en el Trabajo. Debido a la cuarentena se encuentra realizando teletrabajo. Juan Manuel cocina desde que tiene 10 años y hace 5 años cocina todos los días en su casa. - Wilson: Bogotano, vive en el sur de Bogotá, tiene 52 años, trabajó como mecánico desde niño y actualmente es taxista. Vive con su esposa y sus dos hijos, uno de 24 años recién casado y el otro de 21 años. El primero vive aún con sus padres debido a que está ahorrando para comprar un apartamento con su esposa. La pareja de Wilson es ingeniera industrial y administradora de empresas, su experiencia laboral ha sido en empresas fuera de la ciudad y los cargos que ha ocupado la mantienen con una alta carga laboral. Wilson cocina desde que tiene 8 años y en su hogar cocina hace 12 años todos los días de la semana. - Alejandro: Bogotano, vive en el norte de Bogotá, tiene 53 años, trabaja en una editorial de libros donde no tiene horario laboral, pues sale de su casa únicamente cuando lo requiere. Su pareja se dedica a cuidar a la esposa del papá de Alejandro, quien tiene alzhéimer, sin recibir remuneración económica. Viven con sus dos hijxs, la hija tiene 22 años y el hijo 21 años. Nunca cocinó en su infancia ni juventud, pues empezó a cocinar en su casa hace 6 años los fines de semana y dedicándose ahora a cocinar entre 4 a 5 días por semana. Figura 1 1. Ubicación de los participantes y de la autora en la ciudad de Bogotá. Trabajé únicamente con tres hombres debido a que mi interés no fue nunca contar con una muestra significativa para llegar a conclusiones universales ni generalizadas (Bassi, 2014), como suele suceder en las ciencias de la nutrición de donde provengo. En realidad, mi propósito ha sido conocer las trayectorias de vida de los entrevistados en relación con la cocina, desde su infancia hasta el momento actual, tomando de esta forma una fotografía detallada de un contexto que seguirá cambiante y en construcción, para así permitirme aportar un matiz al estudio de las masculinidades en los estudios feministas y de género, desde la cocina y sus particularidades. Con relación a las entrevistas para recoger las historias de vida, utilicé un formato guía en el que estructuré distintas preguntas abiertas que me permitieran orientar o ahondar en los relatos de los varones, basadas en los interrogantes que tenía previo a la entrevista y otras que se iban generando en el proceso de transcripción y análisis de la información, con el fin de darle profundidad a algunos temas que los entrevistados habían mencionado "a vuelo de pájaro" (Schütz, 1991, citado por Muñoz, 2003) y valían la pena ampliar. Sin embargo, la narración de la historia vivida por los participantes se dio de manera espontánea y fluida, me mantuve en atenta escucha, plateando solo algunas de las preguntas abiertas que tenía preparadas que no habían sido respondidas pero que tenían relación con lo que estábamos conversando, para con esto, motivar a los entrevistados a continuar narrándome sus vidas. Al iniciar cada entrevista, solicite a los participantes su autorización para grabar la voz, utilizando mi celular o el computador para ello. En total, realicé tres entrevistas con Juan Manuel que duraron entre una hora y media y dos horas y dos entrevistas de una hora con Wilson y Alejandro. Con Juan Manuel fue frecuente el uso de Zoom, con la cámara encendida todo el tiempo para lograr tomar apuntes etnográficos sobre sus expresiones, gestos, silencios y también para poder observar algo de su cotidianidad, que por supuesto se había modificado a causa de la cuarentena en la que nos encontrábamos. Con Wilson decidimos usar videollamadas por WhatsApp ya que él no conocía otras plataformas, de hecho, su hijo le ayudó a entender el funcionamiento de dicha aplicación y así poder tener una conversación continúa conmigo. Con Alejandro nos vimos tanto por WhatsApp como por Zoom, aunque con él tuve muchos más problemas de conectividad que con los demás entrevistados. A veces lo escuchaba entre cortado o por falta de práctica con estas plataformas, alejaba la cámara y el micrófono de su rostro y lo empezaba a escuchar muy lejos. Esto me implicó estar muy concentrada y más atenta de lo que debía, ya que cada vez que le pedía a Alejandro que se acercará el micrófono, se desviaba del tema que estaba tocando o se le olvidaba qué estaba narrándome. Definitivamente los problemas de conexión y el poco conocimiento de estas plataformas virtuales de comunicación por parte de los participantes y mía, me llevo a reflexionar sobre estas otras formas de hacer trabajo de campo a las que no hemos accedido, pues estamos acostumbradxs al contacto físico y visual con nuestros participantes, a tener interrupciones quizás, pero no del mismo tipo a las que se dan virtualmente, o a plantear metodologías que implican estar, compartir y/o involucrarse espacial y relacionalmente con el contexto que rodea a lxs sujetxs -excluyendo a algunas investigaciones de archivo o cuantitativas que no requieren específicamente del contacto con las personas-. No obstante, al cambiar el modus operandi de las investigaciones cualitativas para buscar otras formas de desarrollarlas y superar al mismo tiempo, las barreras que la pandemia por COVID-19 iba imponiéndonos durante el año 2020, me llevo a ver el uso de la tecnología como la oportunidad de explorar aquellas formas a las que pocas veces volteamos a ver, así como a darle continuidad tanto al trabajo de campo como al de escritura, pues el hecho de estar en casa redujo los tiempos que solemos utilizar en la movilización y el transporte de un lugar a otro, por ejemplo, permitiendo que algunas de las entrevistas las pudiéramos realizar después de las nueve de la noche o durante la jornada laboral. Por otro lado, quiero resaltar otras condiciones que atravesaron el trabajo de campo y que respondían de igual forma a la cuarentena obligatoria. Una de ellas tiene que ver con el traslado de la vida laboral a la vivienda, donde los límites entre lo privado y lo público se desvanecían o se transformaban para ser uno solo pero en conjunto, sumándole la escuela o el trabajo de lxs hijxs y la pareja. Así como la aleación entre el trabajo doméstico, de cuidados y del mercado laboral en términos espaciales y temporales. Otra condición fue la permanente socialización con algunos o todos los miembros del núcleo familiar y el aumento de los cuidados entre ellxs -por prevenir el contagio del coronavirus-, transformando de esta manera, las formas de relacionarse. En este sentido, reitero nuevamente mi idea de que los resultados de esta investigación son una especie de fotografía que capta las reflexiones de los tres varones y mías con respecto a su experiencia, significados, prácticas y representaciones de su masculinidad y la cocina, las cuales cuentan con distintos matices, entre esos, una pandemia por coronavirus que confinó al mundo en sus viviendas por un período de tiempo determinado y bajo unas condiciones diferenciadas según sexo, clase, raza, lugar de origen, etnia, entre otras. En el tercer capítulo retomo y amplío las condiciones anteriormente mencionadas que marcan en definitiva mi trabajo investigativo. Además, estas condiciones imposibilitaron al mismo tiempo mi interés por no solo conocer las historias de vida de los participantes, sino también entrevistar a las parejas de los tres varones, pues reconozco en principio que la construcción del género es relacional y es resultado de su interacción permanente en la vida cotidiana (Viveros, 2002). Por lo que, entrevistarlas me permitiría triangular la información ofrecida por los participantes en sus narrativas, así como contar con una perspectiva adicional sobre la configuración de las masculinidades en estos varones. Sin embargo, debido a la pandemia y en consecuencia a la cuarentena, la carga laboral de las parejas de los entrevistados aumentó, llevándolas a trabajar más de doce horas diarias, con apenas unos cuantos descansos para el almuerzo y la cena. Así que en las varias ocasiones que intenté contactarlas, no pudieron atenderme debido a que estaban ocupadas, estresadas y/o cansadas, llevándome a desistir finalmente de esta posibilidad. Continuando, la transcripción de las entrevistas la fui realizando cada vez que completaba una entrevista con los participantes evitando que se me acumularan, pues transcribir una y dos horas de entrevista fue una tarea bastante ardua y agotadora. Inicialmente evalué la posibilidad de no transcribir todas las entrevistas, sino de utilizar una rejilla en Excel con categorías para así, clasificar los temas de las grabaciones y anotar los minutos y segundos exactos donde se hablaba de ello, pero esto me generó dificultad a la hora de analizar la información. Así que pese al mucho tiempo que me tomó transcribir las entrevistas, esto me permitió poder acercarme nuevamente a cada una para lograr tener una comprensión analítica suficiente de cada relato de manera individual con el fin de reconocer los focos, los personajes, las reflexiones, las causalidades, los significados, etc., que le da cada hombre a su historia de vida (Muñoz, 2003). Al contar con la mayor parte de las entrevistas transcritas y analizadas por separado, comencé a identificar los nodos comunes que advertían un mismo modo de habitar el mundo y de narrar sus experiencias, así como los nodos que evidenciaban una diversidad en las formas de configurar su relación con la cocina. En varias ocasiones releí los relatos transcriptos, tanto para descubrir e interesarme por profundizar en algunas narraciones tal vez inadvertidas para mí al inicio y también para rememorar sus historias de vida que trazadas desde el presente, abarcan el pasado y el futuro, considerando claramente en este punto, que las transcripciones no son el relato en voz en sí mismo, pues se hace imposible transcribir los gestos y las expresiones que median la narración, aunque debo mencionar que intenté plasmar los silencios con puntos suspensivos o escribir las expresiones faciales que evidenciaba en los apuntes de campo que obtuve. Al mismo tiempo que recogía los relatos y los transcribía, aproveché otras formas de recoger información durante las entrevistas y a través del chat de WhatsApp. Por ejemplo la cartografía de la cocina la logramos realizar por este medio virtual con los varones, pues luego de que se levantó la cuarentena obligatoria, los participantes se vieron obligados a volver a sus oficinas o al taxi, en el caso de Wilson, haciendo que nuestra comunicación empezara a ser escasa a raíz de las múltiples ocupaciones de ellos. La importancia de realizar la cartografía de la cocina radicaba en el hecho de poder obtener una valiosa representación visual de lo que cada hombre considera de este espacio y sus objetos, así como sus características más profundas, pues la cartografía no se circunscribía a la delimitación del espacio físico, sino que se anclaba a las diversas tensiones y subjetividades que emergen de las relaciones socioculturales de quienes participan en este (Barragán, 2016). Por tanto, decidí acoger la propuesta metodológica que Andrea Gómez Mora (2017) implementó en su tesis de maestría titulada "¿Mujeres que vivimos solas?: habitando hogares unipersonales desde el género y las relaciones más que humanas", donde con base en unas preguntas, pidió a sus participantes que las respondieran a través de fotografías, para analizar con ellas la relación que estas mujeres mantenían con el espacio y los objetos. Las preguntas que formulé para este ejercicio fueron: - ¿En qué espacio(s) de la cocina suele permanecer cuando está cocinando? - ¿En cuál(es) espacio(s) de la cocina suele socializar con su familia? - ¿Qué parte(s) de la cocina le agrada(n) mucho? - ¿Qué parte(s) de la cocina le gusta(n) menos? - ¿Qué parte(s) de la cocina es (son) la(s) que más disfruta? - ¿Qué parte(s) de la cocina es (son) la(s) que poco disfruta? - ¿Qué parte(s) de su cocina cambiaría? - ¿Qué objeto(s) de la cocina es (son) más significativo para usted? - ¿Qué objeto(s) de la cocina le gusta(n) menos? - ¿Qué objeto(s) le resulta(n) más útiles en la cocina? - ¿Qué objeto(s) le resulta(n) más inútiles en la cocina? - ¿Qué o quién(es) lo suele(n) acompañar mientras cocina? - ¿Cómo se ve su cocina mientras cocina? - ¿Qué reflexiones le suscito contestar las preguntas a través de fotografías? A partir de las fotos enviadas por los entrevistados, forme un collage por cada pregunta respondida por los tres participantes para así poderlas analizar de manera conjunta, consolidando toda esta información en el último capítulo de este trabajo investigativo. Algunas de estas fotografías se encuentran a lo largo de dicho capítulo, acompañando la escritura. Por otro lado, otra de las formas que me permitió recolectar información de los entrevistados y ampliar el análisis, fue el diseño de unas plantillas - Diario de actividades, Diario de comidas y Recetas (Ver Anexo A)- que guiaban el ejercicio de memoria de los varones sobre lo que cocinaban a diario durante una semana, cómo lo cocinaban, cuánto tiempo duraban haciéndolo, las actividades que realizaban adicionalmente al cocinar y un registro de las recetas que para ellos, tenían un significado importante. En este último, la idea fue escribir el nombre de la receta, los ingredientes, la preparación, los utensilios utilizados para su elaboración y hacer algunas anotaciones para conocer quién les enseñó esa receta, cómo y dónde la aprendieron y qué recuerdos tienen con ella. Las plantillas fueron diligenciadas por los participantes y expuestos en una de las entrevistas que tuvimos, en la cual conversamos sobre las recetas y todo lo que esta alrededor de ello, como las formas de cocinar, de relacionarse con los ingredientes y los utensilios, lo que rodea el ejercicio de cocinar para ellos y los significados y representaciones que de ello emana. La medición del tiempo empleado por los varones no solo en la cocina, si no en otras labores, como el trabajo doméstico, de cuidados y laboral a través del diario de actividades que diseñé, me permitió entender la distribución del tiempo que estos varones realizan de las 24 horas del día en una semana. Mi propósito con este diario fue conocer las otras actividades que ellos realizan además de cocinar y trabajar, entre esas las de ocio, los tiempos que utilizan para cada una y en cierta forma, poder verificar la frecuencia con la que cocinan para su familia. Este instrumento así como presenta ventajas, también presenta varias dificultades a la hora de basarse en la información allí consignada por los varones, sobre todo porque es un instrumento que evalúa estos aspectos cuantitativamente, perdiendo de vista lo cualitativo que se encuentra detrás de la realización de distintas labores de mercado, domésticas y de cuidado; por eso la importancia de que sea únicamente una guía que acompañe otras técnicas como la entrevista. Una de las ventajas que encuentro del uso de estos instrumentos es que facilita la recordación de los entrevistados sobre las tareas que desarrollaron cada uno de los días de la semana, así como permitir que la investigadora identifique temas o aspectos en los que no se haya enfocado y sean de utilidad para responder la pregunta de investigación. Sin embargo, las desventajas son muchas más si se trabaja solo con este tipo de instrumentos, es decir si no se amplía la información recolectada a través de entrevistas, como ya lo mencioné. Pese a que las plantillas las plantee de forma abierta para no limitar la información que los entrevistados consideraran relevante anotar, fue frecuente que ellos excluyeran, obviaran o ignoraran algunas actividades que realizan en su cotidianidad, pero que por el mismo hecho de ser cotidianas, no las reconocen o no las consideran como válidas para escribirlas en el instrumento, como las actividades de cuidado que tienen que ver con salir de la cocina mientras se está cocinando para responder una pregunta que sus hijxs expresan con respecto a la clase virtual en la que están participando, o salir del trabajo y parar en una farmacia para comprar un medicamento para su hijx que esta enfermx en casa; por nombrar algunos ejemplos reales. O las tareas que se realizan en un tiempo más subjetivo como lo llama Carrasco (2005), difícil de cuantificar porque no se materializan en una actividad concreta pero si reclaman energía de la persona. Además, las tareas que se realizan en simultaneo son difíciles de evidenciar en este instrumento, pues los entrevistados preferían escribir la actividad principal que se encontraban haciendo en una hora determinada, por ejemplo, cocinar, sin plasmar que al mismo tiempo estaban lavando la loza y además estaban viendo una serie de televisión. En este sentido, el poder articular las plantillas con las entrevistas me permitió conocer en detalle información que no hubiese sido fácil obtener al usar solo una de las dos técnicas de recolección de la información, pues parte de las entrevistas se basaron en las plantillas que los varones lograron responder en una semana continua. Además de estas dos técnicas, también tuve la oportunidad de recibir una serie de fotografías que los entrevistados les tomaban a sus preparaciones. Algunas las tomaron antes de iniciar su participación en la investigación y otras durante el diligenciamiento de las plantillas. Durante las entrevistas también se conversó sobre las fotos enviadas, describiendo ingredientes, recuerdos y anécdotas asociadas a dichas preparaciones captadas en la fotografía. La información que obtuve tanto de las fotografías como de las plantillas las dejé claramente plasmadas en algunas páginas de este documento ya que lo consideré complementario al análisis desarrollado. Para presentar la información recolectada y el análisis que realicé de ésta en cada uno de los capítulos del documento, me pareció de suma importancia citar en mi escritura partes de los relatos a modo de respaldar mi análisis y de evidenciar como éste deriva de las narrativas de los entrevistados (Bassi, 2014). También quiero reconocer que lo que presento en este documento es un proceso creativo y colaborativo, resultado de la relación generada entre los entrevistados y yo, y no un proceso de autoría individual que solo me pertenece por ser la investigadora (Beorlegui, 2019). Una relación que de igual forma me dio mucho para reflexionar y es lo que traté de condensar y desplegar en el anterior apartado. ; Globalización, desigualdades sociales y políticas públicas
ABSTRAKSIKonflik merupakan salah satu fenomena sosial yang lumrah terjadi dalam masyarakat. Begitu juga halnya di provinsi Maluku Utara. Konflik yang muncul adalah berhubungan dengan wilayah perbatasan antara Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Kabupaten Halmahera Barat. Konflik batas wilayah inilah mendorong peneliti tertarik untuk meneliti gejala sosial yang terjadi. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mendiskripsikan faktor-faktor penyebab konflik, mendiskripsikan dampak-dampak yang ditimbulkan dari terjadinya konflik, dan mendeskripsikan prospek penyelesaian batas wilayah.Manfaat penelitian adalah untukmemberikan sumbangsi pemikiran bagi Pemerintah Provinsi Maluku Utara dalam upaya penyelesaian konflik wilayah antara kabupaten halmahera Utara dengan kabupaten halmahera Barat, serta menjadi bahan acuan kerjasama antar kedua kabupaten untuk menyelesaikan tapal batas.Dengan melihat masalah ini peneliti menggunakan teori Lewis Coser. Konflik merupakan perselisihan mengenai nilai-nilai atau tuntutan-tuntutan berkenaan dengan status, kuasa, dan sumber-sumber kekayaan yang persediaannya tidak mencukupi, dimana pihak-pihak yang sedang berkonflik bukan hanya berniat untuk memperoleh barang yang dimaksud tetapi juga berniat untuk menghancurkan lawannya. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif dengan tipe pendekatan deskriptifserta lokasi penelitian di kantor Gubernur Maluku Utara dan desa-desa penyangga. Pengumpulan data yang dilakukan adalah observasi dan wawancara mendalam terhadap tokoh-tokoh masyarakat enam desa serta pejabat pemerintah sebagai informan.Berdasarkan hasil penelitian ada beberapa faktor penyebab konflik yakni meliputi: faktor Potensi Alam,faktor lahirnya Peraturan Pemerintah No. 42 Tahun 1999tentang Pembentukan dan Penataan Beberapa Kecamatan Di Wilayah Kabupaten Daerah Tingkat II Maluku Utara Dalam Wilayah Provinsi Tingkat I Maluku, dan faktor lahirnya Undang-undang No 1 tahun 2003 tentang Pembentukan Kabupaten Halmahera Utara.Sehingga konflik wilayah berkepanjangan yang selanjutnya berakibat pada timbulnya "dampak konflik" berupa terjadinya dualisme sistem pemerintahan tingkat desa maupun kecamatan, dampak Dalam Bidang Politik. dampak dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan administrasi pendataan kependudukan dan pelayanan KTPdan dampak dalam bidang sosial. Prospek penyelesaian konflik wilayah ini harus ada ketegasan Pemprov Malut dalam menyelesaikan serta merevisi PP No 42 tahun 1999 yang tidak merekrut aspirasi rakyat enam desa.1 Merupakan skripsi penulis2 Mahasiswa jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP UNSRATKata kunci: Konflik, batas wilayah, konflik/antagonisme.A. PendahuluanSebelum era otonomi daerah, di Indonesia hanya terdapat 27 provinsi dan 277 kabupaten/kotamadya. Setelah otonomi daerah, jumlah tersebut membengkak menjadi 34 provinsi dan 511 kabupaten/kota bahkan lebih dengan tingkat akselerasi pemekaran yang terhitung luar biasa dan sebagaimana diduga sebelumnya, menciptakan ruang-ruang potensi masalah baru. Pemekaran suatu daerah menjadi beberapa daerah otonom baru berakibat berubahnya batas-batas wilayah daerah baik secara administratif maupun geospasial (keruangan), yang menjadi esensi munculnya permasalahan serius. Permasalahan tersebut adalah Konflik batas wilayah (Harmantyo, 2007).Sekilas tidak ada persoalan terkait batas-batas administratif dan geografi ini karena di setiap Undang-Undang yang memayungi pembentukan daerah otonom baru tersebut selalu dicantumkan batas-batas antara daerah satu dengan daerah lain walaupun batas-batas tersebut sangat makro. Akan tetapi kondisi di lapangan seringkali lebih rumit dari pada yang diperkirakan sebelumnya.Dalam praktiknya, proses Penyelesaian konflik batas wilayah tidak selalu dapat dilaksanakan dengan lancar, bahkan ada kecenderungan jumlah sengketa/konflik batas antar daerah meningkat. Dari melihat kenyataan praktis, teridentifikasi beberapa penyebab konflik terkait batas wilayah ini, antara lain :1. Yuridis, yakni tidak jelasnya batas daerah dalam Undang-Undang Pembentukan Daerah.2. Ekonomi, yakni Perebutan Sumber Daya (SDA, Kawasan Niaga/ Transmigrasi, Perkebunan).3. Kultural, yakni Isu terpisahnya etnis atau sub etnis.4. Politik & Demografi, yakni Perebutan pemilih & perolehan suara bagi anggota Legislatif/Eksekutif.5. Sosial, yakni Munculnya kecemburuan sosial, riwayat konflik masa lalu, isu penduduk asli dan pendatang.6. Pemerintahan, yakni Jarak ke pusat pemerintahan, diskriminasi pelayanan, keinginan bergabung ke daerah tetangga.Provinsi Maluku Utara juga rupanya tidak terhindar dari konflik daerah pemekaran. Paling tidak ada beberapa titik konflik yang hingga saat kenyataan ini belum menunjukkan tanda-tanda akan berakhir. Salah satu Titik konflik yang rawan adalah yang terjadi antara Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dan Kabupaten Halmahera Barat yang melibatkan wilayah enam desa sengketa, yaitu Desa Pasir Putih, Desa Bobane Igo, Desa Tetewang, Desa Akelamo Kao, Desa Akusahu, dan Desa Dum-Dum. Konflik ini sifatnya menahun semenjak terbentuknya Kabupaten Halmahera Utara pada tahun 2003 hingga saat ini, persoalan tidak kunjung usai.Konflik dapat dirasakan dalam proses interaksi antara kedua belah pihak (aksi-reaksi) dalam upaya mencapai kesepakatan yang diperlukan dalam menentukan beberapa titik batas yang selama inisulit dicapai kesepakatannya. Intensitas konflik semakin meningkat dan jelas seiring dengan bergulirnya "era otonomi daerah" ketika Pemerintah Kabupaten Halmahera Utara mulai mengintensifkan kegiatan penataan batas wilayah dan mendapatkan reaksi dari Pemerintah Kabupaten Halmahera Barat berupa disepakatinya titik batas daerah.Sejak berlakunya Undang-Undang (UU) Nomor 22 Tahun 1999, Indonesia sering disebut dalam era otonomi daerah. Daerah otonom diberi kewenangan dengan prinsip luas, nyata dan bertanggung jawab. Demikian juga setelah UU tentang Pemerintahan Daerah tersebut diganti dengan UU No. 32 Tahun 2004, prinsip luas, nyata dan bertanggung jawab tetap menjadi prinsip dalam penyelenggaraan kewenangan daerah otonom. Berbagai implikasi kemudian muncul karena implementasi UU yang baru tersebut, satu diantaranya yaitu bahwa daerah menjadi memandang sangat penting perlunya penegasan batas daerah. Salah satu sebabnya juga seperti disampaikan diatas adalah karena daerah menjadi memiliki kewenangan untuk mengelola sumber daya di wilayahnya. Daerah melaksanakan kewenangan masing-masing dalam lingkup batas daerah yang ditentukan, artinya kewenangan suatu daerah pada dasarnya tidak boleh melampaui batas daerah yang ditetapkan dalam peraturan perundang-undangan. Apabila batas daerah tidak jelas akan menyebabkan dua kemungkinan akibat negatif. Pertama, suatu bagian wilayah dapat diabaikan oleh masing-masing daerah karena merasa itu bukan daerahnya atau dengan kata lain masing-masing daerah saling melempar tanggung jawab dalam menyelenggarakan pemerintahan, pelayanan masyarakat maupun pembangunan di bagian wilayah tersebut. Kedua, daerah yang satu dapat dianggap melampaui batas kewenangan daerah yang lain sehingga berpotensi timbulnya konflik antar daerah.Dalam hal ini persoalan batas daerah menjadi sebuah konflik kelembagaan yang berkepanjangan antara Pemerintah Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Kabupaten Halmahera Barat. Sentrum konflik terkait Enam Desa Pasca pemekaran daerah di Provinsi Maluku Utara itulah yang sampai hari ini belum mampu terselesaikan meskipun berbagai pihak telah berupaya memfasilitasi. Konflik selain pemekaran kabupaten juga Konflik yang terjadi diperbatasan ini ketika adanya pembentukan kecamatan malifut. Akibat dari pemekaran kecamatan malifut dengan menggabungkan enam desa wilayah wilayah kecamatan jaiololo maka penolakan di enam desa terjadi. Penolakan masyarakat enam desa tersebut dikarenakan ketidak inginan untuk menjadi wilayah bagian dari kecamatan malifut. Namun penolakan dari enam desa ini tidak mendapat tanggapan apa-apa dari pemerintah. Ada juga menjadi dampak terjadinya konflik sosial akibat lambannya respon pemerintah atas aspirasi masyarakat enam desa, dampak selanjutnya masyarakat enam desa menolak mendapat pelayanan dari kecamatan malifut dan hanya menerima pelayanan dari kecamatan jailolo. Walaupun demekian realitasnya secara administrastif wilayah enam desa menjadi bagian dari wilayah administrasi kecamatan malifut.Penolakan masyarakat enam desa ini didasari bahwa sejak awal mereka telah menolak bergabung dengan kecamatan malifut dan tetap menjadi bagian dari kecamatan jailolo, sehingga masyarakat menganggap bahwa sangat realistis jika enam desa menjadi bagian dari kabupaten Halmahera Barat. Dengan dasar itulah, maka pemerintah kabupaten Halmahera Barat memberikan pelayanan kepada enam desa. Disinilah konflik perebutan wilayah enam desa semakin mencuat baik antar Pemerintah maupun antar masyarakat. Jelas ini memancing banyak pertanyaan untuk bisa dijawab. Ada banyak faktor, aktor dan kepentingan yang bermain sehingga upaya penyelesaian konflik tidak sesederhana yang dibayangkan banyak pihak. Rumusan masalah, yakni faktor-faktor apakah yang menyebabkan terjadinya Konflik Wilayah Antara Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Halmahera Barat ? Dampak-dampak apakah yang timbul dari terjadinya konflik Tersebut ? dan Bagaimanakah prospek penyelesaian batas wilayah ini dari prespektif politik ? Tujuan penelitian untuk Mendiskripsikan faktor-faktor penyebab dari terjadinya konflik Perebutan Wilayah Antara Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Halmahera Barat, Mendiskripsikan dampak-dampak yang ditimbulkan dari terjadinya konflik Tersebut dan mendiskripsikan prospek penyelesaian Konflik wilayah ini dari prespektif politik.Adapun manfaat penelitian secara teoritis, yakni dimanfaatkan bagi pengembangan kajian-kajian Ilmu Politik dan Pemerintahan, khususnya yang terkait dengan Manajemen Konflik, Dinamika Politik Lokal, dan Sosialogi Politik dan Ilmu pengetahuan secara umum, sedangkan secara Praktis, manfaat hasil penelitian ini sebagai sumbangsi pemikiran bagi Pemerintah Provinsi Maluku Utara dalam upaya penyelesaian konflik wilayah antara skabupaten halmahera Utara dengan kabupaten halmahera Barat, serta menjadi bahan acuan kerjasama antar kedua kabupaten untuk menyelesaikan tapal batas yang disengketakan.B. Tinjauan PustakaKonflik berasal dari kata kerja Latin configere yang berarti saling memukul. konflik adalah suatu tindakan salah satu pihak yang berakibat menghalangi, menghambat, atau mengganggu pihak lain dimana hal ini dapat terjadi antar kelompok masyarakat ataupun dalam hubungan antar pribadi. Istilah konflik menurut Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia (KBBI) berarti percekcokan, perselisihan, pertentangan. Menurut asal katanya, istilah 'konflik' berasal dari bahasa Latin 'confligo', yang berarti bertabrakan, bertubrukan, terbentur, bentrokan, bertanding, berjuang, berselisih, atau berperang.Lewis Coser. Konflik merupakan perselisihan mengenai nilai-nilai atau tuntutan-tuntutan berkenaan dengan status, kuasa, dan sumber-sumber kekayaan yang persediaannya tidak mencukupi, dimana pihak-pihak yang sedang berkonflik bukan hanya berniat untuk memperoleh barang yang dimaksud tetapi juga berniat untuk menghancurkan lawannyakan, bertanding, berjuang, berselisih, atau berperang.Hubungan yang konfrontatif antar kelompok sosial maupun Institusi Pemerintahan yang terjadi karena benturan kewenangan, tujuan serta ketidakcocokan dalam kehidupan sosial meliputi nilai budaya, geografi maupun sejarah. Begitu juga konflik yang terjadi di wilayah perbatasan antara kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Kabupaten Halmahera Barat. Dilihat dari unsur yang terlibat secara umum, konflik di Perbatasan kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Kabupaten Halmahera Barat dapat di kategorikan sebagai berikut. Konflik antara masyarakat dengan pemerintah, konflik antara masyarakat dengan masyarakat serta konflik antara Pemerintah dengan Pemerintah (Zaiyardam dan Efendi, 2009: 11).C. Metodologi PenelitianMetode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah Metode deskriptif, yang mana penelitian ini untuk membuat gambaran mengenai situasi atau kejadian dengan mengadakan akumulasi data yang relevan, menerangkan hubungan serta mendapatkan makna dan implikasi dari suatau masalah yang ingin dipecahkan. pelaksanaan penelitian dengan menggunakan metode penelitian Deskriptif Kualitatif mengacu pada pengumpulan dan penyusunan data, serta meliputi analisis, interpretasi tentang arti data tersebut, selain itu data yang dikumpulkan berkemungkinan menjadi kunci terhadap apa yang diteliti (Moleong, 2007).Pada dasarnya penelitian ini mempergunakan dua jenis data, yaitu data primer dan data sekunder. Data primer, data yang didapatkan langsung dari sumber pertama, seperti data hasil wawancara atau kuesioner. Sementara itu data sekunder yakni dokumen-dokumen dan data-data pelengkap lainnya. Dalam penelitian ini, yang akan menjadi informan kunci adalah Pejabat Pemerintah Daerah Provinsi Maluku Utara dan Kabupaten Halut-Halbar sementara informan biasa adalah Warga Masyarakat di Wilayah Desa Penyangga yaitu Desa Pasir Putih, Desa Bobane Igo, Desa Tetewang, Desa Akelamo Kao, Desa Akusahu, dan Desa Dum-Dum. Instrument yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yakni dilakukan dengan cara wawancara berdasarkan pedoman wawancara atau daftar wawancara bahkan dilakukan dengan cara proses pengamatan atau observasi. Lokasi dalam penelitian ini adalah Kantor Gubernur Provinsi Maluku Utara. Dalam penelitian ini penulis juga menambahkan lokasi penelitian untuk mencari data pelengkap sesuai dengan masalah yang dibahas yang bertempat di Kantor Bupati Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dan Kabupaten Halmahera Barat dan pada wilayah perbatasan yang menjadi sentral sengketa perebutan antara kedua Kabupaten yang meliputi: Desa Dumdum, Desa Akesahu, Desa Akelamo, Desa Tetewang, Desa Bobane Igo dan Desa Pasir Putih.Teknik analisa data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis model interaktif dari Miles dan Heuberman (2001), yakni analisis data yang dilakukan secaraterus menerus sejak awal sampai selesainya penelitian secara bersamaan, yaitu sebagai berikut :1. Reduksi DataData yang diperoleh dari lapangan dituangkan dalam uraian atau laporan yang lengkap dan rinci. Laporan lapangan oleh peneliti direduksi, dirangkum, dipilih hal-hal yang pokok, difokuskan pada hal-hal yang penting, kemudian dicari tema atau polanya yang terfokus pada masalah yang kaji.2. Display DataLangka ini memudahkan peneliti melihat gambaran secara keseluruhan atau bagian tertentu dari penelitian. Dengan kata lain hal ini merupakan pengorganisasian data kedalam bentuk tertentu, yakni sistematis dan sederhana dengan sosoknya yang lebih mantap dan utuh.3. VerifikasiVerifikasi data dalam penelitian kualitatif dilakukan secara terus-menerus sepanjang proses penelitian berlansung sejak awal dan selama proses pengumpula data, peneliti menganalisis data yang dikumpulkan, yaitu mencari tema, pola, hubungan persamaan, hal-hal yang sering timbul dan berkaitan dengan masalah yang menjadi focus penelitian.D. PembahasanBerdasarkan temuan dari penilitian di lapangan maka faktor penyebab konflik wilayah antara Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Kabupaten Halmahera Barat, yakni :1. Faktor Potensi AlamSejak 2003 pemekaran kabupaten Halmahera Utara dan kabupaten Halmahera Barat (pemindahan wilayah administratif dari Kota Ternate Kabupaten Maluku Utara (Dahulu) ke Kecamatan Jailolo Kabupaten Halmahera Barat (sekarang) wilayah enam desa yang disengketakan antara Pemda Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Pemda Kabupaten Halmahera Barat merupakan wilayah yang memiliki kekayaan sumber daya alam (seperti emas dan perak) yang masih belum tereksplorasi dengan maksimal. PT Nusa Halmahera Mineral (NHM) merupakan perusahaan eksploitasi tambang di sekitar Kawasan Gosowong, tepatnya di tiga lokasi, yakni Toguraci (Gosowong Barat), Gosowong Utara, dan Gosowong Selatan.Perusahaan tambang yang bekerja sama dengan pihak asing (Australia) yang diduga merupakan sumber keuangan daerah dan bahkan sumber pendapatan para elit lokalsehingga menjadi menarik dipihak Pemkab. Halut maupun Pemkab Halbar untuk diperebutkan. Sejak dari eksplorasi awal di tahun 1992 dan mengetahui kandungan di sana ada 20 ribu ton deposit biji logam dengan kadar emas dan perak yang tinggi, maka kontra karya antara pemerintah RI dan PT NHM di tandatangani pada tanggal 28 April 1997. persetujuan kontrak karya berdasarkan keputusan Presiden RI Nomor B 143 / Press/ 3/ 1997 tertanggal 17 Maret 1997. luas wilayah kontrak karya pada waktu ditandatangani adalah 1.6772.967 Ha. dan memulai eksploitasi di awal tahun 1999 silam sebelum Maluku Utara berpisah dengan Maluku Ambon. NHM merupakan perusahaan asing yang mengusai saham untuk melakukan eksploitasi tambang mineral di Kawasan sengketa enam desa oleh Pemda Kab. Halut dengan Kab. Halbar, sehingga sebagian besar masyarakat Maluku Utara menganggap bahwa konflik batas wilayah ini karena adanya sumber daya alam yang dikelola PT. NHM. argumentasi ini sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh informan di enam desa sengketa.Menurut, Abyan Sofyan (Biro Pemerintahan Halbar) mengatakan penyebab konflik adalah kepentingan sumber daya alam, namun itu berada pada level pemerintah untuk kepentingan pendapatan daerah, sedangkan penyebab konflik di level masyarakat, yakni munculnya PP No. 42 Tahun 1999 yang sejak awal sudah terjadi penolakan oleh masyarakat enam desa, namun tidak ditanggapi oleh pemerintah.Camat (versi Halut), mengatakan konflik batas wilayah antara Kabupaten Halut dengan Halbar sesunggunya adalah konflik yang berkaitan dengan sumber daya alam yang dikelola oleh salah satu perusahan tambang emas (PT. Nusa Halmahera Mineral), yang eksistensinya sejak tahun 2003 berada dalam wilayah administratif Pemda Halut. Konflik wilayah ini juga terkait dengan perebutan royalty dari pihak PT. NHM untuk meningkatkan pendapatan daerah yang selama ini diperoleh oleh Pemda Halut sebagai pemilik wilayah eksploitasi tambang emas.2. Peraturan PemerintahAturan hukum merupakan arah kompas dan sandaran kehidupan bagi aktivitas manusia yang dibuat berdasarkan kepentingan semua pihak secara bersama. Oleh sebab itu menghasilkan sebuah aturan hukum oleh pemerintah harus mengakomodir seluruh kepentingan masyarakat.Sekian lama aturan hukum selalu dibanggakan yang dianggap sebagai master dasar pacuan untuk melangka ke arah yang lebih baik. Namun terkadang luntur dan tidak semanis arti hukum yang sesungguhnya sebagaimana dinikmati masyarakat enam desa sengketa antara Kab. Halut-Halbar.Sebelum PP No. 42 Tahun 1999 dikeluarkan oleh Pemerintah, di era tahun 1970-an, tepatnya pada tahun 1975 di wilayah Kabupaten Maluku Utara diadakan transmigrasi lokal, yaitu penduduk dari 16 desa dari kecamatan Makian pulau yang dipindahkan ke wilayah kecamatan Kao, sebagai akibat bahaya meletusnya gunung KieBesi di pulau Makian Kabupaten Daerah Tingkat II Maluku Utara sebagaimana termaktub pada permulaan diktum PP. Perpindahan ini dilakukan secara bedol atau mengangkat semua sarana dan prasarana baik perangkat pemerintahan maupun masyarakat untuk dipindahkan ke daratan Halmahera yang merupakan bagian dari tanah adat masyarakat Kao.Sejak mendiami di wilayah baru daratan Halmahera masyarakat Makian pulau telah menjalani hubungan baik dengan warga disekitarnya, termasuk dengan masyarakat Kao, kondisi ini terpelihara dengan baik diantara masyarakat sudah ikatan kekeluargaan akibat perkawinan yang terjalin antar komunitas. Namun kondisi yang sudah terjalin baik ini akhirnya harus sirna ditelan zaman akibat kepentingan elit politik lokal untuk kekuasaan dan penguasaan dengan mendorong sebuah PP No. 42/1999 tentang Pembentukan Kecamatan Malifut dan selanjutnya akan diperjuangkan menjadi Kabupaten Malifut masa depan.Menurut Ichwan Hamza (Biro Pemerintaha Prov. Malut) mengatakan penyeban konflik di enam desa dan sekitarnya adalah munculnya PP No. 42 tahun 1999 tentang pembentukan Kecamatan Malifut yang memasukan enam desa menjadi wilayah administratifnya. Sementara warga masyarakat enam desa menolak masuk ke kecamatan malifut karena alasan factor sejarah dan kedekatan emosional.Munculnya PP No. 42 Tahun 1999 ini dianggap sebagai pemicu kasus yang terjadi pada enam desa sengketa yang diperebutkan oleh Pemkab. Halmahera Utara dengan Pemkab. Halmahera Barat hingga saat ini. Penolakan warga masyarakat enam desa atas gagasan pemekaran dan penggabungan wilayah lebih disebabkan aspirasi masyarakat enam desa yang sejak awal menolak untuk menjadi bagian dari wilayah kecamatan Malifut (yang selanjutnya menjadi wilayah administratif Kab. Halut) dipaksakan oleh pemerintah untuk tetap menjadi bagian dari kecamatan Malifut.3. Undang-Undang Pembentukan DaerahDengan lahirnya Undang-undang ini tahun 2003 konflik kembali mencuat ke permukaan, yakni konflik level pemerintah dalam perebutan wilayah antara Pemerintah Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dengan Pemerintah Kabupaten Halmahera Barat tentang wilayah enam desa yang juga telah dipermasalahkan saat pembentukan Kecamatan Malifut tahun 1999. Demikian juga kasus yang terjadi saat itu hingga kini mengenai penolakan masyarakat untuk bergabung dengan Kecamatan Malifut yang adalah wilayah administratif Pemerintahan Kab. Halmahera Utara menurut Undang-undang No. 1 Tahun 2003 Tentang Pembentukan Kabupaten Halmahera Utara. Pada konteks itu, maka masyarakat enam desa terus menyuarakan protes bahwa mereka tetap menolak bergabung atau digabungkan dengan Kecamatan Malifut Kabupaten Halmahera Utara dan menganggap bahwa sangat realistis jika enam desa menjadibagian dari Kabupaten Halamhera Barat karena faktor historis dan kedekatan emosional. Dengan dasar tersebut maka Pemerintah Kabupaten Halmahera Barat memberikan pelayanan ke enam desa.Dampak konflik yang terjadi meliputi:1. Dampak Dalam Dualisme Sistem PemerintahanHal ini berdasarkan temuan lapangan bahwa Realitas menunjukan wilayah enam desa memiliki dua pusat pemerintahan (ada dualisme kepemimpinan), yakni pemerintah Kecamatan Kao Teluk dengan pusat ibu kota Kecamatan di Desa Dum dum (Versi Halut) dan pemerintah Kecamatan Jailolo Timur dengan pusat ibu kota kecamatan berada di Desa Akelamo Kao (Versi Halbar) yang dilengkapi dengan fasilitas kantor camat. Pada tingkat desa juga terjadi hal yang sama, yakni setiap desa memiliki dua kepala desa yang mewakili masing-masing kabupaten, yakni Kades versi Halut dan Kades versi Halbar. Adanya dualisme kepemimpinan ini, maka system pemerintahan desa di wilayah penyangga Kab. Halut dan Halbar memiliki dua belas kepala desa.Dalam study penelitian yang dilakukan juga bahwa dari jumlah enam desa yang berada di Kecamatan Kao Teluk dan Jailolo Timur, dapat diklasifikasikan 4 desa memiliki kecenderungan lebih besar bergabung ke Kabupaten Halmahera Barat dan hanya 2 desa yang bergabung ke Kabupaten Halmahera Utara. Tabel dibawah ini dapat menjelaskan kondisi dimaksud.2. Dampak Dalam Bidang PolitikDalam hal pemilihan kepala daerah dan Pemilu Legislatif terjadi dua kubu Panitia Pemilu yang dilakukan oleh Komisi Pemilihan Umum tingkat Kabupaten. Warga yang setuju pada Kabupaten Halmahera Utara mengikuti KPU Halmahera Utara dan warga yang setuju dengan Kabupaten Halmahera Barat mengikuti KPU Halmahera Barat. Hal ini nampak hingga pada Pemilukada tahun 2010 yang lalu, sebagaimana pernyataan informan berikut. Demikian juga ribuan warga yang berada dalam enam desa sengketa tidak bisa menyalurkan hak pilihnya alias golput dalam pemilihan presiden 2014, akibat tidak disalurkan sejumlah logistik pemilu ke desa tersebut. angka golongan putih (golput) dalam pilpres di enam desa disebabkan karena warga enam desa tidak mendapat surat suara maupun kotak suara. Hak pilih mereka sudah dialihkan ke kabupaten Halmahera Utara (Halut).Menurut Hamid Londo (Ketua Pemuda Enam Desa) pada wawancara telpon mengatakan, pemerintah Halut sengaja mendramatisi warganya untuk tidak memberikan hak politik melalui TPS yang disalurkan dari pemerintah Halbar. "Untuk surat suara maupun anggota dari Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK) maupun Panitia Pemungutan Suara (PPS) di tingkat desa tidak disediakan oleh KPU Halbar dan KPUMalut. KPU ingin kami dari enam desa berikan hak politiknya di kabupaten Halut, sedangkan KTP dan jiwa pilih kami kebanyakan dari kabupaten Halbar.3. Dampak Dalam Pelaksanaan Pelayanan Administrasi Pendataan Kependudukan dan Pelayanan Pengadaan KTPKesulitan pendataan penduduk oleh Kabupaten Halmahera Utara di enam desa menyebabkan mereka tidak memiliki status kependudukan yang jelas. Padahal realitas menunjukan bahwa wilayah enam desa merupakan wilayah administratif Kab. Halut, namun pelayanan baik pelayanan publik maupun pelayanan pemerintahan juga dilakukan oleh pemerintah Kab. Halbar. Fakta tersebut terlihat pada akses masyarakat enam desa dalam pembuatan KTP dan Akte Kelahiran dominan dilayani oleh Pemkab. Halbar. Bahkan dalam akses pembuatan KTP oleh masyarakat di enam desa sebagian besar memiliki KTP domisili Kabupaten Halmahera Barat, walaupun terdapat sebagian masyarakat yang juga memiliki KTP Kab. Halut.4. Dampak Dalam Bidang SosialBerdasarkan temuan lapangan bahwa Pemda Halbar membangun SD, SMP dan SMA di Bone Igo. dan oleh Pemda Halut masyarakat diberikan bantuan melalui dana community development dari PT. NHM berupa, seng rumah, semen dan beras. Sarana kesehatan merupakan salah satu komponen yang sangat vital dalam memberikan pelayanan kesehatan kepada penduduk. Karena didasari begitu pentingnya aspek kesehatan, maka pemerintah di berbagai level selalu memberikan perhatian khusus pada dimensi ini. Tak terkecuali kedua Pemda, yakni Pemda Halut dan Halbar juga turut memberikan pelayanan kesehatan pada masyarakat di enam desa adalah dengan membangun berbagai sarana infrastruktur di wilayah enam desa.berdasarkan temuan lapangan bahwa presentase keberpihakan pelayanan kesehatan lebih tinggi dilaksanakan oleh Pemda Kab. Halbar dengan banyaknya fasilitas 14 yang terbagi dari 1 puskesmas, 1 Pustu dan 12 Posyandu, sementara Kab. Halut dengan jumlah 8 unit yang terbagi 2 Puskesmas pembantu/pustu dan 6 Posyandu.Prospek Penyelesaian konflik wilayahsangatlah dibutuhkan ketegasan Pemprov Malut dalam menetapkan persoalan batas wilayah antar kabupaten di Maluku Utara, karena pendapat informan lebih menyentuh pada perhatian Pemerintah Provinsi bahwa untuk persoalan batas wilayah khususnya 6 desa yang menjadi rebutan Pemda Halut dan Halbar harus diselesaiakan oleh Pemprov sebagaimana diisyaratkan dalam UU No. 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah yakni apabila ada sengketa antar kabupaten/kota dalam suatu wilayah Provinsi maka menjadi kewenangan Provinsi untuk menetapkan dan bersifat final dan Pemerintah kabupaten/kota wajib hukumnya untuk tunduk dan mentaatinyadan apapun isi keputusan yang ditetapkan oleh pemerintah provinsi yang merupakan wakil pemerintah pusat di daerah.Menurut Obyan Sofyan (Biro Kab. Halbar), mengatakan selain sebagai kepala pemerintah Daerah, Gubernur Malut juga sebagai wakil dari pemerintah pusat yang menerima pelimpahan wewenang pemerintahan sebagai wakil pemerintah di wilayah tertentu sebagai asas dekonsentrasi.Menurut Kades Desa Dum-dum (versi Halbar), mengatakan bahwa Pemkab harus membuat dan menegakan penetapan batas wilayah antar desa serta harus dengan melibatkan pihak kesultanan, karena persoalan batas wilayah ini sudah ditetapkan sejak masa pemerintahan 4 (empat) kesultanan sehingga untuk menyesuaikan dan menetapkan tapal batas harus melibatkan pihak kesultanan serta merevisi PP No 42 tahun 1999E. PenutupA. KesimpulanBerdasarkan uraian pembahasan dan analisis diatas, maka dapat ditarik kesimpulan sebagai berikut:1. Bahwa persoalan batas desa penyangga yang masih menggunakan batas alamiah memang masih relevan sampai saat ini dan digunakan sebagai dasar penataan batas desa sebagaimana isyarat Pemendagri No. 27 Tahun 2006 yang kemudian dituangkan dalam sebuah regulasi daerah untuk dijadikan legitimasi bagi masing-masing pemerintah kabupaten, karena batas desa terutama desa-desa penyangga, sangat berpotensi memunculkan konflik karena menyangkut dengan pengelolaan SDA di areal desa penyangga kecamatan, serta kabupaten tersebut.2. Adanya dualisme pemerintahan dalam satu desa sehingga mengganggu aktifitas pelayanan publik oleh pemerintah desa, dan mengacaukan administrasi kependudukan dan hal-hal administrasi lainnya karena hampir di semua desa penyangga tidak memiliki data tentang peta wilayah.3. Adanya potensi dan pengelolaan SDA di wilayah-wilayah desa penyangga antar kecamatan serta kabupaten sebagai pemicu (sumber) munculnya persoalan batas desa, kecamatan serta kabupaten.4. Persoalan batas wilayah sangat berpengaruh pada efektivitas pemerintahan dan pelayanan publik yang menyangkut dengan perolehan hak-hak masyarakat di bidang pemerintahan, politik, sosial karena merupakan urusan yang sifatnya wajib dijalankan oleh pemerintah daerah.5. Dampak yang dapat diidentifikasi terjadi pada aspek pelayanan administrasi KTP yaitu terjadinya dualisme kewenangan pemberian data yuridis atas identitas kependudukan pada sebagian besar masyarakat enam desa.Disamping itu adanya ketidakpastian kewenangan dalam pelayanan public lainnya karena kekaburan batas wilayah.6. Terdapat dua faktor hukum yang menjadi permasalahan yaitu pertama substansi hukum disebabkan oleh proses pembentukan Undang-undang/PP yang terlalu tergesa, kaburnya pengaturan tentang batas wilayah, dan kedua kurangnya sosialisasi Undang-undang pemekaran wilayah.B. Saran1. Butuh kearifan bersama pemerintah daerah yang wilayahnya berbatasan untuk menata batas-batas wilayahnya dengan mempertimbangkan faktor-faktor non hukum yang diyakini oleh masyarakat desa sejak turun temurun berupa penggunaan tanda alamiah sebagai pembatasan suatu wilayah. Hal ini sebagaimana termaktub dalam Pemendagri No. 27 tahun 2006 tentang Penegasan Batas Desa, Jo. Pemendagri No. 1 tahun 2006 tentang Pedoman Penegasan Batas Daerah.2. Pemda Provinsi harus memfasilitasi pemda kabupaten dalam melakukan penetapan dan penegasan batas wilayah pemerintahan antar kabupaten yang berpedoman pada batas-batas alamiah yang telah digunakan masyarakat untuk menandai batas wilayah desa-desa mereka sebagai dasar penegasan batas wilayah kecamatan dan kabupaten, sebagaimana sebagaimana Pemendagri No. 1 tahun 2006. Jo Pemendagri No. 27 tahun 2006.3. Penetapan dan penegasan batas wilayah ini kemudian harus diperdakan oleh pemerintah Provinsi Malut sebagai bentuk legitimasi terhadap batas-batas wilayah kontinental suatu kabupaten dalam wilayah Provinsi Malut, sebagai formula pencegahan terjadinya sengketa antar kabupaten, karena perseturuan batas wilayah ini sangat berimplikasi pada terganggunya pelayanan publik.4. Pemda Provinsi Malut harus memfasilitasi pembentukan badan dan atau nama lainnya tugas pokoknya mengatur kerjasama dalam pengelolaan wilayah perbatasan yang komposisinya melibatkan unsur masing-masing pemda kabupaten dalam rangka menciptakan interkoneksitas antar wilayah dalam wilayah Provinsi Malut, karena pada tataran akar rumput telah dilaksanakan turn temurun.5. Butuh komitmen dan ketegasan dari Pemerintah Provinsi Maluku Utara untuk secara tegas memutuskan status ke-enam desa tersebut dengan berbagai pendekatan, diantaranya :DAFTAR PUSTAKAAntonius, 2002, Disintegrasi Pasca Orde Baru: Negara, Konflik lokal dan DinamikaInternasional, Yayasan Obor Indonesia, JakartaBest,1982:119.: memahami metode penelitian kualitatif Washington DC, USA Decentralization Support Facility, 2007. Proses dan Implikasi Sosial PolitikPemekaran, Kasus di Sambas dan Buton, Laporan, tidak dipublikasi,Jakarta.Harmantyo, 2007, Pemekaran Daerah dan Konlik Keruangan, Kebijakan Otonomi Daerah dan Implementasinya di Indonesia, Makara, Sains, Vol. 11, No.1,April 2007, Dept. Geografi UI, Jakarta.Kausar dan Eko Subowo, 2008. Kebijakan Penataan Batas Antar Daerah, Modul pelatihan Penegasan Batas Daerah, Jurusan Teknik Geodesi FT UGM, tidak dipublikasi, Yogyakarta.Moleong, Lexy J., 2007, Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif (Cetakan kedua), PT Remaja Rosdakarya, BandungMilles dan Houberman, 2001, metode penelitian kualitatif, PT, Gramedia Pustaka Utama Jakarta.Pruit, Dean G. & Jeffrey Z Rubin, 2004, Teori Konflik Sosial (terjemahan), Pustaka Pelajar, YogyakartaSubowo, E., 2009. Makalah disampaikan pada FGD Permasalahan Konflik BatasTaquiri dalam Newstorm dan Davis (1977), Menangani Konflik Sumber Daya Alam, Pustaka Pelajar, Bandungn Wilyah, 24 Desember 2009 di Jurusan Teknik Geodesi Fakultas Teknik UGM.Zaiyardam dan Efendi, 2009 conflict resolution: Anatomy in Indonesia, LIPI, JakartaSumber-Sumber Lainnya :Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintahan DaerahPeraturan Pemerintah RI Nomor 42 Tahun 1999 Tentang Pembentukan KecamatanPeraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri Nomor 1 Tahun 2006 tentang Pedoman Penegasan Batas Daerah.Peraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri Nomor 27 Tahun 2006 Tentang Penegasan Batas Desa.Pemendagri RI Nomor 66 Tahun 2011 Tentang Kode dan Data Wilayah Administrasi Pemerintahan.http://andrie07.wordpress.com/2009/11/25/faktor-penyebab-konflik-dan-strategipenyelesaian-konflik/http://psychochanholic.blogspot.com/2008/03/teori-teori-konflik.htmlhttp://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/KonflikAnatomi, http://med.unhas.ac.id; 15 September 2013 : 14:23 WITA.Nanang Kristiyono, 2008, Konflik Dalam Penegasan Batas Daerah Antara Kota Magelang Dengan Kabupaten Magelang. SemarangBadan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Daerah (Balitbangda) Malut, 2009, Kajian Batas Wilayah Administratif Pemerintahan Kabupaten/Kota Di Provinsi Maluku Utara.
É inquestionável que nos últimos anos a revolução tecnológica tem gerado profundas alterações nas relações laborais, em especial pela necessidade de atender a um mercado globalizado e com um nível de exigência cada vez mais elevado. Para os juslaboralistas, estes efeitos costumam ser sintetizados na palavra "flexibilização". Vista de uma maneira simples, e dentro da perspectiva desta investigação, pode-se dizer que a flexibilização é responsável por profundas alterações na dinâmica do trabalho. Assim, a razão que leva o empregador à utilização dos meios tecnológicos de produção é a necessidade de competir em um mercado globalizado, que exige respostas mais precisas e principalmente mais rápidas que somente os meios tecnológicos têm capacidade de proporcionar. Sai o sistema estandardizado e entra um novo modelo que se apoia em uma produção diversificada, tomando o principio da eficiência econômica como parâmetro que garante a necessária internacionalização da produção e a busca de outros mercados consumidores. Torna-se imperiosa a adaptação da organização laboral a favor da flexibilidade. Brota, então, a necessidade de renovação infinita de infraestruturas e programas, mudança dos costumes laborais e descentralização produtiva (outsourcing) como premissa necessária para a preservação da competitividade no mercado de trabalho, e que desemboca, esta última, nos sempre questionados processos de terceirização (quarteirização etc.) de parcelas da atividade produtiva. Neste contexto, como um dos principais instrumentos desta nova relação laboral, gerado a partir da revolução tecnológica, pode-se considerar o correio eletrônico como um meio de comunicação de grande relevância, porém gerador de intensa controvérsia. Os dados estatísticos comprovam que há uma utilização recorrente do e-mail nas relações comerciais (por ser uma comunicação barata, rápida, precisa e segura). Por outro lado, não são poucas as queixas sobre seu uso indevido e abusivo por parte dos trabalhadores no contexto de suas relações laborais. A reação natural, por parte dos empresários, a estes abusos foi a adaptação de seus mecanismos de controle e fiscalização. Assim, para combater estes problemas gerados pelas novas tecnologias de informação, em particular o e-mail, os meios de fiscalização terminam por ser, muitas vezes, mais invasivos na esfera íntima do trabalhador. Em geral, à medida que o trabalho ganha complexidade e se torna cada vez mais heterogêneo, a fiscalização da produção necessita revisar seus métodos, passando a se valer o empregador de meios de fiscalização igualmente complexos, heterogêneos, flexíveis e, por consequência, invasivos, como vídeos, inspeções íntimas de trabalhadores, verificação das páginas da web vistas nos postos de trabalho. Nesse contexto em que a produção não responde a padrões facilmente fiscalizáveis, se impõe um maior nível de confiança no trabalhador. Na ausência dessa fidúcia, ela vem sendo suprida por mecanismos de fiscalização, denominados "controles defensivos" pela doutrina laboral italiana, que permitam ao empregador estabelecer um perfil do empregado ou empregada contratada. Neste contexto o correio eletrônico dos empregados se converte em um novo objeto de controle, para cuja adoção se apela, especificamente, à necessidade de garantir a proteção dos sistemas informáticos, a produtividade, a proteção à propriedade intelectual e a qualidade do labor prestado. É precisamente o uso massivo desse meio de comunicação nas relações comerciais e os abusos gerados por ambos os lados da relação laboral, no uso do correio eletrônico por parte do empregado, e no controle de seu uso por parte do empregador, o que suscita a necessidade de investigar até onde chegam as possibilidades de intervenção do empregador no correio eletrônico do empregado. O estudo que se segue consiste em uma análise comparativa dos sistemas jurídicos brasileiro e espanhol neste ponto. Os paralelos entre os ordenamentos, em especial em seu viés constitucional, não constitui novidade, mormente quando se leva em conta a influência que as constituições espanholas nos últimos 180 anos tiveram sobre os seus correlatos textos no Brasil. Não são poucos os estudiosos que assinalam esta influência, ao longo da história, bem como os estudos que apontam discrepâncias e pontos de convergência entre os sistemas constitucionais dos dois países. Bonavides, em artigo em que apresenta 3 (três) momentos de transição constitucional brasileira em que o país se valeu da experiência constitucional e de fatos relevantes ocorridos na Espanha, aborda a matéria com percuciência, enfatizando a semelhança entre os atuais textos constitucionais. A esse respeito, o autor assevera que "há surpreendentes traços de similitude ou analogia e até mesmo identidade dos dois processos institucionais de transição que envolveram o regime político de ambos os países na passagem da ditadura à democracia. A transição brasileira, conforme se observa das datas comemorativas ocorreu dez anos depois da espanhola, mas recebendo um poderoso influxo, como veremos, do modelo estreado na península ibérica e garantido ali em sua execução, segundo nos parece, pelo bom êxito alcançado com a celebração dos pactos de Moncloa." No mesmo diapasão, Da Silva, em ensaio no qual oferta visão histórico-comparativa das constituições da Espanha e do Brasil, enfatiza pontos de convergência e de divergência em ambos os textos. Segundo o autor, abordando os trabalhos realizados na assembleia constituinte brasileira, nunca se manuseou tanto a constituição espanhola como se fez durante o processo de formação da constituição federal de 1988. De fato, ainda que se reconheça a preponderância da Constituição Portuguesa como maior fonte inspiradora da Constituição do Brasil em 1988, a 20 cuidadosa análise comparativa com o texto espanhol, em especial na seara dos direitos fundamentais, dentre os quais a intimidade e o segredo das comunicações são bons exemplos, é possível verificar uma normatividade que, se não é propriamente idêntica, possui enunciados que, de forma nítida, denunciam a fonte de onde proveio, criando uma expectativa de como esses sistemas jurídicos respondem a situações fáticas idênticas. Curial enfatizar, com apoio em Da Silva que "essa aproximação normativa é que possibilita o estudo comparativo de dois ou mais ordenamentos constitucionais. Ora, comparar significa confrontar, aproximar coisas a fim de individuá-las e, individuando-as, distingui-las; e distinguindo-as, agrupá-las e classificá-las (Tripiccione), ou, na forma substantiva de Constantinesco, a comparação é uma operação do espírito pela qual são reunidos num confronto metódico os objetos a serem comparados, a fim de precisar suas relações de semelhança e divergência." E esse estudo comparativo ganha força e interesse diante da atual conjuntura econômica. É fato que, nos atuais tempos de globalização da economia, no plano comercial, os dois países anteriormente mencionados nunca estiveram tão próximos. Desde que em 1995 se produziu a explosão do processo privatizador brasileiro, as grandes companhias espanholas começaram a tomar posições no país e como consequência disto, a Espanha foi o primeiro investidor estrangeiro no Brasil em 1998, com 22% do volume total de investimentos e no ano 2000, com quase 29% do total dos Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos no Brasil. O aporte do investimento espanhol veio, inicialmente, provocado pelo Plano Nacional de Desestatização brasileiro que atraiu o interesse das grandes empresas espanholas, em especial os grupos multinacionais. Esta primeira onda de investimento produziu um efeito de atração sobre outros setores e empresas de distintos portes e hoje o grande volume de investimento acumulado espanhol resulta heterogêneo e vai desde automação, engenharia e a construção civil até saneamento ambiental, passando pelos serviços de segurança ou seguros. Na outra face da moeda, se há alguns anos atrás, o investimento direto do Brasil na Espanha era praticamente inexistente, dados da pesquisa sobre capitais brasileiros no exterior realizado pelo Banco Central do Brasil indicam que na Espanha há US$ 4 bilhões em investimentos diretos, US$ 1,4 bilhão em títulos públicos de curto prazo e US$ 614 milhões em títulos de longo prazo. Cifras estas que aumentam continuamente. Assim, o total do investimento bruto brasileiro na Espanha tem crescido bastante em relação há anos anteriores, criando um quadro atual em que, excluindo–se os paraísos fiscais, a Espanha figura entre os países que mais recebem investimentos brasileiros no exterior. No terreno jurídico, e na matéria que aqui nos interessa, a aproximação começa pelo fato de que nenhum dos dois países conta com legislação que regule o uso do correio eletrônico pelo trabalhador e seu controle pelo empregador, ainda que haja em ambos os países proposições legislativas que intentam abordar o objeto deste estudo. A despeito de as previsões constitucionais relevantes em ambos os ordenamentos jurídicos sejam muito próximas e similares, todavia, as decisões dos tribunais infraconstitucionais sobre o tema seguem, até este momento, rumos muito distintos, ignorando muitas vezes parâmetros constitucionais. Por seu turno, e até tempos recentes, em concreto até a publicação da STC 241/2012, de 17 de dezembro, não havia em nenhum dos dois países decisões das Cortes Constitucionais sobre o tema objeto desta investigação. O objetivo deste estudo é apresentar uma comparação do tratamento jurídico-constitucional da capacidade do empregador de controlar o correio eletrônico dos trabalhadores no sistema jurídico espanhol e no brasileiro, assinalando diferenças/semelhanças que nos ajudem a compreender como cada um destes dois sistemas jurídicos se aproxima ao tema, assim como o que um sistema poderia aportar ao outro para sua melhor compreensão. Concentrar-nos-emos, especialmente, nos limites da ação do legislador na matéria e as bases de um enfrentamento da questão pelos Tribunais Constitucionais brasileiro e espanhol. Para chegar a estas conclusões, desde um ponto de vista metodológico, fez-se necessário enfrentar algumas questões preliminares ao desenvolvimento do tema. A primeira destas questões consistiu em efetuar um recorte, ao apreciar a questão exclusivamente sobre a base do direito ao segredo das comunicações. De fato, não se tem dúvida que a questão do controle do empregador sobre o correio eletrônico do trabalhador pode ser apreciado sobre outras vertentes, em especial a das liberdades de pensamento e de expressão e do direito à intimidade, sendo esta última a perspectiva em que usualmente a doutrina e a jurisprudência tendem a analisá-la. Todavia, neste estudo o objetivo é analisar o controle que se efetua ao processo comunicativo e seus limites quando confrontado com a liberdade de comunicação entre as pessoas protegida pelo segredo. Assim, a premissa inicial no desenvolvimento do tema, tratada no capítulo 1, é conhecer de maneira profunda o correio eletrônico, suas características enquanto meio de comunicação e importância como instrumento de trabalho e possibilidades de causar lesão aos interesses dos empregadores. E este detalhamento em torno do instrumental se justifica na medida em que, ainda que seja o correio eletrônico um meio de comunicação de mais de 40 anos, seu uso massivo é muito recente. Isso justifica os investimentos em frequentes inovações em sua tecnologia, havendo uma grande quantidade de mecanismos técnicos de defesa dos sistemas informáticos recentemente criados e outros em fase de criação, os quais permitem diferentes níveis de intervenção no processo comunicativo, cuja localização no marco constitucional precisa de análise. Ademais, é necessário conhecer suas características e espécies, indo além da mera e já desgastada distinção entre o correio pessoal e o corporativo, já que, entre outras questões a serem desafiadas, há que se reconhecer uma multiplicidade de distintas formas deste último que, por suas características peculiares, deveriam ensejar um diferenciado enquadramento nas normas e na doutrina preexistente. A resolução da questão que se propõe, ademais de uma análise mais detalhada do instrumental correio eletrônico, passa assim pela apreciação do ambiente e das circunstâncias em que a intervenção na comunicação telemática se dá. Nesse plano, o fato de a intervenção ocorrer no seio de uma relação de trabalho, faz como que esta funcione como uma espécie de catalisador capaz de influenciar a resolução desta "equação", na qual se busca apreciar a licitude/ilicitude das medidas de controle e seus eventuais limites. Nesse contexto, em aspecto apreciado no capítulo 2, fez-se necessário averiguar como a doutrina científica e a jurisprudência constitucional do Brasil e da Espanha tomam em conta a aplicação dos direitos fundamentais dos trabalhadores no âmbito privado das relações de trabalho. Assim, será feita uma análise da Drittwirkung em ambos os sistemas jurídicos. Dessa análise, buscou-se entender porque, a despeito de a eficácia dos direitos fundamentais nas relações entre particulares ingressar no contexto jurídico do Brasil e da Espanha indubitavelmente sob influência germânica, a forma como o TC espanhol conhece da lesão a direitos fundamentais nas relações de trabalho não encontra simetria com aquela pela qual a questão chega à apreciação do STF brasileiro. É certo que ambos não se apoiem para a resolução da questão na lógica dos conflitos de direitos fundamentais e reconheçam a plena efetividade dos direitos fundamentais do trabalhador no marco da relação laboral, e igualmente que o exercício de tais direitos admite limitações ou sacrifícios na medida em que se desenvolvem no seio de uma organização que reflete outros direitos reconhecidos constitucionalmente. Contudo, e como consequência mais visível dessas formas de enfrentamento tão distintas na jurisprudência constitucional do Brasil e da Espanha, é forçoso admitir a existência de um maior grau de maturidade e sistematização no TC espanhol em torno da matéria, cuja jurisprudência evoluiu de maneira indubitável desde o critério da boa fé até o critério de absoluta necessidade das restrições de direitos para o desenvolvimento da relação laboral ou da atividade empresarial, reconhecendo uma importância distinta entre estes direitos, ao perceber que os dois titulares de direitos em conflito não estão em pé de igualdade, havendo uma evidente relação de poder. Assim, pode-se dizer que a jurisprudência do TC espanhol criou para estes casos de controle de direitos fundamentais na relação laboral uma doutrina distinta à dos conflitos entre particulares e àquela do exercício dos direitos fundamentais ante os poderes públicos, porém bem mais próxima da segunda que da primeira. Todavia, ainda que a questão não seja enfrentada dentro da sistemática de conflito de direitos, sobretudo na Espanha, em que se parte de uma aproximação das relações laborais com as relações de poder, não cabe desconhecer, contudo, que nestas relações quem exerce o poder empresarial o faz com base no exercício do direito à liberdade de empresa na Espanha (art. 38 CE) e do direito à livre iniciativa (art. 1º, IV e 170 CRFB), e, segundo alguns, à propriedade no Brasil (art. 5º, XXII). Assim, o capítulo 3 se voltou para um aprofundamento no conteúdo jurídico do poder empresarial, desde sua origem constitucional e da natureza jurídica das faculdades constitucionalmente garantidas que lhe dão suporte. Seriam a liberdade de empresa e a livre iniciativa verdadeiros direitos fundamentais? Igualmente, analisa-se neste capítulo a jurisprudência do Tribunal Constitucional da Espanha e do STF, no Brasil, quando do enfrentamento de situações em que são externadas as múltiplas possibilidades de o poder empresarial atuar como limite aos direitos fundamentais dos trabalhadores. No capítulo 4, por seu turno, é vista a proteção constitucional à comunicação efetuada através de correio eletrônico, com ênfase no seu uso nas relações de trabalho. Desde já, cumpre dizer que não há tratamento constitucional expresso sobre o correio eletrônico, não estando indicado na lista das comunicações previstas no art. 18.3 CE, nem tampouco está enumerado no artigo 5º, XII, da Constituição de Brasil, como se vê da leitura das normas: Art. 18.3. Se garantiza el secreto de las comunicaciones y, en especial, das postales, telegráficas y telefónicas, salvo resolución judicial. Art. 5º, XII. É inviolável o sigilo de correspondência e das comunicações telegráficas, de dados e das comunicações telefônicas, salvo, no último caso, por ordem judicial, nas hipóteses e na forma que a lei estabelecer para fins de investigação criminal ou instrução processual penal. Outrossim, levando em consideração a confusão doutrinária e especialmente jurisprudencial ocorrida em ambos os países, externada na preferência em analisar a intervenção perpetrada pelo empregador à luz do direito à intimidade, igualmente torna-se um imperativo apreciar as zonas de aproximação e distanciamento entre este e o direito ao segredo das comunicações, destacando, quanto ao último, o seu âmbito de cobertura, tutelado nas Constituições do Brasil e da Espanha, com o objetivo de verificar se a comunicação telemática efetuada através de correio eletrônico se encontra alcançada por este direito. E esta questão tem especial transcendência porque a enumeração é exemplificativa tanto no art. 18.3 CE quanto no art. 5º, XII, da CRFB. Efetivamente, o TC espanhol e o STF brasileiro têm mantido a possibilidade de que outros meios de comunicação sejam protegidos pelo segredo das comunicações, em especial aqueles que forem resultantes dos avanços tecnológicos. Uma doutrina que o Tribunal Constitucional espanhol aplicou expressamente ao correio eletrônico em sua STC 241/2012. Há, inclusive, normas de caráter infraconstitucional que refletem a extensão acima mencionada. Temos assim, na Espanha, o art. 197 do Código Penal (Lei Orgânica 10/1995, com o tipo penal de "interceptación o apropiación ilegítima do correo electrónico – delito de descubrimiento y revelación de secretos") e a Lei Geral de Telecomunicações (Lei 32/2003, de 03 de novembro – art. 33, que estende a garantia do segredo das comunicações a todos os serviços de comunicação eletrônica). No Brasil, no mesmo sentido, a Lei 9296/9625, que regulamenta o art. 5 º, XII da CRFB, indica que a proteção do segredo das comunicações abarca a mensagem por correio eletrônico. Sucede, ademais, que tanto o Tribunal Constitucional espanhol como o STF brasileiro têm, em geral, interpretado o direito ao segredo das comunicações como um direito de caráter formal, sobre cuja base se outorga proteção ao processo comunicativo, independentemente de seu conteúdo (por todas a STC 114/1984, na Espanha, e a decisão do STF no caso "Garotinho versus O Globo" - Petição 2.702-7/RJ), tratando-se de um direito que garante a proteção da comunicação contra terceiros. Este é um aspecto que adquire especial relevância no desenvolvimento da questão proposta, mormente por reconhecer, em princípio, a condição de terceiro ao empregador, posto que a proteção do direito compreende, de entrada, a liberdade de comunicação dos comunicantes contra a intervenção de terceiros que não formem parte do processo comunicativo. Desde esta perspectiva, a titularidade dos bens (de quem não integra o processo comunicativo) e a natureza da comunicação (pessoal ou comercial) seriam aspectos que adquirem relevância apenas na hora de analisar a legitimidade das limitações que venham a ser impostas pelo empregador ao segredo das comunicações/sigilo de correspondência eletrônica no que pertine ao uso do correio eletrônico. E não há dúvidas que limitações se justificam pelo choque com outros direitos e interesses igualmente protegidos pelos sistemas constitucionais, o que se reforça no âmbito da relação de trabalho, na qual as possibilidades de controle e fiscalização utilizadas pelo empregador (isto é, a suas possibilidades de limitar o desfrute do direito), a outra face da moeda, possui status constitucional. Assim, destaca-se também o âmbito de proteção abstrato (pela ação legislativa) e concreto do direito, salientando quanto a este último que obrigatoriedade da resolução judicial como único meio de restrição concreta ao direito ao segredo das comunicações, em que pese a recente STC 241/2012, continua a ser um tema não abordado doutrinariamente de forma sistemática por nenhum dos dois Tribunais Constitucionais. Todavia, esta aproximação da jurisprudência constitucional brasileira e espanhola em acertos, erros e omissões no tratamento das comunicações efetuadas através de correio eletrônico, até este momento, não se refletiu na adoção de soluções semelhantes pelos órgãos jurisdicionais infraconstitucionais dos dois países. Nesse sentido, destaca-se o capítulo 5 em que é feita apreciação dos principais aportes jurisprudenciais em torno da questão. De fato, malgrado os contornos deste direito estejam muito bem delineados na doutrina constitucional, ainda são muito escassos os julgados do Social, em ambos os países, que analisam os limites da intervenção do empregador sobre os e-mails do empregado desde esta perspectiva, tendo como elemento central o proceso comunicativo. Em ambos os países, doutrina e jurisprudência têm preferido se aproximar destes casos, como já mencionado, desde a perspectiva do direito à intimidade. E esta é uma confusão que, como veremos, também incorrem as recentes SSTC 241/2012 e 170/2013. Assim, necessário averiguar, ainda que em linhas gerais, como se situam os direitos fundamentais potencialmente lesados no marco das relações de trabalho, especialmente a garantia do segredo das comunicações, analisando a jurisprudência das salas do social no Brasil e na Espanha, assim como a doutrina dos Tribunais Constitucionais em torno deste tema central. No Brasil, ainda que a questão não tenha sido objeto de apreciação pelo STF, há algumas decisões da mais alta Corte Laboral do país (Tribunal Superior do Trabalho). Do conjunto destes pronunciamentos a respeito da matéria, é possível indicar algumas linhas mestras definidoras do seu posicionamento sobre o uso do e-mail nas relações laborais e estas não seguem os parâmetros constitucionais traçados pelo STF derredor do direito ao sigilo de correspondência: 1. O e-mail protegido constitucionalmente é somente aquele de uso pessoal (@ig, @hotmail, @gmail). 2. A empresa pode regulamentar o uso do e-mail pessoal e corporativo no ambiente laboral, de maneira que a norma interna é aplicável aos casos concretos de utilização inadequada pelo obreiro. 3. Não existe violação do segredo das comunicações no e-mail corporativo em relação à própria empresa. 4. A senha pessoal do correio eletrônico corporativo não é uma proteção ao segredo das comunicações do empregado em relação à empresa, porém funciona para a proteção patronal, para que terceiros não possam aceder às informações que tenham conteúdo secreto ou reservado. 5. É legítimo o controle formal e material sobre o envio e recebimento de mensagens de e-mail corporativo, desde que a fiscalização ocorra de forma "moderada, generalizada e impessoal", objetivando evitar prejuízos ao empregador. 6. O e-mail corporativo proporcionado pela empresa (verdadeira propriedade do empregador) tem natureza jurídica equivalente a uma ferramenta de trabalho, destinada ao uso profissional. Por seu turno, na Espanha, a jurisprudência infraconstitucional também segue sendo muito heterogênea, havendo, até bem pouco tempo atrás, uma inexplicável ausência de critérios esclarecedores pelo Tribunal Supremo. É bem verdade que esse quadro na jurisprudência social na Espanha tende a ser alterado, em prol de uma maior uniformização, a partir das recentes decisões do Tribunal Supremo, em especial o caso "Coruñesa de Etiquetas" e duas outras recentes decisões proferidas em 2011 (SSTS 1323/2011, de 08.03.2011 e 8876/2011, de 06.10.2011), que, ainda que não enfrentem a questão nuclear desenvolvida neste estudo, que é o controle do correio eletrônico à luz do direito ao segredo das comunicações, avançam na análise sobre a correta utilização dos meios informáticos colocados à disposição do trabalhador pela empresa (ainda que para alguns de forma antagônica), e as possibilidades de controle que o empregador pode exercer sobre eles, tendendo a causar reflexos bem diretos na jurisprudência das salas do social dos demais tribunais e julgados espanhóis. Entretanto, mirando a atual doutrina proveniente destes órgãos jurisdicionais, é forçoso reconhecer que as normas constitucionais existentes e os parâmetros trilhados pelos dois Tribunais Constitucionais ainda estão longe de proporcionar o ambiente propício para que posições homogêneas sejam adotadas pelos órgãos judiciais infraconstitucionais (mesmo depois de prolatada as SSTC 241/2012 e 170/2013, que confirmou essa jurisprudência). E esse quadro de insegurança jurídica faz com que especialmente as empresas tenham interesse em regulamentar a matéria em seu âmbito interno ou, ao menos vê-la tratada no plano das normas coletivas de trabalho. Assim, no capítulo 6 enfrenta-se um tema em torno do qual quase não há resposta judicial, que consiste na averiguação da possibilidade de o empregado, através de negócio jurídico individual (contratos de trabalho ou regulamentos internos que a ele aderem) ou por meio de convênios coletivos (a autonomia privada coletiva) pactuar outras restrições ao segredo das comunicações e seus efeitos. Para tanto serão analisados critérios para a validade do ato jurídico individual através do qual se consente à limitação no exercício de faculdades dos direitos fundamentais, assim como a verificação desta mesma questão a partir dos instrumentos de negociação coletiva brasileiros e espanhóis. Trata-se de questão muito importante em especial porque os Tribunais Constitucionais reconhecem que a eficácia dos direitos fundamentais é mais intensa nas relações assimétricas, a exemplo da relação laboral, em que o negócio jurídico, na maior parte dos casos, tem um caráter de verdadeira adesão. Ademais, aqui se questiona a utilidade prática da cláusula contratual ou de convênio coletivo para a intervenção do empregador nas comunicações de seus empregados, uma vez que haveria, para alguns estudiosos da matéria, necessidade de renúncia ao exercício do direito por parte de todos os integrantes do processo comunicativo, já que titulares do direito ao segredo das comunicações são tanto o emissor quanto o receptor da mensagem. Em geral, um destes não integraria o corpo de funcionários da empresa, de maneira que as cláusulas em questão interfeririam no interesse de terceiros que do negócio jurídico não teriam participado. Dessa forma, seja pelas mutações jurisprudenciais em torno do tema, seja pelo reconhecimento das múltiplas variáveis que envolvem as soluções que repousam na autonomia privada individual ou coletiva, seja, por fim, em virtude de um reconhecimento de certa maturidade já existente em torno da questão de fato, observa-se que ambos os países já buscaram a solução legislativa para o tema. Essa procura por esta via é mais recorrente no Brasil, onde, todavia, as proposições legislativas, se comparado ao seu paradigma espanhol, mais discrepam da jurisprudência constitucional existente em torno do tema. Nesse sentido, no capítulo 7 é feita uma análise crítica dos projetos de lei já formulados e em tramitação no Brasil e na Espanha, a partir da noção de limites à ação concretizadora dos direitos fundamentais pelo legislador, pautado no respeito ao conteúdo essencial e ao principio de proporcionalidade. À título de conclusão, como medida propositiva, é apresentada uma minuta de norma, voltada para dar resposta às principais questões que envolvem as possibilidades de uso do correio eletrônico no ambiente de trabalho De maneira que, ancorado em algumas informações já sedimentadas na doutrina constitucional e laboral, bem como das conclusões parciais formuladas em cada capítulo deste estudo, objetiva-se descortinar algumas questões. Dentre estas, destaca-se o reconhecimento dos reais motivos que têm levado à interpretação distinta emprestada ao tema pelos órgãos de justiça social do Brasil e da Espanha, bem como a indicação dos parâmetros para atuação do Poder Legislativo e aqueles que poderão ser utilizados pelo Tribunal Constitucional espanhol e pelo STF brasileiro na futura apreciação da licitude dos controles efetuados pelo empregador em relação aos correios eletrônicos recebidos ou enviados pelos empregados. Mas para uma correta conclusão a respeito deste tema central, imperativo será analisar outros temas igualmente pouco tratados na doutrina constitucional: o direito ao segredo das comunicações é afetado pela intervenção do empregador no correio eletrônico de seus empregados? Quais são os limites para a atuação legislativa em ambos os países a respeito do controle do empregador sobre e-mails dos empregados? Existem limites implícitos ao uso das comunicações telemáticas na relação de trabalho? Poderão os contratantes fixar limites ao uso do correio eletrônico através de contratos e da negociação coletiva? Admitida esta hipótese, quais seriam, então, os requisitos que deveriam ser observados para o reconhecimento da licitude dessas regras limitadoras ao exercício do direito ao segredo das comunicações/sigilo de correspondência estabelecidas em normas coletivas e no contrato de trabalho? Estes são alguns dos principais aspectos que se pretende desenvolver neste trabalho de investigação.
El correcto funcionamiento de cualquier gobierno depende en gran medida de su capacidad para administrar, gestionar y abastecer a las gentes de los territorios que lo componen, por lo que, ante una extensión territorial tan vasta como la del Imperio Romano, la comunicación rápida y segura de todas las zonas se convirtió en una necesidad de Estado. La existencia de una red de comunicaciones eficaz, que facilitara el tránsito de informaciones, bienes y personas, se hizo imprescindible. El control de la información siempre ha sido una poderosa herramienta política. Pero este proceso necesitaba de la existencia de un conjunto de elementos fundamentales sobre los que asentarse. Estos puntos de apoyo eran: -la red viaria; -el sistema de la uehiculatio (posteriormente conocido como cursus publicus); -el conjunto de agentes humanos ocupados en las labores de mensajería, transmisión de informaciones, transporte, etc.; -los medios de transporte (que no llegaremos a tratar por haber sido objeto de estudio en otras monografías específicas cuyas conclusiones pueden adaptarse igualmente a la provincia de Hispania citerior); -y la red de estaciones viarias, que constituía el entramado de paradas que permitían llevar a cabo el cambio de monturas y la pernoctación de los viajeros. Queda patente la relevancia del entramado viario, que constituye el esqueleto sobre el que florecen las redes de comunicación y circulación, y que ha sido objeto de estudio por parte de numerosos autores. A lo largo de nuestra disertación pondremos de relieve la intrínseca relación entre estos factores, su dependencia en última instancia de las vías de comunicación y su transcendencia en la política imperial. A pesar de lo cual, no les dedicaremos a todos ellos la misma atención. La problemática de las comunicaciones y la transmisión de informaciones viene siendo uno de los grandes temas de interés de la historiografía actual. Contamos con monografías, coloquios y artículos muy variados que abordan la cuestión en sus múltiples facetas y desde perspectivas diversas. Sin embargo, la mayoría se centran en el funcionamiento de la administración central dentro del territorio itálico, por lo que se echaba en falta un estudio pormenorizado concerniente al marco hispánico. Las pautas generales de las comunicaciones oficiales no experimentarían cambios significativos en las distintas provincias imperiales, aunque las particularidades de cada zona hacían que algunos de los factores arriba señalados variasen de una provincia a otra. Por tomar como ejemplo dos de las obras que más han influido en nuestra metodología, C. Corsi (2000) y E. W. Black (1995) analizaron en su día uno de los aspectos menos conocidos del tema que nos ocupa: las estaciones viarias dentro de Italia y Britannia, respectivamente. En ambos casos se observaban elementos comunes definitorios de estas estructuras de parada donde tenía lugar el cambio de monturas. No obstante, las peculiaridades y condiciones de cada uno de los marcos geográficos en época clásica influyeron de manera decisiva en los rasgos propios de estas infraestructuras. Los trabajos de campo desarrollados en otros ámbitos provinciales, si bien no compilados en monografías similares, evidenciaron la misma circunstancia. Hasta la fecha, son muy pocos los yacimientos arqueológicos interpretados y publicados como estaciones viarias dentro de Hispania citerior. La complejidad intrínseca a los paradigmas arquitectónicos de estas infraestructuras ha llevado a los investigadores de nuestra Península a exhibir una extrema cautela a la hora de otorgar la catalogación de estación viaria a un yacimiento arqueológico. Y no cuestionamos que una cierta cautela es apropiada y necesaria en este caso pero, desde nuestro punto de vista, es la ausencia de un estudio pormenorizado del tema el freno principal al avance de las investigaciones en el campo de las comunicaciones dentro de Hispania. Es por ello que el aporte de nuestra tesis irá dirigido a tratar de solventar dicha situación. Sin embargo, no resultaba práctico tomar la totalidad del territorio hispánico como marco de estudio. Como ya comprobara Black (1995) en su trabajo sobre las estaciones de Britannia, la metodología más coherente dictaba elegir una vía en concreto sobre la que llevar a cabo las observaciones pertinentes, dado que calzada y posta constituyen un tándem inseparable. En consecuencia, la vía Augusta se convertía en el mejor escenario para la labor, puesto que no sólo abarcaba una gran amplitud geográfica (discurría por todo el eje Norte-Sur de la provincia y se adentraba hacia el interior por el Valle Medio del Ebro), sino que además constituía la arteria terrestre principal de comunicación con Roma. Los resultados de nuestra investigación son producto de la compilación de un catálogo que abarca las estaciones viarias dispuestas desde los Pirineos hasta Valentia y aquellas entre Tarraco y Caesaraugusta. Dichos resultados aparecen en el quinto capítulo de la disertación, bajo el título "Análisis conjunto de los resultados de la base de datos: estaciones viarias de la vía Augusta". Tomamos como enclaves delimitadores Summum Pyrenaeum (pues puede considerarse el punto de inicio de la vía en Hispania), Valentia y Caesaraugusta. No creímos oportuno continuar más al Sur de Valentia porque era perder de vista el marco nororiental propuesto para nuestra investigación, ni más al Oeste de Caesaraugusta, pues el seguimiento de la vía Augusta interior es complicado pasado el tramo Ilerda-Celsa. A este respecto, al tratar las comunicaciones entre la costa y Caesaraugusta, nos centramos en recoger las mansiones que aparecen en los itinerarios antiguos y en seguir el trazado de las vías a partir de los miliarios, los vestigios arqueológicos y la topografía. Además, tanto Valentia como Caesaraugusta constituían núcleos urbanos de gran relevancia en época antigua y focos de confluencia con otras vías. Incluyéndolas a ambas, conseguíamos aumentar el muestreo de mansiones con estatuto de colonia. Dentro de aquellas mansiones coincidentes con asentamientos poblacionales (22), aquellas conocidas como municipia superaban en demasía a las colonias y a los núcleos con estatuto jurídico indeterminado, por lo que consideramos suficiente cerrar el muestreo tras incluir a dos de las colonias más destacadas dentro del tramo seleccionado. De esta forma, el catálogo contaba con un número medianamente equilibrado de estaciones viarias de distinta naturaleza. En cualquier caso, cabe incidir, una vez más, sobre el hecho de que, aunque no existen dudas sobre el destacado papel que jugaron estas estructuras en el desarrollo de las comunicaciones imperiales, no sé tienen datos hasta la fecha sobre la situación jurídica de las mismas. Conocemos el estatuto de algunos de los lugares en los que se emplazaba la estación pero no el del propio edificio en sí: ¿Serían privados? ¿Estatales? ¿Públicos? El tramo seleccionado abarca un total de cuarenta y tres enclaves, conocidos con el nombre genérico de mansiones y recogidos en los itinerarios antiguos. Desde un primer momento dejamos establecido que cuando utilizamos el término "mansio" lo hacemos en el sentido latino de la palabra, es decir, con el significado de "parada en el camino" o "infraestructura de parada"; no como definición específica de un tipo concreto de estructura arquitectónica. De hecho, en la actualidad, los términos más utilizados en la clasificación de estas estaciones son mansio, mutatio y statio, pero como ya apuntara Chevallier, el vocabulario al respecto es múltiple y varía en función del momento histórico al que hagamos referencia y de las características o utilidades de estos enclaves. Los múltiples vocablos existentes en época antigua, la mayoría de los cuales fueron tratados en profundidad por Kleberg (1957), los examinamos uno a uno en el tercer capítulo, al hablar de la terminología clásica y moderna con la que se puede identificar a estas infraestructuras. El muestreo, debido al marco geográfico que comprende y a que ofrece la posibilidad de observar las características de mansiones emplazadas en medios físicos muy diferentes, ha resultado adecuado a la hora de establecer conclusiones generales que, consideramos, podrán aplicarse al resto de la vía Augusta y de la provincia. De esta forma, analizamos la disyuntiva uilla ¿ mansio dentro del marco hispánico, la vinculación de las estaciones a puertos, cauces de agua, puentes, cerros o elevaciones del terreno. Observamos la importancia estratégica de los enclaves en los que se ubicaron las postas, tanto en confluencia de vías o cruces de caminos, así como la posible relación con el ejército o el establecimiento de efectivos militares. Resultan muy curiosas también las conclusiones que pueden sacarse sobre el caso de los topónimos empleados en las fuentes antiguas (acusativos o ablativos) y que parecen no estar sujetos a la lógica lingüística de los mismos. Algo similar sucede con el posicionamiento de las mansiones, su relación con la calzada y las cuestiones que nos planteamos cuando nos encontramos ante núcleos urbanos definidos, en vez de ante simples edificaciones ubicadas en un punto concreto de la vía. No obstante, dos de los aspectos más relevantes son los que atañen al análisis de las distancias y a la cronología de los vestigios arqueológicos documentados. Con respecto a las distancias se observará con total claridad, que el terreno y las características del entorno por el que discurre la vía serán de gran importancia. Partíamos de la premisa de que los intervalos de separación se establecerían en función de las necesidades de los viajeros y de las características del terreno, pues lo habitual sería que un correo recorriese unas 5 millas por hora con una media de unas 50 millas por jornada de viaje. Y así veremos como en la zona costera de Cataluña se observan valores similares pero no iguales que en la zona valenciana o en la del interior, hacia Aragón. Por su parte, la cronología nos muestra una clara tendencia al abandono de las estaciones viarias hacia el Bajo Imperio. Esta circunstancia contrasta con el conocimiento que se tiene sobre el cursus publicus, ya que gran parte de la información que aportan las fuentes, especialmente las jurídicas, procede precisamente del Bajo Imperio. A partir de la arqueología, deducimos que es precisamente el siglo I d. e. el de mayor apogeo para estas infraestructuras en la zona hispánica analizada. No obstante, con posterioridad, dieciséis de las cuarenta y tres mansiones evolucionarían hacia edificaciones de carácter religioso, como ermitas y hospitales medievales, aunque también hubo algunas que derivaron en construcciones medievales de vigilancia o en edificaciones modernas y contemporáneas relacionadas con la acogida de huéspedes o identificadas como "hostales". Dada la novedad de nuestra iniciativa dentro de la provincia Citerior, nos hemos visto en la necesidad de centrar nuestros esfuerzos en la vertiente bibliográfica del asunto, con el objeto de calibrar hasta dónde exactamente ha llegado la arqueología y desde dónde debe continuarse la investigación. Es por esta razón que en el presente trabajo podría llegar a echarse en falta la realización de labores de campo inéditas. Sin embargo, no era nuestra prioridad llegar a proporcionar datos arqueológicos originales de un marco geográfico tan amplio como el seleccionado. Nuestra intención ha sido desde un principio recopilar todos los datos existentes, que hasta el momento no habían sido sometidos a un análisis exhaustivo, que permitiera determinar si la interpretación inicial de los mismos era correcta o si, por el contrario, era necesaria una revisión. Obras como las de Corsi (2000) y Black (1995) han puesto de manifiesto la necesidad de cuestionar el papel de algunas infraestructuras cercanas al paso de las vías, que hasta el momento se habían interpretado, en su mayoría, como uillae o estructuras rurales. La cuestión, por tanto, era: ¿no se han documentado apenas estaciones viarias en Hispania o han pasado desapercibidas por la falta de un paradigma definitorio? Como demuestran las fuentes clásicas, dichas infraestructuras se repartían por la provincia hispánica con la misma frecuencia que se observa en Italia y en el resto de las provincias imperiales. Nuestra primera hipótesis de trabajo, por tanto, era que algunas de ellas habrían sido excavadas en España, aunque no identificadas como tal. La segunda hipótesis de la que partimos fue que probablemente las estaciones viarias hispánicas compartirían una serie de rasgos comunes, consecuencia de las características físicas y administrativas del entorno en el que surgieron. A la par, esperábamos encontrar algunos de los factores más significativos documentados en los ejemplos itálicos y provinciales, tales como: -un acceso fácil desde la calzada, -un buen abastecimiento hídrico, -al menos un patio abierto en el que estacionar los vehículos y llevar a cabo labores de reparación, -estancias dormitorio para los huéspedes y el personal de servicio de la propia estación, -establos para las monturas y animales de tiro, -asociación entre infraestructuras de descanso y áreas termales. El análisis de las cuarenta y tres mansiones seleccionadas pondría de manifiesto que la arqueología, en numerosas ocasiones, ciertamente ha dejado de lado la posibilidad de encontrarse ante un complejo estacionario. Esto sucedería en gran parte de los ejemplos, aun cuando los testimonios de las fuentes corroborasen la coincidencia en las distancias o cuando la topografía y las condiciones del entorno fueran las apropiadas para encontrarnos ante una estación. Observaremos cómo la falta de excavaciones específicas y la parcialidad de algunos de los trabajos arqueológicos, por falta de medios económicos o de iniciativas estatales, dificultan terriblemente el avance de las investigaciones en el campo de las comunicaciones antiguas. Asimismo, demostraremos que la situación actual de la arqueología impide establecer un paradigma concreto y evidente con el que definir el esqueleto arquitectónico de estas infraestructuras. A pesar de ello, veremos que existen diversos factores reiterativos dentro de nuestro muestreo de mansiones, los cuales consideramos que deberán tenerse en cuenta en futuras investigaciones sobre el tema. Algunos de los más significativos: -confirmarán la importancia del medio físico y las características estratégicas del entorno en el establecimiento de estaciones viarias; -pondrán de manifiesto la relativa asiduidad con la que encontramos termas o necrópolis asociadas a este tipo de complejos; -evidenciarán la posible relación entre muchas de las uillae documentadas hasta el momento y las funciones de posta; -mostrarán la tendencia hispánica de establecer este tipo de infraestructuras durante el Alto Imperio, con una evidente evolución hacia la decadencia de las mismas en los siglos IV-V; -contribuirán a reafirmar la tendencia evolutiva de estos enclaves hacia poblaciones medievales y modernas y hacia núcleos cultuales cristianos. La escasez de testimonios epigráficos fuera de los núcleos urbanos documentados como lugar de parada invalidará la posibilidad de ofrecer datos certeros sobre la naturaleza civil o militar, oficial o pública de estas postas. No obstante, trataremos esta cuestión, así como la relativa al origen, funcionamiento y papel de las mansiones dentro del sistema de la uehiculatio, con la diversidad de opiniones que ello genera en la actualidad. Analizaremos las fuentes clásicas que dejan constancia del uso de la uehiculatio o de la simple transmisión de informaciones en territorio hispánico. En menor medida y siempre que sea posible, también examinaremos la carrera y los viajes de determinados personajes, documentados epigráficamente y susceptibles de haber hecho uso del sistema oficial de comunicaciones o de haber contribuido a la circulación de noticias y documentos. Dadas las características del presente trabajo y la amplitud de los temas a tratar, consideramos oportuno establecer una división en dos partes, que facilitase la exposición y el posterior análisis de los resultados. La primera de ellas, titulada "Circulación e información: introducción y elementos comparativos", comprende los capítulos I, II y III, y se ocupa de las cuestiones de índole general sobre las comunicaciones oficiales interprovinciales. En ella desarrollamos una síntesis: 1) Sobre el funcionamiento de la uehiculatio y su posterior evolución durante el Bajo Imperio. 2) Sobre el conjunto de personas que se servirían de dicho servicio o trabajarían para el mismo. 3) Y sobre la propia red de establecimientos que harían posible la realización de los grandes desplazamientos terrestres. El objetivo de compilarlos en un primer apartado es perfilar el marco en el que se desarrollaban las comunicaciones y los desplazamientos de carácter oficial en época imperial: sus generalidades y particularidades, la dependencia de los factores mencionados al inicio (red viaria, uehiculatio, mensajeros e informadores, medios de transporte y postas) y la importancia de los mismos. Aquí examinamos cuál era la situación en Italia y las provincias, a través de la historiografía precedente y de las fuentes clásicas, para así disponer de un paradigma comparativo cuando en la segunda parte pasemos a analizar yacimientos concretos de la vía Augusta. Los elementos de comparación son fundamentales para poder desarrollar un estudio sobre el caso hispánico, dado que hasta el momento no se había profundizado en este tema dentro del marco geográfico peninsular. En esta primera parte dedicamos especial atención a las comunicaciones oficiales, aunque tendremos en cuenta a lo largo de toda la investigación que no serán las únicas que influirán sobre la logística de los desplazamientos y de la circulación de informaciones. En el primer capítulo abordamos las características y el funcionamiento de la uehiculatio y el cursus publicus: pilar fundamental de las buenas comunicaciones estatales y, por ende, del gobierno del Imperio. Exploramos los pormenores del transporte de personas y su alojamiento durante los viajes, la velocidad a la que se moverían y las distancias que separarían las etapas de los desplazamientos; la planificación de los viajes imperiales; la utilización de las vías acuáticas, además de las terrestres, en los desplazamientos oficiales; y la evolución del sistema oficial de comunicaciones desde su creación, bajo el gobierno de Augusto, hasta los últimos momentos del Bajo Imperio. También profundizamos en el uso y abuso de los salvoconductos que permitían la realización de los viajes oficiales; en las graves cargas que supondría para las poblaciones provinciales el mantenimiento de un sistema como el de la uehiculatio y la abundante legislación que intentaría paliar los abusos y controlar el servicio oficial de comunicaciones. Vemos, asimismo, cuál era el procedimiento habitual por el que una noticia oficial publicada en Roma alcanzaría todos los rincones del Imperio y los procedimientos por los que solían transmitirse las noticias de carácter más personal. También hablaremos del funcionamiento de una parte de los servicios de inteligencia romanos, ocupados en hacer llegar al emperador información relevante para el control y el gobierno del Estado. En consecuencia, dedicamos el segundo capítulo a estudiar los agentes humanos que podrían hacer uso de los salvoconductos de la uehiculatio: su papel en las comunicaciones, su forma de proceder en sus desplazamientos y su evolución durante el Alto y el Bajo Imperio. Para ello tomamos como referencia tanto cargos de carácter administrativo, como otros de naturaleza militar al servicio del Princeps y del officium provincial. El emperador, el gobernador y algunos procuradores imperiales también formarán parte del elenco, ya que serían los más dados a hacer uso de las facilidades de la uehiculatio en sus numerosos desplazamientos por el Imperio (en el caso del emperador) y por la provincia (en el caso del gobernador y los procuradores). Barajamos, igualmente, la posibilidad de que determinados individuos con cargos importantes, sujetos a la necesidad de viajar por la provincia, se sirvieran de las ventajas de los diplomata. De esta forma, nos serviremos de la epigrafía municipal cuando en el catálogo de estaciones viarias de la vía Augusta busquemos evidencias de individuos que podrían haber utilizado el servicio de la uehiculatio dentro de las vías del Nordeste hispánico. El tercer capítulo lo dedicamos a tratar el tema de las estaciones viarias, punto esencial sobre el que basamos nuestra investigación en territorio hispánico. Son muchas las investigaciones llevadas a cabo sobre estaciones viarias en el resto del Imperio, especialmente dentro de Italia. En otras provincias se las conoce generalmente de manera individual, a través de publicaciones que se centran en algún yacimiento concreto. Pero para el caso de Hispania son muy pocos los ejemplos documentados hasta la fecha. Tampoco existe un paradigma definido que permita una identificación clara y fidedigna de sus infraestructuras. De ahí que fuera imprescindible hacer un repaso por todos los datos conocidos dentro y fuera de España referentes a esta tipología arquitectónica. Gracias a ello, seremos capaces de señalar sus características fundamentales para, más tarde, llevar a cabo una labor de reinterpretación de algunos de los datos arqueológicos existentes en el Nordeste peninsular. La segunda parte de nuestro trabajo engloba los capítulos "IV. Base de datos para el estudio de la uehiculatio y el cursus publicus en el Nordeste hispánico: estaciones viarias de la vía Augusta", "V. Análisis conjunto de los resultados de la base de datos: estaciones viarias de la vía Augusta" y "VI. Conclusiones finales". Tras exponer en la primera parte los elementos de comparación disponibles para nuestro estudio, el objetivo de esta segunda parte radica en centrar nuestra investigación en el marco hispánico seleccionado. Para ello comenzamos con una introducción sobre la vía Augusta, desde su origen en época antigua hasta el resultado de las investigaciones actuales sobre la misma. Recordemos que la elección de esta calzada y no otra fue motivada por razones metodológicas y por la importancia de la propia vía en época imperial. En el capítulo IV introducimos la verdadera novedad de nuestra investigación: el catálogo de estaciones viarias de la vía Augusta. Puesto que hasta la fecha no se había llevado a cabo ninguna iniciativa de similares características para la provincia de Hispania citerior, inevitablemente se hacía necesaria una recopilación de toda la información topográfica y arqueológica existente. Cada una de las cuarenta y tres mansiones seleccionadas cuenta con un dosier propio. En él se recogen y analizan las publicaciones sobre el enclave o su entorno llevadas a cabo hasta el momento presente, la identificación (en caso de haberla) que la historiografía ha establecido para la mansio y nuestra interpretación al respecto, a partir de la topografía, las fuentes clásicas y los vestigios arqueológicos documentados. Las observaciones derivadas de dicha compilación y su consecuente analogía con el resto de las provincias quedan plasmadas dentro del capítulo V, dedicado a las conclusiones resultantes del análisis de conjunto del catálogo. Las conclusiones finales, de carácter más general, se recogen sumariamente en el capítulo VI y se resumen en las siguientes: Al analizar las mansiones de la vía Augusta tuvimos especialmente en cuenta los factores que observamos en las estaciones del resto del Imperio: -el emplazamiento topográfico, -la relación de las estructuras con la calzada, -el abastecimiento hídrico, -la independencia de la estación para su mantenimiento, -y una ciertas coincidencias en las estructuras arquitectónicas, a pesar de la consabida falta de un modelo paradigmático. Ninguno de los ejemplos estudiados en Italia u otras provincias respondía a esquemas arquitectónicos definidos o unánimes. No obstante, casi todos parecían compartir algunos elementos comunes, que, por otro lado, no siempre se daban conjuntamente. Gracias al análisis de las estaciones viarias ya excavadas, pudimos observar que es recurrente la existencia de al menos un patio (generalmente abierto) en torno al cual se distribuían la mayoría de las dependencias restantes y en el que tendrían lugar los trabajos de forja y el estacionamiento de vehículos. Esta disposición del espacio no siempre se repetía, de igual modo que el patio no siempre iba acompañado de un pórtico o tenía un acceso claro desde la vía. Los recintos para dar cobijo y cuidar a los animales se presentaban con la misma relevancia que el mencionado patio. Igual sucedía con las dependencias destinadas al personal de trabajo de la estación. Sin embargo, otros elementos, como las estancias dormitorio para los huéspedes, las termas, los espacios de culto (casi siempre, difíciles de definir) o las zonas de almacenaje u horrea, no se daban siempre, aunque eran partes destacadas de las estaciones viarias. Tampoco la existencia de un segundo piso en madera, cuando el grosor de los muros lo permitía, era una característica incuestionable, aunque parece intuirse en un gran número de complejos estacionarios. En cualquier caso, dos circunstancias que observábamos en el resto del Imperio parecen haberse dado dentro del Nordeste peninsular. Por un lado, el gran abanico de posibilidades en la distribución del espacio de las estaciones, pues existen aquellas en que todas las facilidades de la estación se concentraban en un mismo edificio, como aquellas en las que un conjunto de estructuras separadas conformaban un complejo estacionario de posta. Por otro lado, las diferencias estructurales determinadas por el medio físico y el entorno. Veíamos que existían diferencias entre las estaciones viarias de Italia y aquellas de las provincias, a la vez que se daban similitudes dentro de una misma zona o provincia, aunque no de forma uniforme. Ambas circunstancias pueden aplicarse al conjunto de las mansiones estudiadas en la vía Augusta. Al menos a aquellas que no coincidían con núcleos poblacionales definidos, pues las poblaciones de importancia considerable contarían con mesones, posadas, albergues y termas donde los viajeros de paso pudieran satisfacer sus necesidades. Los restos arqueológicos analizados en la segunda parte de nuestro trabajo no tenían características idénticas a los presentados para la Península Itálica, pero compartían más similitudes con ésta que con algunos de los estudiados en otras provincias. Creemos que ello podría ser consecuencia principalmente del entorno mediterráneo. Por consiguiente, vemos confirmada una de las hipótesis de partida de nuestra tesis: las estaciones viarias, además de exhibir ciertas similitudes en todo el Imperio, compartirían rasgos comunes dentro de una misma zona, como consecuencia de las características físicas y administrativas del entorno en el que surgían. Es, por tanto, evidente la influencia del medio físico y geográfico y de la administración provincial en la creación de estas infraestructuras. La otra hipótesis de partida también se hizo evidente a través de la segunda parte, "Estaciones viarias de la vía Augusta": habría habido estaciones viarias en Hispania con la misma asiduidad que en el resto del Imperio y, aunque hasta el momento no se hayan identificado como tales, se habrían excavado más de las que la historiografía había considerado. La presente disertación pone de manifiesto el gran error que supone dar por hecho la ausencia o excepcionalidad de esta tipología arquitectónica en nuestra Península. Podemos concluir que no existen elementos homogéneos o intrínsecos a las estructuras de las estaciones viarias hispánicas. No obstante, los mismos factores que se tenían en cuenta a la hora de identificar estos complejos en el resto del Imperio pueden ponerse en práctica en Hispania. Falta, sin embargo, ampliar las perspectivas que reducen la mayor parte de las estructuras arquitectónicas rurales a uillae, e incluso aceptar la posibilidad de que algunas uillae pudieran ejercer funciones más complejas, en relación con las vías junto a las que se erigían, que las tradicionalmente aceptadas por la historiografía. No podemos afirmar que las estaciones viarias analizadas formarían parte de la uehiculatio o el cursus publicus, pues ya hemos subrayado en varias ocasiones que no es posible establecer esta relación con la información disponible hasta la fecha. Sin embargo, es evidente que este sistema extraordinario de comunicaciones se habría servido de los complejos viarios existentes siempre que hubiera sido necesario. El presente trabajo es prueba evidente de que todavía queda mucho por investigar, muchas incógnitas que desvelar, sobre el tema tratado dentro de nuestro ámbito geográfico. En cualquier caso, consideramos que el marco territorial seleccionado podrá tomarse como punto de partida para ampliar el análisis al resto de la Península Ibérica con el objeto de contrastar similitudes y divergencias, así como otras opciones y opiniones sobre la red de estaciones viarias que tan importante papel desempeñó en el mundo de las comunicaciones antiguas.
1- Introducción En un breve artículo ciertamente premonitorio, William Schneider (1994) identificaba las características de la nueva cultura política que, condicionada y a su vez potenciada por las nuevas tecnologías de la información, estaba cambiando la relación histórica entre partidos, líderes y electores. Schneider avanzaba tres características principales de este nuevo acontecer político (Schneider, 1994: 779), a saber: el pragmatismo entendido como la dilución de las ideologías; el personalismo con la emergencia de la figura del candidato por sobre la del partido; y por último el populismo como un movimiento claramente anti-elitista y anti-establishment. En el mundo post guerra fría, la demanda acentuada de participación popular y de control del demos sobre los procesos de decisión y las herméticas elites gubernamentales, obligaría al sistema político a rever las estrategias de comunicación, facilitar la inclusión de las masas y mejorar los procesos de rendición de cuentas. Esto conduciría a une mejora del sistema político y del funcionamiento democrático de las instituciones2. Sin embargo, escasos son los cambios que las principales democracias del mundo han introducido en sus instituciones para mejorar el proceso de inclusión democrática, como así lo atestan el mantenimiento de sistemas electorales a menudo arcaicos y la renuencia de las élites políticas a la utilización de mecanismos de democracia directa. Donde sí ha existido una modificación orientada a complacer a la ciudadanía es, como bien menciona Schneider, en el discurso y en la estrategia política. Cortejar a las masas e incluirlas en un proyecto común (del cual excluiremos a las élites) ha progresivamente reemplazado el debate ideológico. El discurso político se transforma entonces en una técnica de movilización del pueblo en contra de una comunidad política desarticulada y debilitada cuyas instituciones flaquean en sus componentes organizativo y representativo (Badie, 1997: 227). Es en este ámbito de quebranto de los valores de la democracia representativa donde la crisis de la representación y "la faillite du politique" cobran amplio sentido y donde el populismo se inscribe entonces como un proceso subversivo de los canales tradicionales de movilización política, creando nuevas lealtades (apolíticas o anti políticas) culturales, nacionales, comunitarias, étnicas, etc., en reemplazo de las anticuadas construcciones sociales (élites, establishment, clase política, etc.). Pero si el populismo se define antes que nada en oposición al sistema político, no es en sí ni una teoría política ni un programa económico alternativo (Touraine, 1997: 242), y es por eso que podemos argumentar que el populismo se inscribe más en la práctica discursiva que en el dominio de lo normativo. Pero, a fin de cuentas, ¿qué es el populismo? Todo y nada se ha escrito sobre este fenómeno que apasiona y confunde tanto por su complejidad (e inconsistencia) teórica, su variabilidad histórica y la ambigüedad moral que este fenómeno histórico, político e ideológico ha generado entre críticos y defensores. El estudio del populismo ha sido objeto de enfoques disciplinarios que, en lugar de integrar el fenómeno en un contexto general, han contribuido a su compartimentación (Holmes, 1990: 27). Así, los historiadores se han focalizado en los aspectos descriptivos del fenómeno, los politólogos han intentado construir definiciones operativas del concepto, los sociólogos se han centrado en aplicar las teorías de la movilización para explicar la construcción de los movimientos populistas, y los enfoques marxistas, por ejemplo, han aportado clarificaciones sobre la relación entre el populismo y el desarrollo del sistema capitalista moderno. Ernesto Laclau, uno de los más fecundos pensadores sobre la cuestión, ha propuesto que el sustento del populismo reside en la oposición semiótica entre una entidad denominada Pueblo y otra denominada Poder (Laclau, 1977: 167) y que es la propia vaguedad de estas construcciones discursivas la que avala la permanencia y resistencia de este fenómeno. El populismo se articularía y construiría a partir de dos premisas centrales. La primera es una dependencia epistemológica de lo negativo, del enemigo; el populismo, como movimiento con un débil componente ideológico y normativo, se construye preferentemente sobre la crítica más que sobre la propuesta. Es en la identificación del enemigo donde el populismo gana la mitad de la batalla. La segundad premisa, igualmente negativa, es la construcción de un sentido y vínculo comunitario a través del "sacrificio colectivo". Es necesario para esto una articulación narrativa que oponga al Pueblo (o sociedad virtuosa) a una élite egotista destinada al sacrificio (Schulte-Sasse, 1993: 96). El populismo, por lo tanto, no sólo debe definir (y construir) un enemigo, sino que la eliminación de ese enemigo pasa a ser el factor aglutinante del discurso y el accionar político. Si el enfoque de Laclau permite efectivamente un amplio espectro de análisis, es la imprecisión conceptual del "fenómeno populista" lo que ha llevado a la manipulación y abuso teóricos de un concepto por demás interesante. En efecto, la política del antagonismo no es privilegio exclusivo de los movimientos populistas, sino que es producto de la banalización y pauperización del discurso político, contribuyendo así a la creación de sociedades binarias donde los matices y la búsqueda de compromisos inclusivos ceden terreno frente a posiciones radicales. Aquellos que anunciaban el amanecer de una "política de consenso" más allá de las tradicionales demarcaciones izquierda/derecha, constatan en la actualidad la emergencia de nuevas fronteras políticas que fragilizan el consenso y de partidos políticos que aprovechan la debilidad del debate democrático para anunciarse como representantes directos investidos de la voz del pueblo (Mouffe, 2005: 51). En este sentido, la práctica discursiva que construye categorías excluyentes como pueblo/poder, amigo/enemigo, sociedad civil/élites, nacional/foráneo etc., no define únicamente al populismo, sino que ha pasado a ser una estrategia recurrente de movilización política en las democracias modernas. Por lo tanto, la fuerza explicativa de este proceso semiótico en referencia al populismo se diluye, ya sea porque se ha "populizado" la política o porque se ha politizado el populismo. 2- El populismo europeo El populismo europeo, vigente desde mediados/fines del siglo XIX, está fuertemente ligado al sentimiento nacionalista y, en algunos casos, a la consolidación del Estado. Desde fines del siglo XVIII, las nociones de nación y pueblo han articulado las construcciones de las diferentes instituciones y regímenes políticos, pero independientemente de cuáles hayan sido los caminos recorridos, todos se han visto inculcar por el Estado un cuerpo de valores destinado a exaltar las particularidades propias de cada pueblo, cimentadas en un sentimiento de solidaridad excluyente (Hermet, 1997: 34). Esta construcción de una solidaridad e identidad nacional siguió dos caminos diferentes. En los países liberales como Gran Bretaña y Francia, donde existía ya una ciudadanía en vías de expansión, la adhesión al proyecto nacionalista se logró bajo el entendido que si las masas hasta ahora sometidas devenían progresivamente actores políticos, el sistema sólo podría sostenerse a través de la solidaridad y pertenencia a una identidad común, a la vez nacionalista y cívica. Es en el ejercicio creciente de sus responsabilidades y derechos cívicos y políticos donde el pueblo (la ciudadanía en este caso) edifica un proyecto único del cual todos son parte. Por el contrario, en estados más autoritarios que liberales y de creación reciente y cuyo proceso de unificación aún no estaba terminado, como en Alemania o Italia, la nacionalización acelerada de esas identidades fragmentadas, tanto a nivel político como religioso, se construyó antes que nada sobre la solidaridad cultural de la población, a fin de paliar el lento (o inexistente) proceso de construcción cívica (Hermet, 1997: 35). El primer tipo de construcción nacional es lo que ha pasado a denominarse nacionalismo cívico liberal, más acotado a los Estados de Europa occidental. El segundo caso es el de un nacional-populismo o un nacionalismo orgánico y autoritario, más propio de Europa central y oriental Estas construcciones arquetípicas reflejan las dos grandes concepciones sobre la nación y la ciudadanía. La idea de nacionalismo occidental u oriental es intercambiable con la noción de nacionalismo político (el caso francés) o cultural (caso alemán). Si bien es sabido que todos los nacionalismos poseen a su vez características políticas o culturales, la distinción entre estas dos vertientes dependerá de la importancia relativa y de la prioridad histórica de los principios de la organización política o de las preocupaciones culturales (lengua, literatura, historia, folklore, etc.). En el caso de la nación política (Francia): el pueblo = Estado = nación. Toda la población residente sobre el territorio controlado por el Estado constituye la nación. Es el Estado quien crea, quien define la nación (creación desde arriba). En este caso, la unidad política precede a la unidad cultural. En este modelo, la ciudadanía puede ser adquirida por todos aquellos nacidos en el territorio (ius solis), y que adhieran a esta concepción (en el caso francés, a los valores republicanos). Típicamente esta forma de nacionalismo no reconoce la diferencia cultural (ej. velo musulmán). En el caso del nacionalismo cultural (Alemania), la unión se logra a través de una identidad común, lingüística, étnica o cultural. La Nación crea el Estado; la unidad cultural precede a la unidad política. En estos casos, la ciudadanía no puede ser adquirida, sino que es innata, reservada a un grupo primigenio definido en términos étnico-culturales (ius sanguinis). Este nacionalismo no reconoce la asimilación cultural (ej: los judíos o los turcos) (Greenfield, 1999: 48-49). El nacionalismo cívico liberal fue en gran medida impulsado por la clase dominante del momento-la burguesía económica-, y reposa sobre principios abstractos de igualdad y libertad propios de individuos desarraigados de los lazos comunitarios y necesarios para la creación de regímenes burgueses liberales (Khon, 1967). La burguesía, que no se reconocía en le "petit peuple", se oponía a la creación de una identidad nacional basada en características culturales populares. El nacional-populismo, por el contrario, más pasional que intelectual, se desarrolló ahí donde los constructores del Estado nación no tenían otro recurso que exaltar los particularismos culturales (o étnicos) de la comunidad en su proceso de construcción política. En los países de Europa Oriental, donde las élites burguesas carecían del empuje necesario (en parte por una débil industrialización y la permanencia de fuertes estructuras rurales, con históricos lazos de solidaridad entre sí y de subordinación a la autoridad), los valores liberales no lograron influenciar la construcción del Estado. El nacional populismo puede ser visto, igualmente, como un fenómeno de resistencia y de rechazo hacia una opresión exterior, como fue el caso de los Balcanes bajo la dominación Austro-Húngara, de Irlanda hacia Inglaterra o del país vasco contra España. Esta forma de solidaridad se cristalizó en gran medida en las minorías oprimidas en el seno de imperios multiétnicos que, ansiosos por imponer una uniformidad liberal o autoritaria, provocaron como reacción la consolidación de identidades nacionales deseosas de garantizar su libertad, autonomía e integridad a través de la edificación de un Estado propio. El nacional populismo, exacerbando en algunos casos el carácter casi mesiánico de pertenencia a una cultura única, producirá emancipaciones ideológicas peligrosas como el fascismo. El populismo europeo ha conocido diferentes corrientes políticas a lo largo del siglo XX que desgraciadamente no podemos tratar aquí. Conviene sin embargo mencionar que en su acepción más reciente, el populismo europeo se ha visto revigorizado por una unión discursiva con la extrema derecha (o lo que se ha denominado como la "nouvelle droite"), que maneja a placer los discursos identitarios, nacionalistas y anti-elites en un peligroso cocktail ideológico a fuerte potencial de movilización. Mazzolenni ha identificado 5 características centrales de este "neo-populismo" europeo (2003: 117). En primer lugar el populismo conduce a una valorización del pueblo, del "hombre de la calle". El llamado al pueblo implica la participación política directa y la desconfianza de la democracia representativa. El "culto al pueblo" se acompaña con la crítica a las élites. En cuarto lugar, un equilibrio precario se instala entre crítica y aceptación del sistema. Como las instituciones son necesarias para aportar la legitimidad política, la crítica no puede abiertamente intentar destruir el sistema político; en algunos países pueden entonces instalarse "simulacros de democracia". Por último, el populismo es acompañado casi siempre de la exaltación del líder carismático en el cual se concentran el proyecto y las aspiraciones del pueblo. Convengamos, sin embargo, que no todos los movimientos populistas europeos son de derecha, reflejando así la "flexibilidad" ideológica (u oportunismo político) de estos partidos así como la heterogeneidad de la base de apoyo a los movimientos populistas. Estos y otros puntos han conducido a ciertos autores a ver en el resurgimiento del populismo de derecha una amenaza al orden democrático (Mouffe, 2005), pero otros, más mesurados, ven en el éxito de estos partidos de "nueva derecha" un realineamiento de los clivajes tradicionales y de las lealtades partidarias (Sciarini et al. 2002, Hug y Treschel, 2002, Lachat y Kriesi, 2008, Oesch, 2008). En este sentido, los partidos populistas se beneficiarían de un posicionamiento ideológico en terreno fértil y de una hábil estrategia política frente al inmovilismo de los partidos más tradicionales, socialistas y de centro derecha, limitados en su accionar por lealtades de clase y concepciones morales anquilosadas. 3- El populismo Latinoamericano El caso latinoamericano no escapa, como sus colegas europeo o norteamericano, a las dificultades de conceptualización producto de diferentes enfoques disciplinarios. Weyland (2001) ha realizado un importante trabajo estudiando los diferentes conceptos que han sido utilizados para abarcar el populismo latinoamericano y demostrar que la confusión conceptual proviene del hecho que los académicos enfatizan diferentes atributos como características decisivas del concepto, sin ponerse de acuerdo si estamos hablando del ámbito político, económico, social, discursivo u otro (Weyland, 2001:2). Tres grandes enfoques han predominado en el estudio del populismo. Entre 1960-80, la utilización de conceptos cumulativos predominó en el estudio del fenómeno3, influenciada por las teorías desarrollistas (modernización y dependencia) que argumentaban la fuerte subordinación de la esfera política a los factores socio económicos. Estos autores resaltaban en el populismo un conjunto central de características políticas y socioeconómicas. Los regímenes populistas serían en parte una respuesta a los fenómenos de urbanización, de industrialización y de participación masiva que fragilizaron las instituciones existentes y permitieron la emergencia de regímenes inestables centrados a menudo en una lógica de acción política personalista y carismática, plebiscitaria y redistributiva, destinada a agrupar y movilizar las masas desorganizadas y amorfas (Germani, 1974). Ciertos autores han querido ver en el populismo un proceso de desarrollo intermedio entre el pasaje de una sociedad tradicional o pre industrial hacia una sociedad moderna industrializada, orientada a la sustitución de importaciones y donde un régimen oligárquico cede terreno frente a la emergencia de la sociedad de masas (Cardoso y Faletto, 1979). Otros autores, como Roberts (1995: 89), han intentando descifrar el populismo utilizando conceptos radiales o de adición4. Así, los populismos latinoamericanos tendrían las siguientes características: Un liderazgo paternalista y personalista; una coalición política heterogénea y multi –clase; un proceso de movilización política top down que cortocircuita las instancias tradicionales de mediación; una ideología amorfa y ecléctica; y un proyecto económico que utiliza importantes políticas redistributivas y clientelares. La existencia de estos 5 aspectos caracterizaría al populismo pleno, mientras que la presencia de una o más características constituiría sub-tipos particulares de populismo. Por último, la tradición más reciente se ha centrado en el estudio del populismo latinoamericano como un concepto clásico en el ámbito político. El populismo no puede ser enfocado como un concepto económico, argumenta Weyland (2001:11) porque su utilización es confusa y problemática y la política económica es, en manos populistas, un instrumento, no un fin. La definición política ve al populismo como una manera particular de competir y ejercer el poder. El populismo se sitúa en la esfera de la dominación, no de la distribución. El populismo intenta antes que nada construir formas de control político, y la distribución de beneficios a través de políticas socio-económicas es una herramienta para facilitar ese control. El líder populista busca ganar y ejercer el poder, y su oportunismo tiene como corolario un débil compromiso en el campo ideológico y programático. Construido a partir de la dicotomía amigo/enemigo que permea toda acción política, el populismo debe ser definido como una estrategia política, entendida como la capacidad de los líderes de perpetuarse en la arena política. Bajo el populismo, el "gobierno" es ejercido por un líder carismático, no por un grupo u organización política (Weyland, 2001: 18). El populismo surge principalmente cuando ese líder logra arrear y agrupar el apoyo masivo de gran parte del pueblo en un movimiento espontaneo y atomizado donde la lealtad de cada individuo se inscribe en una lógica vertical de subordinación entre él y el líder, y no en una lógica horizontal de solidaridad mecánica de pertenencia a un proyecto común. En este sentido, los movimientos populistas y sus adherentes carecen de la cohesión ideológica necesaria para que el movimiento sobreviva a la partida/muerte del líder. 4- Democracia populista Vs. Populismos semi-democráticos A modo de breve conclusión, desearía discutir brevemente uno de los puntos subrayados en la introducción. Si una de las características principales de la nueva cultura política y democrática es el populismo, entendido como un discurso anti élite y anti establishment (y hasta anti intelectual), conviene interrogarse entonces en qué se parecen las democracias populistas modernas (como la Americana o la Francesa) y los regímenes populistas democráticos o semi-democráticos (Argentina, Venezuela, Ecuador, etc.). Por lo tanto, hay que distinguir entre lo que es una característica secundaria del sistema – el populismo como lenguaje político – de un principio ordenador y legitimador del poder -el populismo en los regímenes latinoamericanos-. La diferencia puede ser entendida con un claro ejemplo. Mientras que el lenguaje populista en las democracias modernas tiene como cometido "igualar" al líder político con el votante común, el populismo latinoamericano presupone todo lo contrario, la excepcionalidad del líder. El populismo americano o francés actual elimina todo privilegio, todo "passe-droit" que la figura del líder político piense poder tener por su pertenencia a un grupo privilegiado; por el contrario, presupone que el contrato de confianza ciudadano entre gobernados y gobernantes demanda una conducta intachable y responsable de estos últimos. En el caso de los populismos semi-democráticos, el líder es por naturaleza excepcional y, ya sea por la escasa instrucción cívica y ciudadana, por la corrupción del sistema político o por lo que es aún peor, la creencia dogmática en el carácter mesiánico del líder, éste se encuentra, de facto, por encima de la ciudadanía (y por ende de la ley). El culto al líder al que se libran los populismos latinoamericanos y la triste complacencia de las ciudadanías amorfas erosionan el accionar democrático, debilitan la separación de poderes y conducen a la utilización irresponsable y clientelista de los recursos nacionales. Si es innegable igualmente que el discurso populista en las democracias modernas puede ser antes que nada una estrategia política en época de crisis y vacas flacas, no obstante éste se construye sobre una premisa incuestionable: la igualdad ciudadana y la necesidad de contralor del poder político. Lo importante aquí no es la incorporación ética por parte de las élites de los principios de igualdad y responsabilidad, sino la sanción, electoral o legal, de todo comportamiento que infrinja ese contrato de confianza. Lejos de mí la idea de asimilar al elector francés o americano a un quijote cívico y moralizador, pero en su estrategia "maximizadora" de bienestar no se encuentra la tolerancia a la corrupción política, al abuso de poder o a la desigualdad manifiesta entre gobernantes y gobernados. Si bien admitimos que el populismo latinoamericano emerge en un contexto histórico de débil institucionalización en las décadas del 20-30 en adelante (en cierta medida heredero de las tradiciones caudillistas), y que el vínculo primordial entre líder y pueblo fue en parte necesario para asegurar derechos sociales y cívicos antes del otorgamiento de plenos derechos políticos, ¿qué argumentos justifican 60 años después de un Perón o un Vargas la ciega obsecuencia ante un "déspota iluminado"?.1- El presente artículo retoma partes de un trabajo más extenso dedicado al estudio del fenómeno populista en los Estados Unidos (en vías de publicación). Lo que se presenta a continuación sirve como introducción teórica en dicho artículo. La conclusión de este artículo sí representa una reflexión original.2- Autores como Schumpeter, sin embargo, han argumentado contra el concepto clásico de democracia popular extendida, avanzando que una parte importante de la ciudadanía carece de los conocimientos necesarios para realizar juicios instruidos y determinar el bien común y que por lo tanto estaría ésta a la merced de élites políticas "manipuladoras". En este sentido, el ciudadano debería limitarse a la elección de líderes y a su sanción periódica vía los procesos electorales. Ver J. SHUMPETER, 1994 (rev. ed), Capitalism. Socialism and Democracy, Routledge.3- Los conceptos cumulativos elaboran definiciones combinando los atributos de diferentes campos a través de la lógica de inclusión "Y". Sólo las características comunes de todos los dominios son adoptadas como determinantes del concepto. Los conceptos cumulativos aportan un alto estándar de inclusión con un pequeño número de casos y excluyen la posibilidad de casos "límite". Un problema recurrente de los conceptos cumulativos es su debilidad empírica si hay escasa superposición entre las diferentes áreas de estudio, generando así pocos casos reales que cumplan con el fuerte contenido teórico.4- Los conceptos radiales utilizan la preposición lógica "O", conectando los atributos propuestos por los autores en diferentes campos. Si un caso posee al menos una de estas características puede ser incorporado al estudio del concepto. Si los conceptos radiales poseen las ventajas de abarcar un amplio universo de casos, la pertinencia de cada caso dependerá del número de características totales que posea, falseando entonces la comparación entre los diferentes casos. Así, en el caso del populismo, tendríamos populismos "leves" que poseen unas pocas características conceptuales contra populismos fuertes que se asemejarían a los "tipos ideales". 5- BibliografíaAERSINGER, P., «Ideology and Behavior : Legislative Politics in Western Populism» in Agricultural History, Vol. 58 (jan. 1984), pp. 43-58.AGULHON, M., et al. «Le populisme ? Neuf réponses» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro spécial : Les populismes (Oct.-Dec., 1997), pp. 224-242.BADIE, B., «Une Faillite du Politique» in «Le populisme ? Neuf réponses» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro spécial : Les populismes (Oct.-Dec., 1997), pp. 226-228.CARDOZO, F.H. and FALETTO, E., 1979, Dependancy and development in Latin America, University of California Press, Berkeley.FERKISS, C., «Political and Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism, Right and Left» in Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, Vol. 344 (Nov., 1962), pp. 1-12.GERMANI, G., 1974, Política y Sociedad en una Epoca de Transición, Paidós, Buenos Aires.GOODWYN, L., 1976, Democratic Promise : The Populist Movement in America, Oxford University Press, New York.GREENFIELD, L., «Is Nation Unavoidable ? Is Nation Unavoidable Today ?» in KRIESI, H., et al. (eds), 1999, Nation and Nationality Identity. The European Experience in Perspective, Verlag Rüegger, Chur, pp. 37-54.HERMET, G., «Populisme et Nationalisme» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro Spécial : Les populismes (Oct. –Dec., 1997), pp. 34-47.HOLMES, W., «Populism : In Search of Context» in Agricultural History, Vol. 64, Nº4 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 26-58.HUG, S., and TRECHSEL, A., « Clivages et identification partisane » in HUG, S., et SCIARINI, P. (eds.), 2002, Changements de valeurs et nouveaux clivages politiques en Suisse, L´Harmattan, Paris, pp. 207-235.KOHN, H., 1967 (rev. ed.), The Idea of Nationalism, Collier-Macmillan, New York.LACHAT, R. et KRIESI. H., «Supply Side: the Positioning of the Political Parties in a Restructuring Space», in Kriesi, H., Grande, E., Lachat, R. et al., 2008, West European Politics in the Age of Globalization, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.LACLAU, E., 1977, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory, Verso, London.MATTHEWS, F., «"Hobbesian Populism" : Interpretative Paradigms and Moral Vision in american Historiography» in The Journal of Amercain History, Vol. 72, Nº1 (Jun., 1985), pp. 92-115.MAZZOLENI, O., 2003, Nationalisme et Populisme en Suisse : la radicalisation de la nouvelle UDC, Presses polytechniques et universitaires romandes, Lausanne.MELANDRI, P., «La rhétorique populiste aux Etats Unis» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro Spécial : Les populismes (Oct. –Dec., 1997), pp. 184-200.MOUFFE, C., «The "End of Politics" and the challenge of Right-Wing Populism» in Populism and the Mirror of Democracy, Panizza, F. (ed), (2005), Verso, London, pp. 50-71.OESCH, D., 2006, Redrawing the class map: stratification and institutions in Britain, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke.ROBERTS, K., «Neoliberalism and the Transformation of Populism in Latin America» in World Politics, Vol. 48 (oct. 1995), pp. 82-116.SCHNEIDER, W., «The New Populism» in Political Psychology, Vol. 15, Nº4 (Dec., 1994), pp. 779-784.SCHULTE-SASSE, L., «Meet Ross Perot : The Lasting Legacy of Capraesque Populism» in Cultural Critique, Nº25 (autumn, 1993), pp.91-119.SCHUMPETER, J., 1994 (rev. ed.), Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, RoutledgeSCIARINI, P., and NICOLET, S. (eds), 2010, Le Destin Electoral de la Gauche : Analyse du vote socialiste et vert en Suisse. Georg, Genève.SHOGAN, C., «Anti-Intellectualism in the Modern Presidency : A Republican Populism» in Perspectives on Politics, Vol.5, Nº2 (Jun., 2007), pp. 295-303.TOURAINE, A., «Le Brun, le Rouge et le Français» in «Le populisme ? Neuf réponses» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro spécial : Les populismes (Oct.-Dec., 1997), pp. 239-242.TURNER, J., «Understanding the Populists» in Journal of American History, Vol. 67 (Sep. 1980), pp. 354-373.WEYLAND, K., «Clarifying a Contested Concept : Populism in the Study of Latin American Politics» in Comparative Politics, Vol. 34, Nº1 (Oct., 2001), pp.1-22. Germán Clulow - Universidad-ORT.
Part one of an interview with Joseph Addante. Topics include: Joseph's family history. His parents were separated during WWI and reunited in Fitchburg, MA. The birth of Joseph's siblings and Joseph (he was the youngest). Catholic education. Americanization classes taught by Margaret Kelty. Speaking English and Italian. His father's experience trying to bring his mother (Joseph's grandmother) to the United States. Visiting relatives in Italy. How his father came to the United States. Family political differences in Italy. The villages in Italy where his parents grew up. The work his father did as a shoemaker in Italy and in Fitchburg. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: The Center for Italian Culture at Fitchburg State College, the [unintelligible - 00:00:06] project. It's Tuesday September 4th 9:30, 9:45 am. Our first interviewee is Joe Addante at his home at 535 South Street Number 22-2. Thanks Joe for taking time again to talk with me. I was hoping that you could give me some biographical information, specifically when you were born. What your birth name is. I was wondering is it Joseph or is it Giuseppe? JOE ADDANTE: I was born on the 25th of August in 1926 at 2:00 a.m. in the morning, by my father's little log that I found. They named me Joseph Bartholomew Addante; Bartholomew because the 24th of August is the big feast day in my father's village. There's a church that was built in 1100 or 1200 and it's a historical site in that area. And that's how I got the name: Joseph from my father, and Bartholomew from the feast day. SPEAKER 1: Mm-hmm. JOE ADDANTE: Uh, I was born in Fitchburg. I was the fourth child that my parents had. They had one in Italy that my father never saw again, that died when he was three or four years old. My mother and father were separated for 10 years because of World War I. My mother rejoined my father in 1920 in Fitchburg, and in 1922 my sister Mary was born, '23 my sister Rose was born. And three years later a son was born, which was a source of joy to my dad. And we grew up together. Uh, also living with us were my two uncles for a number of years, because they had come also from Italy. And I jokingly say I grew up with three fathers, my uncle Rocco and my uncle Dominic. Rocco has a son Rocco Jr., and Uncle Dominic remained a bachelor and was never married. Um, from there we lived on the Water Street lane, which was part of what was called "The Patch" in those days. I attended St. Bernard Grammar school, which was a Catholic parochial school for St. Bernard Parish. However, since my father's brother was a Franciscan priest, he was anxious for us to have a Roman 2 Catholic education. And being acquainted with Monsignor Donnelly, who was pastor of St. Bernard at that time, we were given the privilege of attending the quote unquote Irish parochial school. I graduated grammar school there, then I attended St. Bernard, which then became the Central Catholic High School, graduating in 1944. SPEAKER 1: Okay. I was hoping that you could go back a little bit. Last week when I was here… JOE ADDANTE: Yes. SPEAKER 1: You mentioned something about your mom and dad; your father had to wait nearly 10 years to bring your mother over. Is… did I hear that correctly? JOE ADDANTE: Yes, well, when my mother arrived of course the family started. And as I said, my sisters were born and so was I. My recollection of my early childhood goes back to about 1931 or '30 when I was probably five or six years old. My recollection is going to Americanization classes with my mother. Uh, these were held at what was the Registry of Motor Vehicles building, and the upstairs was sort of a classroom hall kind of arrangement where classes were given in English for immigrants, and also Americanization, which in today's terminology would be called Instructions for Assimilation. Very interesting, because the woman that taught this was Margaret [Kelty]. Margaret [Kelty] was a legend in her own time. Probably one of the most foremost people in adult education in the United States by the time she died. I remember fondly her talking about the 500 Basic English words – which I wonder why they can't be used today – done by some professor from England that came over here. She adopted that technique, and with the use of these 500 words apparently one could communicate and get along. 3 But above and beyond that, Margaret was a genuinely helpful person. She was the daughter of a pharmacist who had a drugstore in the area and in his time had learned to speak Italian to better serve his Italian-American clientele. Margaret has sort of been a legend in the memory of most of us in that particular period of history. She and her sister were always a helpful part of the community and probably helped bridge the differences between the Italian community, if you will, and the Irish community at a time when some saw the Italian movement as a quote unquote Latin invasion. Also at that time there were other people who were quite helpful to the Italian community. Miss [Courtney] and her sister, they were schoolteachers, and of course in those days they were unmarried. And also there was a Mary [Bartley] who was the principal of the Nolan School. These people all had a meaningful role and a large role in helping the Italo-Americans, or the newly arrived Italian immigrants, to get adjusted to the American way of life, learning the language and the expressions, and also sort of acted as a bridge in many cases between them and their Irish neighbors. SPEAKER 1: So how old were you when you remember going to these Americanization classes? JOE ADDANTE: Probably between five years old, six years old. Just prior to the first grade, and then also sometimes even after the first grade because some of them were conducted in the evening. SPEAKER 1: Was that your introduction to English, or did you hear it from friends? JOE ADDANTE: Well, we grew up speaking both languages without actually recognizing there was a difference. We spoke Italian at home; spoke English with our friends without even giving it a thought, frankly. Some of our friends who were attending the Immaculate Conception School had to learn French because the classes were conducted in French in those days. And some of 4 them grew up speaking English, Italian from home, and French from school, which became an advantage to them. SPEAKER 1: But prior to school you were probably living in an Italian neighborhood where there was… JOE ADDANTE: There was English spoken. My father, bear in mind my father had been 10 years before my mother had arrived. He had already become, I believe, a citizen. And he ran a checkbook, ran a business and spoke English in a very passable way, so that he did speak quite a bit of English at home in addition to Italian, hopefully encouraging my mother in her English, which she picked up very readily and read almost all the novels of those days, the classics. I remember her reading to me from Les Misérables in English, which I had forgotten until I saw the play in London and it all came back to me. Yeah. So my father was a very – and mother both, they were very literate people and they loved…they had read many of the classics in Italian and were sort of rediscovering them in English. SPEAKER 1: So tell me more. I tried to ask you this just a few minutes ago but your father, how he tried to get your mother to America and he had some sort of resistance or some… JOE ADDANTE: No. No. That was his mother. My father had no problem in those days getting his wife over here. But at the end of World War II my father had a love for bringing back his mother to this country, because he and both my uncles could have taken care of her very easily. But in going through the immigration papers it became complicated, and it dragged out. And my grandmother died in Italy without ever having seen her son again, and I never got to know her. And my father lost interest and decided never to return to Italy. It was a sad thing, because I had kind of hoped to go with him. In fact the first thing I did, meaningful thing, after his death was to go to Italy and to find out where his sister was, and my uncles, and the village and the home where he, the house where 5 he was born. And I have visited several times since. And I managed to bring my Franciscan uncle to this country for two visits, and so I began to bridge the communications between the cousins and uncles and aunts and that sort of thing. SPEAKER 1: So did Dominic or Rocco ever go back to Italy? JOE ADDANTE: Yes, my uncle Rocco went back in 1937, was married, and he had the same sad experience my father had. He was separated from his wife for 10 years until the end of World War II. When she came here then his son was born, Rocco. My uncle Dominic managed to go back a couple of times because he wanted to visit his sister, who was alive then, and his brother, which he did; then that was his last visit. SPEAKER 1: Okay. Now your father, how may siblings did he have? He had three brothers and… JOE ADDANTE: My father was from a family of 10 children. I think there were seven survivors: my father and his sister and three brothers that I knew, and another sister that I never knew but I met her children, and another sister that I never knew that survived to adulthood, if you will, you know. SPEAKER 1: And their names? JOE ADDANTE: Oh. SPEAKER 1 Do you remember them? JOE ADDANTE: My father's name was Joseph, his sister's name was Agatha, who was an extremely lucky woman in the very early days survived a double mastectomy and lived to be 85 or 86 years of age. SPEAKER 1: In the old country? JOE ADDANTE: In the old country, so it was done back in the days when surgery was primitive by today's standards. Then there was my uncle Rocco, was next. And I think there are a couple of sisters in between. One was [Anina]. To go down the list there was my father, Agatha, I think [Anina], Rocco, and then there was another sister whose name I don't remember, then my uncle 6 Dominic, and then my uncle Francesco who became the Franciscan. That I recall in the names and a couple others. SPEAKER 1: So I read somewhere that in the old days that a lot of marriages were arranged, but your father wished to choose his own wife? JOE ADDANTE: My father was a very independent person. He chose his own wife in a very romantic way and courted her with poetry. My father had a poetic flair. And I think he passed it on to his children, because we all love poetry. But the one problem was that they were of opposite political parties in their families. And my father's main reason for leaving Italy was not so much the opportunity, because he was a craftsman. He made handmade shoes and there was always a lot of work for him. So rather than stay home and get involved in squabbles, he left. He wrote to a friend of his who was in Maine. And the friend never answered but just sent him a ticket. I think it was a $35 steerage ticket in those days. My dad arrived in this country in 1910 and never went back. He landed in Boston, not Ellis Island. And then from there he went to Connecticut and got work with the railroad, because there were some Italian men that would take care of him as far as the language was concerned, while he was trying to learn English. And he stayed there for about three months. And they had an Italian daily newspaper in those days published in Italian for the immigrants. There were many such newspapers just like the Finnish [Raivaaja Press] here. There was an ad in the paper by a shoemaker in Fitchburg by the name of [Sisino], who was looking for a shoemaker. So my dad came to Fitchburg and he was here till he died. He worked for about four months with this man and because he could not arrange to have his evenings off to go to night school to learn English, he quit the job because his primary interest was in learning English. He got another job working at one of the 7 mills; I think the [Beuline] Mill was the name of it. And he worked there for a short period of time, finally saved enough to get a little shop started. And by 1912 he was able to send for his brother to help him in the business. And by 1915 he had bought a building of his own. Tried to send for my mother, World War I broke out and that became an impossibility until the 1920s when my mother and my other Uncle Dominic came together from Italy. SPEAKER 1: Mm-hmm. Now, what about the political party? Can you tell me more about – he didn't want to become involved in any squabbles in Italy and that his wife… JOE ADDANTE: Yeah, my father was not much of a political animal. He saw politics for what it was, in many ways, but not a very… in his mind a very constructive thing anyway. More than that I never heard. I guess he did like my uncle. My mother's brother was a very political person and very active. And I think the… if there was any antagonism it was between my mother's brother and my father's family, if you will, being opposing political persuasions. Whether it was conservative or liberal in those days I don't know. I never really got a handle on it. But my uncle Luigi, my mother's brother, was mayor of three villages at the same time. Because, you know, you had to be a property owner in order to run for political office and you had to be a property owner before you could vote. It was a democracy, but it was a selective democracy in those days. But he was very active, and his wife had died with only one surviving child after having gone through many pregnancies. So it was he and his daughter who actually grew up with my mother as a sister, although she was a niece, because my uncle was the oldest and my mother was the youngest of a large family; but they were the only two survivors. In those day that was not uncommon. And Giovannina, who was my mother's cousin, was almost like her sister and they grew up together 8 and they used to communicate a lot. But then my mother joined my dad here in 1920. But the political thing was not something that my father was interested in and he just got away from it. I think that is the best thing he did because he thoroughly enjoyed this country. SPEAKER 1: Now his wife, your mother, was from the same small village? JOE ADDANTE: Oh yes, they were practically across-the-street neighbors. I mean, the village today has only a population of about 1000. And in those days it was probably a little bigger because they had larger families, and it was mainly an agricultural village to begin with. It is now still slightly agricultural but more on a hobby basis and it has become the weekend place for those that grew up in the village and sought work in the cities nearby. And they go back there on weekends and they fixed up the maternal and paternal homes into the weekend places to rest and enjoy. It's very interesting what they've done with the village, because it has become a very pretty, enjoyable place, because there is very little work being done there except a few tomato plants here and there, and olive trees and that sort of thing. SPEAKER 1: Tell us the name of the village. JOE ADDANTE: The name of the village is [Carpineto Sulla Nora] because it's on the [Nora] River and it's in the province of [Piscada], which is on the Adriatic side of Italy and it is basically central Italy; almost directly East of Rome. SPEAKER 1: Okay. And what region would that be? JOE ADDANTE: That would be [Abruzzi], is the province. The [regione] is province. It is [Piscada]. They refer to their states as regions and then what we call counties they call provinces. SPEAKER 1: Right, so the region is… JOE ADDANTE: And what we call counties they call parishes. [La Paroche de]… SPEAKER 1: Okay.9 JOE ADDANTE: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: So your father, he learned the craft from his father? JOE ADDANTE: From his father, who had learned it from his father. No, but my father was actually apprenticed out, and he had to serve a three-year apprentice in order to be a master craftsman in those days. And he had to live and became almost like an indentured servant when you were an apprentice. You lived away from home, you lived with the master, and after the three years you came back home and you were considered a guild member kind of thing. SPEAKER 1: Where was he sent? Do you know? JOE ADDANTE: Probably 20 miles away. And I never got the name of the town. The only thing I ever heard was he did not enjoy the meals because they weren't like his mothers. [Laughter] SPEAKER 1: They never are. Now, why would your father not have learned from his father? JOE ADDANTE: It just wasn't done. It wasn't done in terms of you wouldn't be recognized as a true craftsman if you learned from your father. Although my father did teach his brothers, but that's the way it was done, and it cost money. He had to pay for it, and it was sort of a tuition, if you will. And that was done mainly for shoemakers, tailors, cabinetmakers, bearing in mind in those days you could not go out and buy finished furniture that easily, or even caskets for the dead. You know, these people had the cabinetmakers. My mother would tell me that they would have coffins half finished and they would just finish them for the day of the funeral. SPEAKER 1: Okay. JOE ADDANTE: Shoes had to be made, my father would actually go out to these large estates where they had tenant farmers and that sort of thing and they would make shoes for everybody there. They would stay probably a week. They would make 10 or 15 pairs of shoes and repair their saddles and all leatherwork. It was a whole kind of activity. And they would do that for 50 or 60 10 miles around. Very interesting kind of… they would go, they'd pack their tools, pack a mule, go off and get this work done and come back. SPEAKER 1: Did they work on the leather itself? JOE ADDANTE: Oh yes. They didn't tan it; they bought tanned leather. But then they would start from scratch. They made their own patterns, their own lasts, they did their own measurements. It was incredible. My father could look at a foot and with a piece of tape he would make a last to make a shoe. But that's the way they were trained, you know. SPEAKER 1: Now, did he continue doing that when he came here? Did it change much? JOE ADDANTE: When he came here the polio was a very prevalent problem, and he made a lot of shoes for polio victims, or he modified a lot of shoes. Then he got into the actual shoe repairing. In fact I, much of that influence rubbed off of me and I got interested in being a podiatrist because of that. I could see him put lifts on shoes. I remember I made my first pair of shoes with my dad when I was about nine or 10 years old, helping him out and learning how to do it. I sort of grew up with it. And my uncles worked with him and then we had three shoe repair shops going at one time. My dad also wholesaled leather and heels, and nails, and stitching material for the shoes. He became a finder. So he covered the whole gamut of the shoe thing. SPEAKER 1: Just so we can record this, tell me what the process was that you remember. For example, when someone wanted a pair of shoes they would come and see your father or his brothers and…? JOE ADDANTE: The first thing they would do is have them stand up on a piece of paper and they would outline the foot. And then – and my dad did this without half the education I had in terms of this. But he says, "You know, when you put the weight on the foot that is the real size." And he would measure this out. Then he would measure the girth of the foot, just like the waist of a11 body, around the foot. Then he'd also measure around the ankle and he got these measurements. Then if he had a ready-made last, he could use that. If he didn't he'd have to make one or modify one, because he had certain basic ones that had been pre-made, because manufactured lasts began to come out. They were made in [Lynn], Mass. In fact [Lynn] was apparently the foundation of the shoe trade in the United States. Then he would modify that. Then he would proceed to make a pattern of the leather and the lining. Now this was done in our living room, if you called it that. My father had this sewing machine, and this is where we could cut the patterns out and then assemble the upper of the shoe, and then he'd put it on the last. Now, putting that on the last, you cut off an insole that you put on the bottom of the last which would be the sole, the bottom of the foot. Then the leather was drawn over that. Then it was stitched and a welt was put on, called a Goodyear welt because that was an American process. And it was stitched by hand, and then to that was fastened the sole. And that was the intriguing part, because when you had a polio victim one foot usually was, or one leg would be shorter than the other, or sometimes you had to put a weight because as a shriveled-up limb, as a result of the polio, would not grow unless it was pulled on. So by adding weight to the shoe, as the youngsters would try to run it would pull on that leg and encourage a little extra growth. And I remember weighing those things and they were half a pound, or a pound or three pounds, whatever it was, to try to bring that leg to its fullest capacity, even though it had been affected by the polio.12 So there were a lot of interesting little details involved, but that is basically it. And then though we put the eyelets on, there was a machine that put the eyelets and laces and sometimes we had to cut laces and cut a special tip on, because on some of these patients they had a higher type of shoe: sort of a semi-boot like a trucker boot effect to hold it on a shriveled limb. SPEAKER 1: Were there different styles that people could choose from? JOE ADDANTE: Not as it is today. Far from it. Far from it. In fact, I remember the transitional period when shoes went from being nailed to being stitched. Because they would use little tacks, the old tacking shoemaker. When the machines came in, I think my dad was one of the first ones to have an electric stitching machine in New England. And other people who did shoes in the area would bring them to him. They'd do everything else but stitch them, and he would stitch them on the machine and he got a fee for stitching these shoes for them. SPEAKER 1: Where did he buy that machine? JOE ADDANTE: He couldn't buy it. SPEAKER 1: Oh, he had to… JOE ADDANTE: He couldn't buy it. He had to get it from the Goodyear stitching company and there was a royalty, there was actually a stitch meter. And you paid by the stitch. They would come and read the meter. And in fact his company, the Goodyear stitching company, not the rubber company, they actually were sued after World War II. It went that long before people were allowed to buy them because it was considered a monopoly and they were cracked. But the insidious part of it all, which was very unfair, following World War I they started making these machines. They were on royalty in this country, but they were being sold overseas, so that the overseas shoemakers began to compete with ours in a very unfair way, because the foreign laws did not protect the copyright, the patent laws that we have here. That was an interesting… SPEAKER 1: Must be. So how was it that your father was given this? 13 JOE ADDANTE: Well, he read about it and decided he needed one. He was sort of an avant-garde kind of person anyway. He got it. He had to pay for it. He couldn't own it outright. You had to buy it but then you have to pay the royalty on it, so it was a two-way hook-up, you know [laughter]. SPEAKER 1: So was he…did he follow…did he do each step of the shoe or did he do some of it and then handed it over to his brothers, or…? JOE ADDANTE: Well, they all did. They worked together. SPEAKER 1: They worked together? JOE ADDANTE: They worked independently, and they worked together. And sometimes it would be like a little mass production line on a small scale. One would do one and one would do the other, depending what they were doing that day. And of course to run these machines, you had to heat them up. They were gas fired because rosin was in there and rosin had to be… you had to melt the rosin till it was soft, because when the thread went through there to give it strength, it was dipped in and out of the rosin. So they didn't run that stitcher every day. They would run it like three times a week. So the other days would be in preparation for that. Much like the old tailors did when they had the steam presses. They would get all their work done, and they would press on Tuesdays and Thursdays, or Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. I used to see that in the neighboring tailor's shop. That was an interesting experience, too./AT/ca/sg
Interview with Elsie Puputti of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Elsie Puputti was born in Finland, June 26, 1932. He father died when she was very young and her mother struggled to raise her and her siblings on their small farm. Memories of how poor the conditions were in Finland and what it was like during the war. Mrs Puputti's mother had been born in Fitchburg, Massachusetts and eventually was able to return with three of her daughters January 6, 1949. Arriving in New York harbor and her first memories of the U.S., how things compared to Finland. The help her aunt was to her family when they first arrived. She worked as a maid until she was married in 1951. She went to night school to learn more English. Going to church, social activities, and how she met her husband. Customs she missed from Finland and traditions she kept. How Mrs. Puputti started her store. Her children and their interests. How her life in the U.S. compares to what it would have been like in ; 1 INTERVIEWER: Mrs. Puputti, where were you born? MRS. PUPUTTI: I was born in Finland. INTERVIEWER: In what? MRS. PUPUTTI: [Unintelligible - 00:00:06]. INTERVIEWER: And when was that? MRS. PUPUTTI: 1932. INTERVIEWER: What month? MRS. PUPUTTI: June 26. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Could you briefly describe what your earlier years were like there, like what was your family like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Uh, well, we had a very small home. We were -- my father died when I was very young. I was only three years old. My mother took care of us, six of us. And everything was quite poor, I think. Very much, we didn't have very much of anything, you know? My mother was born here in Fitchburg. And after my father had died, she tried to struggle on. We had a little piece of land. And, and she wanted to -- she figured when we get a little bit older she wants to come back to Fitchburg, try to see if she can make a little better life for us here. INTERVIEWER: Did she, did you live on a farm, like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Yeah? So she had to the farm work and all of you helped? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Small farm? MRS. PUPUTTI: Very small, yeah. INTERVIEWER: Uh, what kind of uh education did you or your brothers and sisters have? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, we all went to like a grammar school or like [unintelligible - 00:01:22] that type of a school. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. MRS. PUPUTTI: Then two years after that, that's how extensive my education.2 INTERVIEWER: Because after that you usually have to pay for your education, and a lot of people couldn't go then. So you can remember times were sort of poor or anything like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We had sometimes very rough times. Most of the time we always had food, except right after my father died. That was the hardest time. But then after that we always managed to have food. And then we had relatives here. My aunts, they used to send us packages. In the wartime we could get clothes and things like that. To me, a lot of times we were almost better off than some of the other families [unintelligible - 00:02:12] they had bigger houses and more land. INTERVIEWER: You were happy as a child, I think? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. I can't remember being really miserable. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember any important events that happened? Like you said you were there during the war. Can you remember anything about the occupation and the revolutions? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, where we lived, we weren't really touched that much, except that I remember when we did receive lot of… what do you call [unintelligible - 00:02:43] other people that move to our…? INTERVIEWER: Refugees? MRS. PUPUTTI: Refugees. Yeah. We took care of some of them and tried to get them housing and helping like that. I was… I can't remember. I must have been about -- I don't even know how old I was, maybe 12 years old. Could be that I'm wrong with my… INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Do you remember any bombings or anything like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we didn't have bombings in where we lived. Not even close. We saw the planes go over, but that's all. INTERVIEWER: Why did you decide to come to this country? Or your mother made the decision, right? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. I was young. I was 16, 15, 16 years old. She just wanted to come here. We were young. Three girls, my oldest sister and my 3 younger sister. And she just decided to take us with her because we weren't married or anything. She wanted to, you know, keep us together. INTERVIEWER: So she left some of the children in Finland? MRS. PUPUTTI: She left two of the older girls. My brother died in the war. That was the one of the hardest part for me. He was my only brother. He died. But there was five girls, and two of them were married, so they stayed. INTERVIEWER: So this was something that your mother had planned for quite a while, right? She had always hoped that when she figured you were older to come over here? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: How did the others feel about the choice to come over here? Did your relatives say they thought it was a good idea, or did they tell you not to? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Those days it was very hard to get here. That was 1949. Very few people got in. And I remember my mother got in the US because she was born here and she got her citizen papers back. And that was the only reason we were able to make it here. And like I said, we had waited for I think it was about two years for our papers to come through. So it is something that she -- remember, see, she was 13 years old when she left, so she remembers what it was like here. Because we were very, very excited. I was. My older sister wasn't. She had boyfriends, so I guess she wanted to stay. But I was very excited, and my younger sister was very excited. INTERVIEWER: When did you leave? Do you know what date it was? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We came here January 6, 1949. So it took us about 11 days to… INTERVIEWER: Eleven days to -- and did you come over by boat? MRS. PUPUTTI: By boat, yeah. 4 INTERVIEWER: What was that like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, I was very sick. INTERVIEWER: Were most of the family sick? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Very sick. But it was very exciting because I had never been in a huge ship. INTERVIEWER: Was it a nice boat? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Were you all crowded, or…? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we had a nice room. We had… the name of the boat was Stockholm. That's a Swedish line. It's one of those big ocean liners. There isn't too many left like that. INTERVIEWER: So aside from being sick, it was a comfortable, pleasant ride. MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. It was very nice. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember if it cost very much? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, I think my ticket was $120, because I remember my aunt had paid for it and, you know, here. And after I started working, that was the first thing I did was to pay my ticket. INTERVIEWER: So your relatives here in Fitchburg helped pay for all of you to come over [unintelligible - 00:06:26] because that would be difficult for your mother to raise that much money for all of you. Once you were on the way, did you have any second thoughts about coming, or were you just -- like you said, you were excited, really? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we were very apprehensive. Very, very -- you know, looking forward and thinking about what it's gonna be like. INTERVIEWER: What place did you enter this country? Do you remember? MRS. PUPUTTI: New York. INTERVIEWER: Was it Ellis Island, or… MRS. PUPUTTI: No, not anymore.5 INTERVIEWER: Just New York harbor? MRS. PUPUTTI: Just like any other tourist. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember what the first thing was that you saw in this country? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. To me, the most striking thing was when I saw the Black people the first time. Then I see some nuns, and I had never seen that. That to me was -- you know, I keep my eye on them quite a while. Then I had picture of the city much different. I had thought it was so beautiful, but there's nothing that can describe. But then it was quite dirty, and I was disappointed, actually. But then… INTERVIEWER: The buildings were tall though. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. That was something exciting, but… INTERVIEWER: And the Statue of Liberty, things like that. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. But still, it was so different that it always stays in my mind. INTERVIEWER: So you felt a little disappointed but still happy? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, still very excited. INTERVIEWER: Was there any type of welcome for you? MRS. PUPUTTI: Nothing big. My aunt came to pick us up. We came from New York to Fitchburg in a bus. INTERVIEWER: Was that the first time you've ever been in a bus? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No. MRS. PUPUTTI: We had buses in Finland. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Was there any kind of confusion, like did you have a communication problem finding your aunt? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No, she was right there. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Did you speak any English at all? MRS. PUPUTTI: No.6 INTERVIEWER: Or any of your family? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. My mother did, few words. She had… INTERVIEWER: She had spoken… MRS. PUPUTTI: But she had forgotten. INTERVIEWER: Forgotten? Yeah. Did you have to go through any formalities here, or were they in Finland that you had to…? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Only that they'd check your papers. INTERVIEWER: No physicals? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: At least in Finland you probably had to. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, we had to go through all the -- we had to get the shots and everything. It was very, very strict. You had to get all kinds of papers. But here they just checked them and… INTERVIEWER: Did you notice any differences when you were traveling from New York to Fitchburg? Did you notice any differences compared to Finland? Like was the land flatter? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Actually, the roads first, that was something that I had never seen, huge roads. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Highways. And then the scenery, everything was so much cleaner. The woods are so thick with the underbrush. Things like that. We had clean woods. I mean, you can see. INTERVIEWER: Oh yeah, clear. MRS. PUPUTTI: And then the hills, we had no flat. INTERVIEWER: How about the climate? Did you notice any difference in the temperature? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, it's… INTERVIEWER: Well, you came in January, so it was pretty… MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, it was about the same. It was cold here as well. INTERVIEWER: Did you find any differences between like the winters in Finland and how it is around here? Some people say they're more 7 unpredictable. Like in Finland, you get constant snow, whereas here you can get a blizzard. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, in Finland you never get two feet at one time. No. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: So that is different, and the air is dryer. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Did you meet any American people along the way, or mostly you were just traveling with your aunt? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. I can't remember. No. INTERVIEWER: Were you pretty much excited still, or were you disappointed at the changes in scenery? Was it still exciting? MRS. PUPUTTI: When we got here, it was very nice. Houses were so big, but not to me, because we're used to it now. But going along the Mechanic Street, and all that Elm Street, High Street apartments, there were these [unintelligible - 00:10:37] and things that look so, so different. I had never pictured nothing like that. INTERVIEWER: Were you disappointed, or you liked it? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, I think it was very unusual. Something about it, I can't put it into words, but it was exciting, somehow so different. INTERVIEWER: Did you and your mother and the other girls, did they stay with your aunt then? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, she had gotten us apartment already. We were our own family right away. INTERVIEWER: And did she get a job somewhere? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We got jobs, all of us. My youngest sister, Lisa, went to school, but the others, we had to go to work. INTERVIEWER: What did your mother get for a job? MRS. PUPUTTI: We mostly did the housework [unintelligible - 00:11:18] but you have to do [unintelligible - 00:11:21] so did I. INTERVIEWER: Did you do housework for other people? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: And your other sister too?8 MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. I was like a maid for [unintelligible - 00:11:30] different things until I got married and I quit. INTERVIEWER: When did you get married? MRS. PUPUTTI: Two years later, '51. I met my husband here. He had come from Finland too. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever get a chance to go back to school or to learn English in school? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, I did go to night school. That's how we [unintelligible - 00:11:50] learn to speak clearly. INTERVIEWER: Otherwise you picked it up? MRS. PUPUTTI: But then you just picked it up on the way. INTERVIEWER: I'm surprised how well the people do that I interviewed when they say they just had like a short time in night school and they just picked it up. It's hard to believe you can do so well. Did you look for a neighborhood that had mostly people of your own nationality, like Finnish people? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. That's not so much that we looked for it, just that… INTERVIEWER: They were all there. MRS. PUPUTTI: … they were right there. INTERVIEWER: Were they friendly? Were the neighbors friendly? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. We never had any problems with them. INTERVIEWER: Did it take much time for you to become involved in the church or social activities in this area? MRS. PUPUTTI: Not in the church. We were not immediately, because my mother is very religious and we all are. So we naturally started with the church that -- it was right in the neighborhood, too, the Messiah Lutheran Church. It's just been with us ever since. INTERVIEWER: So you got into church activities and events like that? How about social activities, like dances or picnics?9 MRS. PUPUTTI: A little bit. They used to have like a [unintelligible - 00:12:58] society. They used to have dances those days, but they don't have that much anymore, like [unintelligible - 00:13:02]. INTERVIEWER: Right. Did you use to go? MRS. PUPUTTI: It used to be a little bit [unintelligible - 00:13:08] like they had shows, we used to act and things like that. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. You took part in it? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, a little bit, but nothing too much. That was one thing that I was -- we were very, very lonesome Christian girls. Very lonesome. We missed our old friends and… INTERVIEWER: Boyfriends and things? Is that how you met your husband, through one of these? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. It was quite interesting. I had met one older gentleman here in evening classes in high school, and he used to tell me about this very interesting boy he used to know and he used to live with in Sweden. And he says if he ever gets here, I would very much like you two to meet. So when my husband came here, first time this gentleman introduced us. And actually, he brought him to my home. That's where I met him very first time, in my own home. So somehow I just end up right away. He was so different, so refreshing coming from [unintelligible - 00:14:12]. INTERVIEWER: Must have been nice he could tell you about [unintelligible - 00:14:15]. What were some of the things that you missed most about Finland, like food or any customs? Did your mother still cook Finnish food? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yeah. Yes. It's not so much that I -- I don't know if I missed anything like that so much, any of the foods or customs or anything like that, just that there's a certain kind of atmosphere, a certain kind of feeling for everybody where they have been or something long years, but not any particular thing.10 INTERVIEWER: Just miss the whole thing. Yeah. Did you keep up any customs? Did your mother practice customs? MRS. PUPUTTI: I suppose so, if you really start to think about it. Like Christmastime, we always had the kinkkus. INTERVIEWER: What's that? MRS. PUPUTTI: That's pork. Fresh pork we cook, [unintelligible - 00:15:14] fish and things like that. INTERVIEWER: You still kept that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, we still keep that up. Easter time we used to have special foods we're used to making. Not so much anymore. INTERVIEWER: How about holidays? Did you still have any? [Unintelligible - 00:15:26] maybe all the Finnish people practiced holidays? Could you ever get hold of anything like Finnish books, things like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, we did. Let's see. Oh, I suppose [unintelligible - 00:15:43] well, I have to think of it. I can't remember. INTERVIEWER: You could still read Finnish books? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. But I can't remember how we got them, but I know there was some. INTERVIEWER: Okay. What were some of things you enjoyed most about your new life? Anything special? Any more conveniences or better pay? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, yeah. The food was so nice. That was one thing that was very good. And then the cars, you know, started coming out that we had never had a chance to drive like we did here. Well, everything was faster and a bigger scale than what I was used to. INTERVIEWER: Did you like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. Yes, it's something that we'd pursue. Let me think. What would be some other things that would be nice? INTERVIEWER: Would you have had a chance to have your own shop? How did you get involved in this?11 MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, I know I wouldn't have had the chance to have this own shop like this that I have here. Well, see, one thing though Finland's been always very up to date on fashion, and the quality is superb. My brother-in-law in Finland has a big clothing store, and we used to get these for Christmas and we used to visit them. Like in 1969, the whole family, we went over, and just to see that store. It just inspired me to think that, "Why couldn't we have something like that in Fitchburg with all the Finnish people here?" So it would really be something special for them. So I had dreamed about it, but I didn't really think that I'll ever do it. But then one time a couple years ago, after I was talking with my sister, she got so excited that, "Go ahead, do it," that I go to my brother-in-law and see what he thinks if he could give me the factories and people to send me some things, you know. It's hard for you to get started and then you still have some factories send you some things and they don't know anything about you. But he was good help with me that way that he got them to send me some things, and then that's how it started. It's two years now and they keep sending us. And it's so nice because it's so different. Everything is so well-made. People seem to like -- like I said, steady customers. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Continual. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. I meant to ask you, did you ever have any children after you got married? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yeah. I have a daughter and a son. Daughter is 20 and my son is 18. INTERVIEWER: What do they do? MRS. PUPUTTI: She sells right here. She is going to Graham Junior College for this retailing and merchandising, and the boy is going to Worcester Tech. My husband has a small machine shop, so we have two small businesses in Fitchburg.12 INTERVIEWER: Cool. MRS. PUPUTTI: Our son is interested in that life. He wants to be engineer. INTERVIEWER: Keep in the family. MRS. PUPUTTI: It's not that we push him, but it's what he enjoys. INTERVIEWER: No, it's his choice. Were you able to understand the local newspapers and magazines and radio and things like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: First, right away when we came, there was a Finnish program on the air that time. And actually, we were interviewed. INTERVIEWER: Oh, yeah? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Because it was so unusual for new people to come, immigrants to come from Finland at that time. And there was [unintelligible - 00:19:48] the Finnish newspaper we used to read… INTERVIEWER: So you could keep up with the news? MRS. PUPUTTI: [Unintelligible - 00:19:52] anymore after you get used to the English one. And things like that. And we used to -- like in the church we could hear Finnish language all these years. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: We still have Finnish services. INTERVIEWER: So do you speak at home? MRS. PUPUTTI: Not anymore. INTERVIEWER: Do you speak it with your husband, possibly? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No. MRS. PUPUTTI: Very seldom anymore. It's not that we don't want to. It's just INTERVIEWER: It's that you're so used to… MRS. PUPUTTI: … that we're so used to. And I remember first we wanted to learn English, so we purposely said that we're not going to speak in Finnish so we could learn it, and then it became a habit. INTERVIEWER: So the children never picked up Finnish? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, they did.13 INTERVIEWER: Oh, they did? MRS. PUPUTTI: They did. And they still understand almost all of it. And they can even speak quite a bit. INTERVIEWER: That's good. I think it's good to keep it in the family if you can. How about political preference? Do you have any, and how'd you choose? MRS. PUPUTTI: I'm strictly independent. I used to vote when I feel the man deserves it. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Okay. Did you ever take any active parts? Did you ever campaign for anybody? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, not really. INTERVIEWER: After you had lived here for a while, do you ever write back to people in Finland and tell them to come over, encourage them? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. As a matter of fact, I did. Nine years ago I got my sister's family here. I was responsible for it. It was eight people. That was one of the biggest families that had come from all time. And they were interviewed on the boat, and they was taking pictures and everything because it was unusual. Large families like that doesn't usually get up all and just leave. INTERVIEWER: Did they stay in Fitchburg? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, they're still here. INTERVIEWER: They enjoyed it? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. The oldest boy went through air course, and he's living in Alaska now. INTERVIEWER: Oh. So they're happy that you gave them that advice? Would you ever consider going back to Finland to live? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, I don't think so. I love to go there, you know, and stay for a while. Unless when I'm really old, I don't know. INTERVIEWER: After you retire or something?14 MRS. PUPUTTI: See, we feel it's home here in Fitchburg. We have a home in Rindge Road, and we've been there for 15 years. The children were born there. It would be too hard now to… INTERVIEWER: This is where your roots are now. Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: … cut everything and… INTERVIEWER: You have gone back to Finland though? MRS. PUPUTTI: We have, yes. INTERVIEWER: How many times? MRS. PUPUTTI: Quite a few times. First time we went 1969, then I've gone twice after that. INTERVIEWER: Did you notice the changes that are happening over there? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. And we do have to say that Finland goes much faster than we do here in Fitchburg, much faster. INTERVIEWER: They caught up to United States standards and all. MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh yes. And the housing and everything is -- they are building much more than we are here, much more. INTERVIEWER: Do you feel that generally life has worked out better for you here than it would have in Finland? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, I really think so. I feel maybe -- like I said, my husband and I, we took the chances on business here. I feel a lot American people, they probably wouldn't have dared to try to do what we do. But because we came here, we didn't have anything… INTERVIEWER: You couldn't lose anything. MRS. PUPUTTI: So we feel that even if we have something little bit now, we came with nothing. That's what my husband says, he came with $20, and if he leaves with $20 that's fine. INTERVIEWER: Wow. Do you feel your children have a better chance in this country than they would've in Finland? Or do you think now it's different, maybe?15 MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, they probably do. But right now over there if you're ambitious you can go almost as far over there as you can here. I feel that in our case it was better here. INTERVIEWER: Of any plans that you made when you came here, is there any you haven't achieved yet that you regret? Or have you really accomplished more than you probably ever expected? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, see, I never thought of going into business while I was at home and taking care of the children when they were smaller. So to me, this is something that I didn't even think of doing until the last minute. I think I've done better than I've really expected. INTERVIEWER: That's good. What is the most important advantage you feel that you have as a citizen of this country? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, even things are much rougher now here than they were when I first came. I remember how we used to keep the doors open, now we have to lock everything up. All that was much nicer then, but I still think that Americans have more freedom than any other country in the whole world. Even if Finland is free, but there's still some certain logical things about -- well, I suppose from Russia because they're so close. I feel that people don't appreciate that feeling; they abuse it. That makes me awful upset sometimes, you know. They should go someplace to live where, really, you can't speak that clear. Yeah, you cannot blast the president in any place. You can't really do that. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, that's true. Many times you hear people say they long for the good old days. When you think back at what the good old days was supposed to be for you, which would you rather have, the good old days or now? MRS. PUPUTTI: I think I'd rather have now. I think it's a saying, "the good old days." I can't say that I have anything in -- my life was anything so terrible that I want to take back. But I still like the present. I still feel that we're going ahead. It doesn't mean that I value the 16 money or want to be something rich or something like that so much. It's just that unless you can pay your bills and be comfortable and happy in your everyday life, that's the [unintelligible - 00:26:02]. INTERVIEWER: So you feel you've lived a good life? MRS. PUPUTTI: I think so. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Thank you./AT/jf/ah/es
Transcript of part one of the interview with Patrick Ryan about his experiences in the Army during World War I. He discusses his early life in Springfield, how he was drafted, his opinion on the war when it started and in the early days of the war in Europe, his training at Fort Devens, and some experiences he had during the fighting on the front in Germany and in France. ; World War I Transcriptions Date of Transcription: 3/21/18 Transcriber: John Pino (Interview Begins) Timothy Tierney (Interviewer): Tierney. Patrick Ryan (Interviewee): Tierney huh? I used to run with a fella by the name of Ed Tierney back in Springfield. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah, but that was quite a while ago though. Tierney: Yeah, distant cousins maybe. Ryan: Yeah, that was back in 1912 to 1914. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah I'm 80 years old. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yep. Tierney: Ah. Well I'm doin' an oral history project and the topic is: World War I. The date is March 23rd, and I'm here with Patrick Francis Ryan here in Fitchburg Mass. And I guess to star with; can you tell me the date and place of your birth? Ryan: Uhh, Springfield. Tierney: Springfield Mass.? Ryan: Mass. December 17th 1894. Tierney: 1894 huh? What kind of family did you come from? Ryan: A regular family, Irish. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: Irish-Catholic family? Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: Ah yeah, (clears throat), were you a working family would you say? Ryan: I had 3 brothers. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: And uhh… I worked for the street railway in Springfield for 47 years. I got retired. Tierney: Yeah? Ryan: At 63 (age). Tierney: Uh huh, just been taking it easy since then? Ryan: No I've been workin' down in lawbury house. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: For 10 years, going on 10 years. Tierney: How about your parents? Were they workin' people or…? Ryan: Yes they were. Tierney: yeah… would you classify yourself as maybe…? Ryan: Huh? Tierney: Would you say you were middle class or? Ryan: Middle class. Tierney: Middle class family? Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: Uhh, you ever have any strong political feelings in your family? Ryan: Just the fact that I've been a Democrat for most of my life. Tierney: So everyone's mostly Democrat? Ryan: So is the family. Tierney: Yeah, how about Springfield; did you live in Springfield proper right in the city? Ryan: All my life. Tierney: Yeah? It must have been a pretty big city back then. Ryan: The city now is about 160 or 70 thousand. Tierney: Yeah, I've been through there a couple times. Ryan: Oh course you got… I think you got 3 colleges down there. You got the Springfield College, the AIC (American International College), uhh… they got the Springfield Community College, there's 4 or 5 colleges down there now! Tierney: Yeah, yeah. How about uh, how about your school? Did you go to public school? Ryan: Public school. Tierney: Yeah? Ryan: I went up to the 8th grade. Tierney: 8th grade? You didn't have any high school? Ryan: No, no high school. Tierney: What, did you just go to work? Ryan: Just went to work after I was 14. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yup. Tierney: How much money you make back then? Ryan: You'd be surprised, I worked at ports and (unintelligible) for 2 and half dollars a week! Tierney (bewildered): 2 dollars and a half a week? Ryan: That's right. Tierney: Jeez, you get much more now for only an hour more! Ryan: Welp, ummm, then I went down to (unintelligible) in 1916 (clears throat) and uh, from 1914 to 15 we made 35 dollars a week polishing. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yup, and then in 1916 I went on the trolley car and we got 14 dollars a week for 7 days a week! Tierney: That's somethin'. Ryan: I worked on that until I got drafted in April of 1918. Tierney: Yeah. Ryan: Then I was in the army from April to August. (Clears throat and coughs heavily) April 1918 to August 1919! Tierney: Yeah, yeah. How about now, in June of 1914 that's when the war first broke out. Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: You must have been workin', where were you workin at the time? Ryan: Springfield, (unintelligible). Tierney: What did you think about it? When you first heard the news of uh… well really I guess it was built up for a long time but what finally triggered it was when that Serb patriot (Patriot? Contemporary historians would probably refer to Gavrilo Princip as a nationalist, or a even a terrorist) killed that archduke uhhh… Ryan: Ferdinand. Tierney: Yeah right, but anyway how did you first hear the news? Newspaper maybe? Or…? Ryan: The newspapers. Tierney: Yeah? Ryan: There wasn't much radio then. Tierney: No? Ryan: No. Tierney: I almost said T.V. too! Ryan: No, it was newspaper. Tierney: So like, in 1914, just what did you think of it when you first heard the news of the war? Ryan: I thought we'd get involved after a while, and we were. Tierney: You did think we would get involved? Ryan: When they sunk the Lusitania, that's when the United States got into it. Tierney: Yeah that was one of the big reasons. How about when during 1914, did you think most people really thought about the war? Ryan: Their own thoughts about it? Some thought it was going to last for a while, others thought it would be all over. Tierney: Hm. Ryan: People thought that Ferdinand's country would fight against who assassinated him and then Germany comes in, Kaiser Wilhelm or… Tierney: The second. Ryan: Yeah, Kaiser Wilhelm II, he got his big army goin'. And then everything broke open… the United States was into it. Italy, France… we were in supporting action for 42 days after the Chateau-Thierry front, we went right into the Saint-Mihiel into the Argonne… Tierney: Yeah. Ryan: Then from the Argonne into the army of occupation. Tierney: Ok, getting back to the start of the war, like in 1914 and 1915, those years, was you yourself or most people for England and against Germany? Ryan: They were Germany, most of em'. Tierney: How about the Irish-Catholics? Ryan: Irish-Catholics were against England. Tierney: Right. Ryan: It was in 1916 when the Black and Tans went into Ireland (Irish royal soldiers who went to Ireland to reestablish British control during the Easter Rising, infamous reputation for killing civilians and terrorism). Tierney: Hm. Ryan: Do you remember readin' about the Black and Tans? Tierney: I've heard of it, yeah. Ryan: It was the massacre, the 1916 massacre of the Black and Tans in Ireland (Ryan might be getting the Black and Tans confused with the Irish nationalists that staged the Easter Rising in 1916). Tierney: Yeah. Ryan: My old (unintelligible), he was dead set against the English. Tierney: Yeah, there was a lot of- Ryan: He used to call em' "dirty limeys." Tierney: Oh yeah? Hm. You said that for the most part people were against Germany? Ryan: Yes. Tierney: Was there any propaganda? Any movies or anything like that against Germany? Ryan: I don't remember any movies. Tierney: How about the newspapers and stuff? Ryan: Newspapers were on the allied side. Tierney: Yeah, England, France and… yeah. Do you remember the execution of nurse Edith Cavell? Ryan: I've heard of it, the Germans killed her. Tierney: Yeah, she was an English nurse and the Germans executed her. Ryan: They took her and thought she was a spy. Tierney: Yeah, yeah that was the reason they gave. How about during the first couple years of the war, you know, 14' and 15', how about U-boat activities? You mentioned earlier the Lusitania, that was sunk on May 7th, 1915. Ryan: The Germans had a good fleet of U-boats. Tierney: Mhm. Ryan: The United States was caught red-handed! They got caught with their pants down, they didn't have nothin'. Tierney: What do you mean, they weren't- Ryan: They weren't prepared. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Then when the war was declared, they went to work and everyone started to work double time, overtime, big money to get goin'. Tierney: That was another question I was just going to ask about, Wilson was president then. Ryan: Wilson was president then, yes. Tierney: Do you think that he should have- he always tried to until the very last moment say that "America is gonna stay neutral," you know? Ryan: Yeah, he got elected on the slogan "He kept em' out of war." Tierney: Yeah, yeah. Ryan (correcting himself): "He kept us out of war." Tierney: You think Wilson should have worked harder to prepare? Ryan: Yes he did. He got all the appropriations so he could build all the war materials. Tierney: Yeah, yeah. So how about umm, how about getting back again to the Lusitania. What did people think about when that sunk? Ryan: When the Lusitania was sunk, they said "there's other ships that are gonna be sunk too." Tierney: Yeah. Ryan: And there was. Tierney: Do you think that's what really antagonized the Americans? Ryan: Yes and that's what brought the Americans into the war! Tierney: Do you remember the election of 1916? The presidential election? Ryan: That was when Wilson was elected. Tierney: Yeah, Wilson and Charles Evans Hughs for the Republicans. Ryan: Yeah, he was in Massachusetts (Hughs). Tierney: Yeah, Hughes, he won in Massachusetts, he won this state. Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: Do you remember who you voted for then? Ryan (coughing): I voted for Wilson. Tierney: You voted for Wilson? He was a Democrat. Ryan: Yep. Tierney: You mentioned a minute ago that one of the slogans he used was "He kept us out of war." Do you think that really aided him in being elected? Ryan: It help. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yes. Tierney: Did you feel at the time that people really voted for him because they thought if he got elected we wouldn't go to war? Ryan (coughing): I think so (coughs) (pounds chest). Tierney: You think that was a big reason? Ryan: Yes, who was his opponent? The Republican? Tierney: Hughes. Ryan: Hughes, Charles Evans Hughes. Tierney: Ok now- Ryan: He was a Massachusetts man, Hughes was, he carried Massachusetts. Tierney: Yeah, he did come from Massachusetts? Oh I didn't know that, I did know he won the state though. Ryan: I believe he was a judge at one time, a magistrate they called em'. Tierney: Ok, well, lets get to where you first entered the war. Uhh, in January, in 1917, Germany said they were going to reopen their submarine campaign. And this time they said they were going to sink merchant ships. They had curtailed it you know, a bit, and then they stopped it for a while mainly because of things like the Lusitania you know and other ships that they sunk. But again, in January of 1917, they said they were going to reopen their submarine campaign. I guess they must have been getting desperate, Germany was, and they said they were going to sink all the ships. No restrictions at all. And then, in mid-March, they had 4 unarmed American ships were sunk and one newspaper at the time noted, "The difference between war and what we have now: is that we aren't fighting back." Do you think that was a typical sentiment at the time? Ryan: Huh? Tierney: Do you think that was a typical sentiment at the time? Ryan: Yes. Tierney: Do you think people were really upset about the U-boat activities? Ryan: Oh yes, they were. They were afraid to sail! Tierney: Oh yeah? Afraid to go overseas? Ryan: Mhm. Tierney: Do you remember the Zimmerman note? (Zimmerman telegram) The note from Germany that was directed to Mexico? Ryan: I don't remember that. Tierney: Oh no? Ryan: No. Tierney: Oh it was just a thing that- Ryan: If Mexico had helped Germany they'd give em' back a part of the United States. Tierney: Yeah, Texas. Ryan: That's right, Texas. Tierney: You remember that happening or…? Ryan: No I don't. Tierney: Ok well, on April 2nd, 1917, Wilson gave his war message to Congress. And ya know, that's when he used "war to end war," he didn't originate that term but he used it a lot. And uhh, on April 6th 1917 the US declared war on Germany. Congress declared war. Do you remember how you felt at the time? Ya know, when the US actually did declare war? Ryan: Well, they all got prepared and after they declared war they put the draft in and everybody was readin' the papers to see who was being drafted. Tierney: Yeah. That was 6 weeks after they declared war, Congress passed a conscription bill or draft bill, how did you feel at the time were people anxious to get into the war you think or…? Ryan: Well, Danny, Manny and myself we all wanted to get into it. When I was examined first fort the draft I was rejected. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: On account of my eyesight. Tierney: Yeah I noticed you have glasses. Ryan: Then, when they got short of draftees, they gave me another examination and passed me into unlimited service! Tierney: Oh yeah. Ryan: But they sent me to Camp Devens and sent me to training down there. We went into Devens on the 27th of April 1918 and then the 4th of July we left Camp Devens to New Jersey and the 18th of July we landed in England. The 1st of August we were up onto the big guns! Tierney: (Chuckles). Yeah (talks to person in background) yeah, yeah it's some good detail. Ryan: Then we landed in the army of occupation, ya know its funny, Mary! (calling presumably his wife or caretaker). Mary: He's tapin' that, you don't want my voice in it! Ryan: Well he- you can put this in here if you want to. Tierney: Yeah it's ok. Ryan: Well we hit Germany first. I had on a 3 and a half blouse. Tierney (confused): I… uhhh. Ryan: It went by size, we went by size and it was 3 and a half. Now we were in Germany 7 months and a half, and when I left Germany at 7 months and a half later, I had on a 7 and a half blouse and it was too tight! Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: See, so that's what got a great big feat, we'd go in any German house there in Germany and get a feed of wild pig and sauerkraut! Tierney: Oh yeah? Good food huh? Ryan: Yeah, we had the life of Riley while we were in Germany! Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah, but as I told you, in France if the cow slept in the barn… we slept in the open. But in Germany we got the best room in the house! In the billets! (Temporary lodging in civilian housing for soldiers during wartime) Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: Oh that's funny. Ryan: Now I seen some funny sights over there, and I seen some horrible sights. We got in Germany and we had seen the kids washing their teeth with shoe polish! Tierney: (laughs) Oh yeah? Ryan: In the Argonne Forest, I wouldn't believe this if I didn't see it myself. One of those German shells come over… Tierney: Yeah, yeah. Ryan: And it landed in this shell hole with 8 doughboys in it. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: It killed 6 of em' outright, the 7th fella he died shortly after, and the last guy; both his legs were blown off! Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: And one was hangin' on by the cord here (hanging on by a tendon or bit of flesh) and a fella by the name Ray Callenwood, he was a stretcher-bearer, he carried a straight razor in his pocket. And he put a tourniquet around the stumps, to stop the flow of blood, and he cut the cord. Tierney: Yeah he cut the thing right off. Ryan: Cut it off, and believe it, this fella was going back to the first aid station singin'. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yes. Tierney: Ok, we'll get to that a little further on. Right now I'm kind of interested in-when you first went up you said you had to go twice [was accepted the second time after he got his draft notice] and then the second time you passed. You said you went to Fort Devens, were you in Springfield at the time? Ryan: I was in Springfield. Tierney: And you got shipped to fort- Ryan: Yes, Fort Devens, Camp Devens at the time we called it. It's Fort Devens now. Tierney: Yeah they call it Fort Devens now. How did you yourself and the other guys feel when you did get to Devens? What kind of morale was there? Ryan: Oh yeah we were a hell of a bunch coming from Springfield. We were all young lads, 21, 22 years old. Carefree, we didn't give a rat's ass what happened. Christ, we had plenty of liquor on the train goin' down to Camp Devens. A lot of em's come in there, some of em' had to get carried OFF the train! So we went down there, we took it good naturedly, we knew we were in the army we had to do what they told us! Tierney: How about the time…. At that time there were a few draft evaders, there weren't many during that time but there were a few around right? Ryan: There were a few of them, but not nearly as much as with the Second World War. Tierney: Yeah, yeah especially during Vietnam in the last few years. Ryan: They didn't have anything to do with this Vietnam War. There wasn't any of these draft evaders in the First World War. Tierney: Yeah, you didn't see any of em'. Ryan: No I didn't see ANY of them. Ya know, when we were in France; there was this other fella and myself. We were AWL for a day or two (Absence Without Leave, extended absence can result in Desertion, which is punishable by court martial or in some countries even death during this time). And did you ever hear of the trench bayonet in Verdun? Tierney: Uhhh, Verdun? I don't think I have, no. Ryan: There was what they'd called a "trench bayonet," there were a lot of French soldiers in there with bayonets on their rifles. Tierney: Yeah, yeah. Ryan: And they're trenches caved in, and buried every one of em! Tierney: Really? Ryan: Yup, and they were in the heights of Verdun. Under the heights of Verdun they had like a big reception hall. Tierney: Yeah. Ryan: They could feed a thousand soldiers in there at one time! Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah, we were all through that. Tierney: Ok but now getting back now, I was going to ask, what kind of training did you get at Fort Devens? Ryan: Oh we got trained everyday we worked, from dawn til dusk. Tierney: Oh yeah? Was it hard training? Ryan: Hard training? Oh yeah, we used to do squats from East and West (Ryan trails off and begins coughing). And then we went through actual warfare, we used to get down and crawl on our bellies through the woods. Carry our rifles. Tierney: Oh you mentioned you had a rifle did ya? Did you always have enough equipment? Ryan: We had good equipment; yeah we had Springfield rifles (The M1903 Springfield Rifle was the service rifle of the US military during WWI). Tierney: Springfield? Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: How about the clothes you got, the uniforms? Ryan: They were alright. Tierney: Did they fit ok? Ryan: Yup, that surprised me. When we went into Devens we had to take the civvies off (civilian clothing), then we get the clothes. Tierney: Yeah. Ryan: Then there was an officer, a clothing officer, he'd look at the guy, feel his muscles, then he'd look at him, see how tall he was, and he'd call out the size. And look at our feet and call our sizes. Tierney: Oh yeah? Just by looking at you? Ryan: Just by looking at us and he'd call the sizes. Then they'd give us and issue all the clothing and shoes. And some of them would have a coat that was too tight, another one would have a coat that was too loose, we'd swap. Same with the shoes, if fellas had shoes that were too tight or too loose we'd swap. But we all got fitted out pretty good! Tierney: Oh yeah? So it was pretty comfortable clothing? Ryan: Yes, we wore good clothes. Tierney: Oh yeah. Now getting back to the training, you do like a lot of marchin'? Ryan: We did a lot of marchin', we did a lot of uh, rifle range. And uh, we had to do a lot of uhh, sqaujeest(?), right and left and, all that stuff and we had to run, ya know, charge. When you had to fix bayonets and you'd have to have a big bag hangin' from a tree and, as if there's a German there, you run up and stick your bayonet into the bag. Tierney: Yeah, like the dummy (training dummy). How was the morale while you were in training? Ryan: Oh it was good, they had freedom. After retreat we could go to different towns, like I've been up to this place here (Fitchburg) when I was up in Camp Devens. Tierney: What you mean in Fitchburg? Ryan: Yup, and we got through here and other towns like Worcester and we could do that so long as we got back at midnight! Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: Hm, so you got along alright then yeah? Ryan: We had a lot of freedom, but we always got back. Tierney: Yeah, you get in trouble if you didn't I guess? Ryan: Yes. Tierney: Yeah. How about- did anyone ever like, ya know, could some soldiers not make it through training? Did some of them get sick or demoralized or something? Ryan: No I don't remember any of that. Tierney: No? Ryan: No. Tierney: Think more or less everyone got along alright? Ryan: We all got along good. Tierney: Would you say that for the most part, the soldiers were pretty patriotic perhaps? Ryan: Yes they were. Tierney: Yeah? Ryan: Yup. Tierney: Ok how about uh, how long did you stay at Fort Devens do you remember? Ryan: We were there from the 27th of April to around the 4th of July. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Then they shipped us to New York. Tierney: How'd ya get down to New York? Ryan: Train. Tierney: By train? Hm. How about, when did you first know about- Ryan: We didn't even know it. Just get ours and "we push out tomorrow." Tierney: Oh wow, just one day ahead of time that was all? Ryan: Yup. Tierney: Ok so you took a train down to New York and what happened then? Ryan: We got onto the ship. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: The Cedric. Tierney: And that was an English ship you mentioned? Ryan: English ship. Then we sailed and we left… I think it was Hoboken (New Jersey) I think we left. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: It took us 12 days to cross, we landed in Liverpool. Tierney: How about the ship itself, how was the conditions there? Ryan: Very good. Tierney: Yeah? Ryan: We got 2 meals a day. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: How was the food? Ryan: Good! Tierney: Was it good? Ryan: Yup. Tierney: Do you remember how many men were on the boat with you? Ryan: Oh ho, oh Christ it was an army, a whole army. It was… what the hell do ya call it? Tierney: A regiment? Ryan: A regiment! It was a whole division, about 4 or 5 regiments, all with headquarters, supply and all that stuff. Tierney: How about the sleeping quarters how were they? Ryan: They were like hammocks. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: One above the other. 3 to 4 deep (might mean how high in feet they were apart from each other.) Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah. The guy on the top hammock, he had to climb a ladder. Tierney: Did you ever get sick on your way over? Ryan: Nope, like I told ya, 12 days crossing the Atlantic Ocean, and nobody was sick. But 6 hours crossing the English Channel and was sick! Tierney: (chuckles) that's funny. While on the way over, when you got close to Europe, close to England or whatever, did you run into any U-boats or whatever? Ryan: No we didn't run into anything. Tierney: No, you didn't get bothered at all? Ryan: Never got bothered. They had a gun on the stern of the ship, we went over in a convoy. (interesting note here, convoys were most effective method of deterring submarine attacks. Depth charges, naval mines, and all sorts of other things helped, but it was simply traveling in a convoy that almost guaranteed safety. If the U-boat fired on any of the ships in the convoy, the rest would open fire on the U-boat, meaning it was almost guaranteed death for any U-boat crew.) And this gunner was on the back of the stern of the boat. And one of the ships would throw out a big target. Ya know? Tierney: Yeah. Ryan: And this gunner, on the stern, he let that gun go by Jesus but he didn't the target! It was about 2 or 3 miles away. Tierney: Yeah, yeah? Huh. Ok, how about way over? How was the morale way over? Were you yourself and the other soldiers still in good spirits? Ryan: Oh yeah. They were in good spirits, Christ it was card games and poker games and dice games all the way over. Tierney: Oh yeah? Did you play for money or…? Ryan: We had plenty of money going over. Tierney: You mentioned you had gone to England first, where was it? Ryan: Uh, we went to Liverpool. Tierney: Yeah? Ryan: Yup, at Camp Ramsay. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: In England. That was about 12 miles up from Liverpool and we lived there maybe a week or two. Then they hiked us down to Southampton. Tierney: Southampton huh? Ryan: Yeah. Then we got on the Queen Alexandra, and went across to L'havre. Tierney: How about when you first got to England, in Liverpool, was there a reception there like for you? Ryan: There was no reception. Tierney: No? Ryan: It was the dirtiest goddamn city I ever run into. Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: Yeah. Tierney: How about the English people, did you get in contact with any English people? Ryan: Oh ho ho, the Germans will get ya. I remember we went over on the boat, one of the English cooks he come out, and he had a dirty old chicken. He brought it up and said "This is the way the American eagle will look when the Germans get through with em'." (The English were more than likely very nihilistic by this point in the war, with all the English losses and air raids on London, they had lost any shred of optimism from the start of the war until now). Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: And there was a big Irishman next to me, the name was O'Connor I believe, he says "would you look at that son of a bitch…" You know how they have hobnail shoes? Tierney: Yeah? Ryan: With the big horseshoe in the heel? Well Jesus he let that shoe go. And the heel of that hobnail caught right in the bride of the nose! (Ryan laughs) Tierney: Oh yeah? Ryan: And it knocked him cold! They took him up to the sick bay and we never seen him after that! For the rest of the trip over. Tierney: That was an English guy on the boat? Ryan: Englishman, yeah. Tierney: How about the crew, the crew must have been English then huh? Ryan: There was an English crew yeah. Tierney: How did they get along with the men? Ryan: They didn't mingle with the soldiers at all going across. They stayed in their place. Cept' this one guy that came up with the chicken, and he got knocked cold! (Ryan laughs). (Tierney laughs) (Interview Ends, Continued in Part II)
PRIZE ESSAY NUMBER. i i ~ JUSTE, 1904 IY6L, XIII. HO. i GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. i w. V N. C. UARBKMENH, OCTTTOBUflS II n w i HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intercollegiate Bureau of Academic Costume. Chartered igoz. Cottrell & Leonrard Albany, N. Y. AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA WWWWWWWWWWWW Makers of Caps, Gowns, Hoods AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA A. B. BLACK, Gettysburg College Representative. Come and Have a Good Shave, E. A. Wright's or HAIR-CUT at Engraving House, Naffy B. SeftOll's 1108 Chestnut St. PHILADELPHIA We have our own photograph gallery for half-tone and photo engraving. Fashionable Engraving and Stationery. Leading house for College, School and Wedding Invitations, Dance Programs, Menus. Fine engraving of all kinds. Before ordering elsewhere com-pare samples and prices. New Tons:)rial Parlor's, 35 Baltimore St. BARKERS' SUPPLIES A SPECIALTY. Also, choice line of fine Cigars. Northwestern Mutual Life Insurance Company, *^ A, L, Menbeck, Agent, COLLEGE. IF YOU CALL ON C. A. Bloehef*, JemeleF, Centre Square, He can serve you in anything you may want in REPAIRING or JEWELRY. rffWHipwjPii^jj ifwPBjmHHMP! WE RECOMMEND THESE FIRMS. The Pleased Customer is not a stranger in our estab-lishment— he's right at home, you'll see him when you call. We have the materials to please fastidious men. J. D. LIPPY, lxle;reiaa-rit Tailor, 29 Chambersburg Street, GETTYSBURG, PA. CITY HOTEL, Main Street, - Gettysburg, Pa. Free 'Bus to and from all trains. Thirty seconds' walk from either depot. Dinner with drive over field with four or more, $1.35. Rates, $1.50 to $2.00 per Day. Livery connected. Rubber-tire buggies a specialty. John E. Hughes, Prop. T1PT0H M Now in 1 THE .PHOTOGRAPHER. new Studio 20 and 22 Chambersburg Street, Gettysburg, Pa. One of the finest modern lights in the country. C. E. Barbehenn THE EACLE HOTEL ZB-A-ISIBIEIK Corner Main and Washington Sts. 1905 SPECTRUM Now in Printer's hands. Order from M. M. METZGEE. BEILLHAKT & PARKEE Students' Supply Rooms! Everything You Want. Fine Stationery a Specialty. NO. 5 AND 7 EAST. i r PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. I WE HI A COMPLETE LI Of Novelties for the Spring Season, including Latest Suiting, Coating, Trousering and Vesting. Our Prices are Right. SPECIAL CARE TAKEN TO MAKE WORK STYLISH AND EXACTLY TO YOUR ORDER. tUill Ol. Seliman, T^, 7 Chambefsfaufg St., Gettysburg, Pa. R. A. WONDERS Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, etc. Scott's Corner, opp. Eagle Hotel GETTYSBURG, PA. Pool Parlors in Connection. D. J. Swartz Dealer in Country Produce Groceries Cigars and Tobacco GETTYSBURG. Established 1867 by Allen Walton. Allen K. Walton, Pres. and Treas. Robt. J. Walton, Superintendent. Hummelstown Browq Stone Company and Manufacturers of BUILDING STONE, SAWED FLAGGING, and TILE, WALTOMLLE DAUPHIN COUNTYj: PENNA. Contractors for all kinds of cut stone work. Telegraph and Express Address, BROVVNSTONE, PA. Parties visiting quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station, on the P. & R. R. R. DO YOU NEED PNEY TO GO TO COLLEGE ? [FROM COPYRIGHTED STEREOGRAFH BY UNDERWOOD AND UNDERWOOD] Happy Land of t :e R* staff Sun where Song Unceasing Flows. Stereoscopes * and * Stereographs K\ can furnish it fo.' you during the Summer Vacation, Many New Subjects for this season: Russian-Japanese War, Panama Canal, Balti-more Fire, President Roosevelt, Gettysburg Battlefield: New Comic Series; Stereo-scopic Tours, accompanied by patent maps and interesting descriptive books- Write for particulars- Underwood & Underwood 3 AND 5 W. NINETEENTH ST., COR. FIFTH AVE., NEW YORK. REPRESENTED AT PENN'A COL. BY E- G- HESS- The CDcFGury. The Literary Journal of Gettyburg College. VOL. XIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1904. No. 4 CONTENTS "DE SAPIENTIAE PROFESSORIBUS "—POEM, . . 128 ANDROMACHE ET DECIDIANA. RUSSIAN AGGRESSION—Pen and Sword Prize Essay, . 130 PAUL B. DUNBAR, '04. A MODERN FAUST, 136 "X. Y. Z.'' SOCIALISM ,137 JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. THE SABBATH AS A CIVILIZER, 144 Miss HELEN WAGNER, '06. THE COURSE OF THE U. S. GOVERNMENT IN CONNECTION WITH THE PANAMA REVOLUTION, . 146 CHAS. W. HEATHCOTE, '05. A HUNTER OF MEN—POEM, 148 "BRIDGET." .'THE PATH OF DUTY IS THE WAY TO GLORY," . 151 POEM, 154 EDITORIALS 155 EXCHANGES, . 157 w 128 . THE MERCURY. «DE SAPIENTIAE PROFESSORIBUS." ANDROMACHE ET DECIDIANA. HOW dear to our hearts are those days when at college We studied and wept o'er the classics of yore; The Latin, the Greek, and the terrible German, And brain-splitting ''Math" which we used to deplore. To-night as we sit in the glow of our fire-side, And think of those days and the pleasures of old, Our hearts fain would turn to our former professors, Who gave to us learning, much better than gold. The fire burns low in its smouldering ashes, The faces appear that we once knew so well, Some pleasant and jovial, and others more solemn, But of each, in his turn, we will .now try to tell. Oh Muse ! pray be kind and remain standing by us, And give to us freely and with no restraint, That much sought for gift, the true power of description, So each one may know whom we're trying to paint. The first who appears in the fast dying embers, Is one who made culprits shake clear to their toes ; He'd rap on the desk with a frowning expression, And quell all confusion, just how, no one knows. His eyes were as blue as the azure of Heaven, His hair was inclined to a faint auburn shade, His stature was tall, and this mighty Apollo Was reverenced alike by each man and each maid. And now we behold one so tall and so handsome, Who led our young minds 'round the fair walls of Troy, Who oft would propound his fav'rite assertion That 'there should be guardians for maidens so coy.' And next to him standing, a man of small stature, Whom feline protectors all look on with dread; He bears in his right hand a tight-covered basket, Just lift up the cover ! Out pops a cat's head. Our dear 'Roman Senator' now looms before us, As tall as a dignified 'senex' of old. He too bears a basket, but it's full of good things, And as a 'rear guard' he has 'Waggles,' the bold. The next that appears to our far-seeing vision Is one who seemed stern tho' at heart he was ki-nd. His friends the}' were num'rous, his travels were many, But ever to "Dutchland" his heart was inclined. THE MERCURY. 129 Scarce had his form disappeared in the ashes, When two more professors came into our sight. A halo of gas, (H2S), was around them, Which ever had been their fond joy and delight. How often we shivered when into their class-room We went in dread fear that we might not come out. A "fiss" and a "bang" and a "crash" would oft greet us; And then the stern question, "What are you about?" And now comes a face that so quietly greets us, He led 'little boys' in the way they should go. He taught them politeness as well as sound doctrine, And stirred to high ideals instead of to low. And last but not least comes that jolly, good "Sap'ens" Who once taught us "Math" and a great deal beside, For he used to tell all the jokes of the season, And solved weighty problems discussed far and wide. The fire dies out and we sit there reflecting On those pleasant days and our teachers of old, And we would not sell our fond recollections For all the rich treasures the deep sea could hold. And so let us close while the dark shadows gather, Which hide from our vision each loved noble face. We hope they still walk through those fair halls of learning, And for many years yet each may keep his old place. 130 THE MERCURY. " RUSSIAN AGGRESSION." [Pen and Sword Prize Essay.] PAUL B. DUNBAR, '04. THE discussion of a subject of world-wide importance can-not fail to be influenced by preconceived prejudices. It seems to be natural for Americans as a whole to entertain strongly such a prejudice against Russia. This is probably the result of our instinctive sympathy for the weak in a contest with the strong. The attempt will be made in this paper, how-ever, to set forth as impartially as possible the facts of the Rus-sian Advance. Having studied these carefully, Russia's motives will be discussed, and finally the probable results of these ag-gressive movements will be briefly summed up. A glance at the map of Russia, her possessions and spheres of influence, shows over how vast a region the Empire of the North holds sway. From the Baltic on the west to the Sea of Okhotsk and the Behring Sea on the east, the Russian territory extends in an unbroken stretch—five thousand miles of steppes and mountains, rivers and inland seas, burning deserts and bar-ren tundras. On the broad plains of Siberia are sections of wonderful fertility practically undeveloped and in its mountain ranges are untouched stores of boundless mineral wealth. This entire region is subject to the most diverse climatic conditions, seasons of extreme cold alternating with intervals of almost tor-rid heat. Such is the Empire of the Czar, embracing more than one seventh of the land surface of the globe and support-ing a population of one hundred and thirty millions. Today we see the Great Bear reaching out ready to seize in his powerful clutch territory after territory. The stress of pres-ent events draws our attention especially to the Far East. There we see the Muscovite pressing relentlessly upon the territory of China, and now by the test of battle it must be decided whether Korea also shall be Russian. The Far East is not the only object of Russia's advance. Slowly, silently, by stealth of di-plomacy, plans are being laid, forces set to work to widen Asi-atic Russia to the southward. During the last forty years; THE MERCURY. 131 , •% . — Britain has watched with apprehension the southward advance of the Bear toward her Indian border. Never for an instant dare she relax her vigilance against the encroachment of the Czar. Russian advisers ever ready to advance the interests of their master hold the ears of many of the native border princes. But yesterday came rumors of Russian influence in Tibet, of a treaty of that country with Russia, and the presence of envoys in the Tibetan capital whose purpose is to forward Russian in-terests in opposition to those of England. Turkey and the Balkan States feel this powerful hand and Sweden and Norway look with alarm toward the borders of Finland. What is the history of the growth of this giant among nations ? Three hundred and twenty years ago Russia was a small and semi barbarous state whose advance posts were scarcely eight hundred miles east of St. Petersburg. In the closing years of the sixteenth century, however, there came to the throne a ruler distinguished for severity even in that stern age. Ivan the Ter-rible, by the very cruelty of his rule, inaugurated the eastward movement of that Slavic invasion which now after three cen-turies of alternate advance and retreat is now approaching so terrible a crisis. Rebellious subjects of the Czar fleeing from pursuing troops were forced to take refuge in the unknown, frigid wilderness to the eastward. As they retreated, they easily overcame the scattered nomads who inhabited these regions. Then by turning over the conquered territory to Russia, they obtained the pardon of the Czar Ivan. This was the first step —the entering wedge—in Russia's eastward advance. The tide thus setting toward the Pacific flowed on slowly but resist-lessly, unopposed by rival nations, for the region was to them unknown. A century passed and another mighty figure ascended the Russian throne. Under Peter the Great came further aggres-sive expansion. The northern ocean presented an insurmount-able barrier but in other directions the advance continued. Southward the Muscovite ruler forced his way and to the west-ward Sweden and Poland felt the force of Russian aggression. Thus year after year, under ruler after ruler, the slow policy of 132 THE MERCURY. expansion has gone on. Wherever opportunity offered the Great Bear forced his entering wedge. West and south felt the advance, but it was toward the east that he moved most steadily. As has been said, Russia aims to follow the line of least re-sistance. The vast plains of Siberia, frozen in winter, parched in summer, were a part of the world's surface uncoveted by the earth-hunger of Europe. So while other nations fought and wrangled over other portions of the globe, the Empire of the Czar silently absorbed this mighty region. Thus by slow movements or sudden leaps, by treachery or by diplomacy, by fair means^or foul, Russia at last reached the Pacific—the ocean outlet which she has always desired. Here was encountered an unsurmountable difficulty. Russia, having apparently overcome all obstacles in her march to the sea, was now met and held by the strength of perpetual winter. The ice bound harbors of northern Asia were valueless. Warmer waters must be reached and, having come thus far, Russia was not to be baffled. By a sudden, bold move the Amur was made the southern boundary. Then in i860, subtle diplomacy obtained from China the strip of coast upon which is built the port of Vladivostok. It is significant that the name of this city is the Russian phrase for " Control of the East." As a seaport Vladivostok is a vast improvement over Petropaulovsk, the first Russian port in Kamtchatka, but still there is not en-tire freedom from the disadvantages of winter. Russia still hungered for a warm-water port. The Trans-Siberian Railway was built—five thousand miles of single track reducing the in-terval of transit between Moscow and Vladivostok to only fif-teen days. Events now began to move rapidly in the Far E^ast. In 1894, the close of the Chino-Japanese war left Japan in possession of the valuable harbor of Port Arthur. On the plea that the possession of this port by Japan threatened the in-tegrity of China, Russia forced the retrocession of Port Arthur to its original owner. Two years later, a Russian squadron entered this harbor ostensibly to winter there. Ere many months the world was startled to learn that Russia had leased Port Arthur from China. The integrity of the latter country THE MERCURY. 133 seemed no longer a consideration. Immediately came military occupation of the city and the erection of tremendous defensive works. Russia had obtained her warm-water harbor; but was she satisfied ? Between Port Arthur and the Siberian frontier lies the rich Chinese province of Manchuria. In it have settled many native Russians. What could be more natural than that the Great Bear should covet this prize also to make his possessions com-plete? Asa preliminary step, a Chinese concession was ob-tained for shortening the route of the Trans-Siberian Railway to Vladivostok by a line across Manchuria. Russia had at last obtained a foot-hold south of the Amur. The erection of branch lines to the borders of Korea and the very gates of Pe-kin was but a short stride. In every case the right of garri-soning the railroad was included in the concession. In 1900, came the Boxer Rebellion. Its close saw Manchuria held by an immense Russian army of occupation. In concert with the allies, Russia agreed to withdraw from Chinese territory, but months went by and the Manchurian'army lingered., The wily Muscovite concluded a treaty with China providing for the long-promised withdrawal, but it soon became evident that before this would be carried out new concessions were expected. The Russian representative in Pekin even went so far as to demand that all the Manchurian concessions be granted to Russians. This was but one of Russia's diplomatic attempts to gain a controlling voice in Chinese affairs. China, however, was al'ive to the true state of affairs and refused to commit herself to any further agreements. As a consequence, Russia is still in mili-tary possession of Manchuria. Nominally her troops were kept there solely in pursuance of the treaty-right of protecting her railroad interests. In reality, the whole line was turned into an armed camp by the establishment of forts garrisoned by all branches of the Russian army, and today Manchuria is practically a Russian province. • We now reach the final chapter in the history of Russian aggression—final because it brings us to the present time, cer-tainly not because it marks the end of the advance. With hr's 134 THE MERCURY. grip firmly fixed on Manchuria, the Bear now turned a longing eye to the little kingdom of Korea. The possession of this choice bit of the world was now his aim. Even before the Chino-Japanese war Russia was laying her subtle plans to this end. In 1893 or early in 1894, she made a generous present of rifles to the Korean army and even furnished a Russian drill-master to train Korea's seven thousand soldiers in European tactics. At the same time swarms of Russian agents entered the country. The fruit seemed almost ripe for plucking. But now an opponent faced Russia. Japan had long watched this onward march with jealous eye. In this move toward Korea she saw a positive menace to her existence. Nothing remained but to throw down the guage of battle and to begin the contest whose result is being awaited by the entire world. What are Russia's motives and what her ultimate policy ? Her statesmen would have us believe it is a simple one. Says M. Witte, the former chief of Russian finances and now presi-dent of the Committee ot Ministers : " History measures not by years, but by centuries ; and from this point of view, by the building of the Chinese Eastern Railway to Port Arthur and Dalny.a mighty work is completed, a historical problem is solved, and one of the last steps is taken in the advance of Russia to the Far East, in her effort to find an outlet to the open sea, to the ice-free shores of the Pacific ocean." This is indeed Russia's principal object, but its fulfillment means also the control of northern Asia. And since the de-velopment of her railroad policy has done so much already for the advance of Russian territory, there is no reason to believe that it will not be made the occasion of further advance. We have the word of M. Witte that Russia's object is to obtain a warm-water port. This is in the main a legitimate object and has been partly fulfilled by the acquirement of Port Arthur. But it must be remembered that Port Arthur is not wholly a Russian possession. It is, therefore, obvious that the Russian wishes will not be entirely satisfied until that port is Russian beyond a doubt. The same is equally true of the whole pro- THE MERCURV. 135 vince of Manchurfa. Then, too, it is more than probable that the desire is to reserve the acquired territory for Muscovite trade alone. It is true that Dalny is an open port, but Port Arthur is closed and foreign merchants find much difficulty in meeting Russian competition in Manchuria. As a recent writer puts it: The Russian motive may be viewed from two stand-points. Russia herself would have us believe that it is benevo-lent. She is building a railroad through unopened territory, erecting modern cities and valuable mills in the wilderness, and setting up an orderly government in the place of misrule. The outsider acknowledges all this, but what, lie a;ks, will Russia demand in return for these enormous expenditures? The an-swer is apparent. It has already been given. She has the right of protecting her interests and now demands a complete monopoly. Such are Russia's complex motives. What will the outcome be? If Russia be successful in the present contest, will her aggressive plans be concluded without opposition ? Will the world witness the spectacle of Korea and China absorbed or will the Powers step in to fix a limit to further expansion ? If they do so, will their strength be sufficient to restrain the Bear already flushed with victory ? If Russia be vanquished, will the settlement thus arrived at be permanent ? Will little Japan continue to be an efficient barrier, or will returning strength again put in motion the tide setting toward the Orient with overwhelming volume ? Will the gallant Island Kingdom perish or may it look for help to Europe and America? Time alone can bring an answer. Here prophecy has often failed and will fail again, for as has been well said: "Russia's state-craft is not of the months or of the years; it is of the ages. It is not of monarchs, but of a dynasty, and it is less the policy of the dynasty than it is the need of a people and of a land." 136 THE MERCURY. "A MODERN FAUST." (BEING A BIT OF TRUTH MASQUERADING AS NONSENSE.) ONCE upon a time—during the twentieth century—there lived a young man who had been but three years out of college. Having entered the greater University of the World, he had been hailed by his fellow Freshmen as a comrade, had been hazed by Sophomores, patronized by condescending Juniors, and deluged with advice by venerable Seniors, even as he had been in college. But he was a restless and adventure-some youth. The monotony of the office palled upon him, and, for relief, he experimented in Mysticism and Christian Science. One momentous evening he conceived the idea of putting his knowledge to the supreme test, by summoning be-fore him the Prince of Darkness. Thereupon he took down his LeConte and. his Mary Baker Eddy from the shelf and set to work. And in very truth, gentle reader, in less than half the run-ning of an hour glass, Mephistopheles himself stood before him. faultlessly attired in evening clothes—for the red cap and mantle had succumbed to the spirit of progress in Hades even as the simple sins of our forefathers have given place to the more delicately refined and ingenious vices of to-day. But in this one respect was the Devil unchanged. For no sooner had the usual conventionalities been exchanged than lie attempted to purchase the soul of the youth in the most approved man-ner. He showed him visions of fair women, even as he had shown them to the Faust of old. But the youth was unmoved; he smiled and shook his head, for he was a wise youth. And the Devil promised him great riches and power. But the youth, for he was wise, replied, "If these things were worth while, O Lucifer, I could attain at a lesser price, even hard work. It is not enough." T,hen did the Devil promise a most miraculous thing, "For," said he, "if thou wilt give thyself to me, Grover Cleveland and William J. Bryan shall make a truce and be as brothers. Shoulder to shoulder they will fight for thee and nominate thee for the Presidency on the Democratic THE MERCURY. I 37 ticket. Thou wilt be the most talked-of man in the Nation." But the youth, being wise, replied : "Am I not own cousin to the Proprietor of Pennsylvania, and is it not agreed that I shall be the next State Treasurer? And is not this better than to be President, much less a candidate for President mid on the Democratic ticket? Go to, it is not enough." Now the Devil was almost vanquished, but he was also wise and he thought deeply, and he said, "I can then offer thee nothing more than again to make thee a reckless, carefree Sophomore among thy former classmates. Think! Is it not enough?" And the youth meditated within himself; he knew there were no days like those days; he longed again to be carefree and thought-less, recognizing no higher authority than his own sweet will and the majority action of his class; his heart called out for those friends who, too, had dwelt in Arcady. And he replied, "It is enough." For he was a wise youth withal. MORAL—Eat, drink, and be merry, ye Seniors, for to-mor-row ye die. "X. Y. Z." • SOCIALISM. ( Written for the Pen and Sword Prize Essay Contest.) JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. THE word socialism was first used in 1835 in connection with an organization founded by Robert Owen of Eng-land. This society was given the grandiloquent appellation of the Association of all Classes of all Nations, and its purpose was to secure "Social improvement and reconstruction." Since that time the word socialism has been applied rather incautiously, and,as a consequence, it is an exceedingly difficult word to define with precision. According to some writers there is a growing tendency to regard as socialistic any inter-ference with property undertaken on behalf of the poor, or any measure promoted by society to limit or modify the working of the economic principle of laissez-faire. Roscher defined socialism "as including those tendencies which demand a greater regard for the common-weal than consist with human 138 THE MERCURY. nature." John Raeof our day declares that it is common to describe as socialistic "any proposal that asks the State to do something lor the material well being of the working class, or any group of such proposals, or any theory that favors them." Janet defines it as "every doctrine which teaches that the State has a right to correct the inequality of wealth which ex-ists among men, and to legally establish the balance by taking from those who have too much in order to give to those who have not enough, and that in a permanent manner, and not in such and such a particular case—a famine, for instance, or a public calamity." But these definitions and all others describe only phases of the question. For instance, in order for any measure to be socialistic it need not proceed from the State; it may emanate from individuals just as well; in fact the earliest socialistic measures proceeded from individuals. There was socialism in colonial times when they had a common storehouse from which each one received his equal share of goods; the instituting of a wider system of public schools is a highly socialistic measure ; an equal distribution of profits between two partners, or among the many members of a company is also socialistic; and yet it is just as proper and usual to describe as socialistic the so-called "strikes," or the assassination of million-aires by dynamite. It is, therefore, evident that socialism em-braces a great deal; at the same time, we must remember that all these are only different phases of the same great question. All socialists are alike in attempting to secure a more equit-able distribution of wealth, or in endeavoring to equalize op-portunities for acquiring it; but the salient points upon which they differ are the ways and means of accomplishing their ends. Some maintain that the State, by managing industry and controlling land, could best promote the commonweal; others very emphatically declare that there should be no cen-tral government at all. The more radical of the first class try to get control of the government; those of the latter class en-deavor to destroy it. Unfortunately in the present age the most influential forrfl of socialism is of the most radical and revolutionary character— THE MERCURY. 139 that which desires no government at all. Alexandria II. of Russia and our late President McKinley fell victims to this outrageous doctrine. Nihilism and anarchism are its more specific names. Yet we cannot afford to consider as danger-ous all socialistic measures of today. Upon exactly this prob-lem a great amount of useless discussion has taken place. Politicians of late years have made very effective use of the ambiguity in the word socialism. Whenever an opponent could accuse a candidate for public office, of promoting socialistic measures, no matter how benevolent or beneficial they might have been to the people, the mention of that word together with the prevalent misconception of it in its better sense, was generally the most derogatory charge brought against him in the eyes of the ignorant working classes—the very persons whom worthy socialistic principles would benefit. Although every writer has made his own classification of so-cialists, they all directly or indirectly acknowledge the four following classes: (1) large-hearted and thoroughly benevo-lent men whose feelings have been touched by the unjust op-pression of laborers ; (2) those who are revolting against cruel oppression; (3) those who are discontented with their positions in life, principally because they fail to realize their limitations; (4) the lowest class whose adherents are characterized by a covetous, selfish, and utterly lawless spirit. The first of these classes consists principally of nothing more than ardent sympathizers with the socialistic movement in its better meaning. According to good authority more than a half million of such men are found in the United States. Many ministers of the gospel and other benevolent men as well as the members of philanthropic and humanitarian orgini-zations belong to this class. They sympathize deeply with the oppressed laborer and endeavor to alleviate his misery by every peaceable means. Others of this class" become so impressed with the necessity of social and industrial improvements that they have devoted their lives entirely to the cause. These are quite liable to be-come extremists, and notwithstanding the fact that their inten- 140 THE MERCURY. tions are of the most noble character, more harm than benefit results from their efforts, chiefly because the lower moral and mental capacities of those whom they influence are not vigor-ous enough to prevent the latter from becoming radical, desper-rate, and fanatical. Hall Cane has pictured such a man in his "Eternal City" in the person of Dr. Roselli or of David Rossi, especially in the latter; but the futility and evil consequences of their efforts are also portrayed in a striking manner. It is only natural that there should be such men especially in a Christian nation. When one considers the extremely low wages for which laborers had to work at certain periods of our history, the condition of some of their homes even in our day, the company store and the extortion ot overwork from them by overseers, it is not very strange that large hearted men should bestow their symapthy. No doubt, these conditions have been vastly exaggerated by some writers, but that they exist to a reasonable extent cannot be doubted. The oppressed or those who imagine themselves to be in such a condition, constitute the second class of socialists. Only men who work come properly under this divisicjp; those who become discontented and quit work will be considered later. Labor Unions consist almost entirely of such men; if they suspend labor, it is only temporarily, and is for the purpose of bringing about better conditions. Occasionally the labor union-ists content themselves by merely putting a stop to production, but more frequently, almost invariably, they manifest quite "an omnivorous spirit of destruction." The whole cause of the unreasonable demands made by Labor Unions seems to arise out of ignorance. They claim that the whole production of their labor belongs to them, on the ground that wealth belongs to those who make it. In a certain sense this is true, but not according to the interpreta-tion of it given by these laboring men. They understand it to mean that the entrepreneur, landlord and capitalist have no natural right to a portion of the wealth produced, forgetting that in the modern differentiated and specialized form of in-dustry these—especially, the entrepreneur and capitalist—are THE MERCURY. 141 absolutely indispensable. The socialistic idea of the State's ownership of land could probably do away with the landlord, but to attempt the abolition of entrepreneur and capitalist in our present industrial system is absurd. Another very prevalent kind of socialism arises out of the fact that a great many men, failing to realize their limitations, complain of the more advantageous opportunities of other in-dividuals. They claim that the world owes them a living, but as some one has said, "are too lazy to collect the debt." It is this sort of socialism which is the "besetting sin" of our age. Ambitious people now-a days are so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of "sticktoitiveness" that only a few failures leave them practically undaunted. Having been taught, as Dr. Furbae says, such precepts as "There is always room at the top," encouraged by such maxims as "Try, try again," and cautioned to aim high instead of directly at the mark, they continue to strive for positions to which it is impossible for them to attain and for which, if they did reach, they would find themselves wholly unfitted. Many a proud father and fond mother, either because they have wished to encourage a son, or because of the blindness of paternal love, are respon-sible for a young man's superabundance of self-esteem by their having told him that he is not like the average person, and then he goes forth into the world only to consider his efforts unsuccessful because he cannot do as much as some one else who probably has much greater talent. It is this tendency of the individual's failure to realize his true place in life and his proper relation to others that has produced in our age so many dissatisfied, petulant, and cynical socialists. The last and most dangerous sort of socialism is that which manifests itself in murder, vandalism, and other lawless practices. It is exactly synonymous with anarchism. The number of such persons in the United States is as astounding as the awful doctrines which they promulgate. Some years ago President Seelye of Amherst College, declared: "There are probably 100,000 men in the United States to-day whose animosity against all existing social institutions is hardly less than bound- 142 THE MERCURY. less.' In 1881 their press consisted of 19 journals with a cir-culation of about 80,000, and since that time their numbers and the powers of their press have vastly increased. The fol-lowing are statements from some of their papers. "Religion, authority, and state are all carved out of the same piece of wood—to the Devil with them all!" "Dynamite is the power which in our hands, shall make an end of tyranny." "War to the palace, peace to the cottage, death to luxurious idleness." "You might as well suppose the military orginizations of Eu-rope were for play and parade, as to suppose labor orginizations were for mere insurance and pacific helpfulness. They are organ-ized toprotect interests, for which, if the time comes, they would fight." This last, taken from a socialistic paper of Chicago, pro-bably shows, to a great extent, the true relation between Labor Unions and socialistic tendencies of the most awful character. Such socialists probably began their careers as oppressed working men, or as men who failed to realize their true posi-tions in life, and later under the influence of violent socialistic journals or the lectures of an Emma Golden, became fanatical. A great number of them are foreigners who, having become disgusted with the absolutism of Europe, have come to Amer-ica to carry out their nefarious designs. Several great movements of the past two centuries have conspired to inspire socialistic propensities in men. The foun-dation of the American Republic, with the annunciation of her principles—-such as, "all men are equal and possessed of cer-tain inalienable rights such as, life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness"—paved the way for ideas which, carried to extremes by the ignorant and mischievous, resulted in socialism. In the same way, the French Revolution radiated its evil influences; and the Proclamation of Emancipation by Abraham Lincoln had its baneful as well as its worthy effects. But more influential than any of these has been the greatly increased profits of the rich. How would a poor down-trodden laborer look upon the following statement which occurred in a paper of 1880 ? "The profits of the Wall Street Kings the past year were enormous. It is estimated that Vanderbilt made THE MERCURY. 143 $30,000,000; Jay Gould $15,000,000; Russel Sage $10,000,- 000; Sidney Dillon $10,000,000; and James R. Keene $8,- 000,000. Is it strange if the working man thinks he is not getting his due share of the wonderful increase of national wealth ?" How do men to-day regard a rise in the price of coal-oil and the next week read in all the papers that the larg-est stockholder of the Standard Oil Company has made a be-nevolent gift of several million dollars ? The assassination of rulers and millionaires, the wanton des-truction of property by strikers, and the inconvenience accru-ing from a stoppage of production are not the only bad results of socialism. It tends to ruin the Church as well as the State. Infidelity and skeptacism follow closely in its tracks. In a so-cialistic convention at Pittsburg not many years ago the follow-ing nefarious resolution was unanimously adopted: "The church finally seeks to make complete idiots of the mass, and to make them forego a paradise on earth by promising them a fictitious heaven." "Truth, a socialistic journal of San Fran-cisco says : "When the laboring men understand that the heaven they are promised is but a mirage, they will knock at the door of the wealthy robber, with a musket in hand, and de-mand their share of the goods of this life now ! " What could have a more disasterous effect upon discontented humanity than to read such doctrine ? The socialist of this order denies the existence of God on the ground that if there would be one, wealth, happiness and opportunities would be more equally shared ; they forget to see that the rich are as often unhappy as the poor, and that God sends "his rain upon the just and unjust." Although an attempt to solve a problem of such magnitude may appear absurb, there is, at least one, feasible solution— a more general acceptance and use of the principles ot Chris-tianity. "Socialism attempts to solve the problem of suffering without eliminating the factor of sin." That all suffering caused by our industrial system is the result of sin, either on the part of employer or emplyee, or of both, there can be no doubt. If the spirit of the Golden Rule were put into practice, it "would 144 THE MERCURY. dictate such arrangements between capitalist and laborer as will secure to the latter a fair return for his toil." As Dr. Fisher says, "It will check the accumulation of wealth in a few individ-uals. And the Christian spirit, as in ancient days, will inspire patience and contentment, and a better than earthly hope, in the minds of the class whose lot in life is hard." THE SABBATH AS A CIVILIZER. Miss HELEN WAGNER, '06. WHEN God said, " The seventh is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God, in it thou shalt not do any work, thou nor thy man servant—," He surely had more ends in view than the mere refreshing of man and His own glorification. Besides achieving these results the Sabbath has other far-reaching in-fluences. Chief among these influences we see its power as a civilizer, as an educator and a refiner. It has long been an ac-knowledged fact that Christianity pnd education go hand in hand. In the accomplishment of one we necessarily attain the other. The influence of the Sabbath is like the atmosphere—it sur-rounds every one it touches, whether with that one's approval or not. The most violent atheist would be no more likely to scorn the influence of the day set apart chiefly for the worship of the God he ignores than would our staid old deacons. It has been proven that no civilized country can exist without the aid of the soothing influence of the Sabbath on the passions ot men, in the observance of its laws. Because the influence of the Sabbath is so all-prevailing and must be felt everywhere, no man can or does escape it. Christians, of course, are those most directly affected by the Sabbath. They come into immediate contact with some of its most potent influences. A true Christian never misses the Sabbath—he spends . it in the worship of God and for rest as was commanded. And so he reaps not only the physical bene-fit but the intellectual as well. One of his chief duties and THE MERCURY. MS '* pleasures is a regular attendance upon divine worship. Thus while being spiritually fed and elevated he assimilates some of the best literature and art of the world as it radiates from the pulpit and the organ loft and the temple of God itself. But the people who do not come into direct contact with the Sabbath influence, feel it just as surely. They must breathe it with the very air. One cannot go anywhere on the Sabbath Day without being made very conscious that this day differs from all others. In the cities and towns the stillness imparted to the streets, noisy and hustling on other days, by the aspect of the closed stores and shops and the absence of the clattering dray and shouting venders, and the quietly passing inhabitants with their peaceful, serene countenances and their fresher, more artistic raiment, and the sweet music of the church bells—all have a subduing, refining influence on the sensibilities and pas-sions of men, not easily thrown off. And out in the open country away from church bells and changed surroundings one feels an unwonted peace and calm—one breathes with the very air which draws one a little nearer Mother Earth—and thus is made to appreciate her beauties and truth a little more fully. Besides these maternal, physical influences there is another, more subtle, ever advancing influence—the influence of man upon man. Usually the Christian does not need the Sabbath environment for purposes of self-education and refinement, but those with whom he associates or with whom his friends come in contact may and are more helped, as they imperceptibly absorb from him a finer sense of right and wrong and a better general knowledge, than they would be by any numbers of over-zealous instructors and noisy evangelists. I46 THE MERCURY. THE COURSE OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERN-MENT IN CONNECTION WITH THE PANAMA REVOLUTION. ( Written for the Pen and Sword Prise Essay Contest.) CHAS. "VV. HEATHCOTE, '05. PANAMA has an area of about 31,500 square miles and a population of almost 300,000. When Panama revolted a short time ago, it was not the first time she attempted to throw off the yoke of Columbia. In 1885 a similar revolution took place. Columbia promised various reforms which checked the revolution. However, Columbia failed to carry out these reforms. Columbia established a centralized form of govern-ment which caused Panama to lose the privilege of a state. For years the idea of building a canal across the isthmus has been in vogue. The French Company, which attempted it a few years ago, failed miserably. It remains for the United States to carry out the plan. The Panama and Nicaragua routes were suggested. The need of the canal is very evident. If the canal had been built when the Oregon made her long run around Cape Horn the United States government would have been saved much expense. Then, the American interests in Porto Rico, Cuba and the Pacific possessions strongly urge the construc-tion of this canal. For a time the Nicaragua route was favored. A bill was drawn up and unanimously ratified by both Houses of our Na-tional Legislature. The main idea of this bill was that when the canal was completed it was to remain neutral under the protection of the great European powers. However, delay over this part led the people to favor the Panama route. Fi-nally, upon the recommendation of the Walker Commission, the Panama route was chosen providing it could be bought from the old French Company for $40,000,000. However, to keep our word with Nicaragua, the Spooner compromise was passed which instructed the President to select the Panama route pro-viding the necessary arrangements could be made. If, not the Nicaragua route was to be chosen. About this time Columbia became very much interested in THE MERCURY. 147 the canal affairs. They gave the United States every assurance that a treaty favoring the Panama route would be ratified by their Senate. However, after much delay, it was unanimously rejected. Columbia was to receive $10,000,000 for certain con-cessions. Columbia thought the United States was an easy mark and refused to ratify the treaty unless $20,000,000 was given to them. In all these proceedings the Columbian politi-cians refused to consult the wishes of Panama. Panama knew the value of the canal. That the Columbian politicians were working for their own interests was very evident. Conse-quently Panama's hatred for Columbia grew more intense. When the revolution broke out the world was not surprised. The revolution was virtually bloodless. The republic was soon recognized by the United States, France, Germany, Russia and many other powers. In a short time a treaty was drawn up and signed. By this treaty the United States gained complete ownership of the canal and received much more territory than she would have received had Columbia-not acted in such an ugly manner. The course of the United States government has met with general approval by all well-thinking people. All the foreign powers sanctioned the action. Many people tried to condemn the course of the government because the warships were or-dered to prevent any of Columbia's troops being landed to bring Panama to time. How often in the South American rev-olutions the lives of our citizens and likewise their property have been endangered. Many times before this the United States marines and sailors were landed to protect the property of our citizens. American interests are better developed in Panama than in any other South American state. American capital runs the whole railroad system on the isthmus. What good is a government to its people if it fails to protect them ? Then again Panama had been recognized by the United States and for that reason alone her action was justifiable. Some people in criticizing the government forget the action of Presi-dent Polk in the way he started the Mexican War. His action cost the United States' thousands of lives and dollars in order to maintain the national honor. Today all people recognize 148 THE MERCURY. that the addition of Texas to United States territory is a blessing. The idea that the government's course is a stain up-on the history of our country is erroneous. The government has upheld our traditions by being the champion of the weak and helping young republics maintain their standing. "A HUNTER OF MEN." "BRIDGET." WITHIN the forest depths I wandered far, O'er the great battlefield, where bloody war Had made upon our land a loathsome sore, Healed now, but still retaining its deep scar. At last, upon a wooded hill was found, what I had sought, A monument, commemorating strife With victory and loss of life, The boon God-given, A monument for heroes, dearly bought, A witness unto Heaven. Upon a natural rock, like those which on the hillside lay, Was carved the figure of a man; Not as the Knights of old, with upright pose, And fearless eyes, he faced his foes, at bay, But crouched and hid him, midst the trunks of trees, And with a deadly purpose, did the hillside scan. 'Twas here I rested me, A dream I dreamed, Which, to my wand'ring fancy, even seemed A waking dream, a reverie. Within the homestead of an old Virginian farm, A mother sat one sunny summer morn, Holding, within the shelter of her arm, A little babe, her son, her own first born. Oh! what a wondrous grace was in those words,, "her own," What sword could pierce the soul of such a one ? A soul, so full of hopes, before unknown, The deed too cruel, to be planned or done. THE MERCURY. 149 A glorious future lay before her boy, All fashioned with her mother love and care, A future, full of happiness and joy, Devoid of sin, the bait of Death's dread snare. "Her own," but ever since the earth wastrod By her, above all women blest of God, In honor of her wondrous motherhood, The soul of womankind has felt the sword. He grew into a handsome, stalwart youth, Beloved by many, and disliked by few, Then came the blow; her soul was pierced in truth, And he went forth to die, as sons of all brave mothers do. To die, but could he kill his fellow-man? This was the question that had haunted him, Upon the day of march, and in the nightly din Of dreadful dreams, bloody with warfare's ban. A marksman of sure eye, and hand unfaltering, Far-famed was he, And many a woodland voice had cased to sing Through death, from him, its untaught melody. So, when night's dreams were changed to day's reality, Not placed in ranks that fought an open war was he, But called of men, a sharpshooter, lay low, Upon the hillside's brow, to slay the unwary foe. #**#*#***♦* The sun comes flickering through the whispering leaves, Casting their shadows on green moss and fern, A birdling, from a nest above, moves restlessly, and grieves, In dismal chirpings, for its mother's late return. The noonday calm is over hill and glen, Save for the distant sound of battle's roar, There, where a multitude of bravest men, Fight onward for their country's noble fame, for honor more. Then with a rustling sound, the calm is broken, The underbrush is parted by a man in blue, A moment's pause; no warning word is spoken, To tell him "Death is waiting now for you." And he, whom destiny ordained to give to Death her prey, One instant hesitated, in his covert lay Sickened by fear, of his dread deed alone, Then aiming fired and it was done. ISO THE MERCURY. Quickly his weapon casting on the ground, He bounded fearless, down the wooded slope, His boyish eyes, all bright with unshed tears, For in his soul remorse fought hard with hope. And Hope, how soon 'twas vanquished in the fray, A boy, scarce older than himself, his victim lay, Dying in agony upon the sod ; No word he spoke, but with great eyes of pain, Looked up into his face, who had his brother slain, And then, just as the birdling fell to earth, His spirit met his God. 'Twas then a red mist rose before his eyes, a mist of blood ; Concealing the poor body of the slain, from which the soul had fled, He climbed once more the hillside's weary road, Determined to repeat his deed of dread. At sunset, when the wounded mother-bird Returned, to find her nestlings gone, No sound, upon that dark hillside she heard, To tell her of the deeds that there were done. Yet, 'midst the underbrush, there silent lay What had been seven brave men, And he, who watched the little bird's dismay, Red-eyed and haggard, envied each of them. But God is good, his day of darkness o'er, A wandering bullet claimed him for its own, And his sad soul, its struggles knew no more, No more did yearn for murder to atone. As from my dream I woke, my heart was torn With pity, for the " Man of Sorrows " who, Upon another hill, in distant clime, Gave up his life " hunter" for such as you. " Oh, God Omnipotent! " aloud I cried, " For His dear sake forgive the crimes, Committed in the name of Liberty, and dyed With heroes' blood, the curse of warlike times." THE MERCURY. 151 "THE PATH OF DUTY IS THE WAY TO GLORY." NO one will deny me the fact that our present age with all its hurry and hustle, its energy and propelling-force, its competition and its competitors, is an age for the success of in-dividual purpose. Having granted this concession, it follows that individuals must exist with specific purposes, carrying out and fulfilling the obligations which are imposed on them. Be-lieving that no man has ever been created without a purpose, which results in a duty or obligation to his Creator, and when he fulfills this obligation or carries out this duty he has a for-tune worth more in realistic and spiritual value than all the Rockefellers, Carnegies, Vanderbilts or any other gods of gold that ever lived—believing this, I ask you to come with me to the rich meadow-lands of Connecticut, where on Oct. 5, 1703, a man was born who graduated from Yale University at the early age of 16 and set out into the world following the paths of duty and therein was his fortune, a legacy far richer than any earthly inheritance the world could have given him. It was during his boyhood days that a problem of extreme importance began to trouble him, and the solution of this was the determining of his course in after life. From that time he became a man that had an end in view, a something to say and he said it. A bold, fearless, ardent and consistent advocate of his belief; a man with a conscience so clear, so pure, and so unbiased that all the world loved him though he sought not for their favor; a man with iron-clad precepts, not for others, but for himself and he lived them; a man that has come down through two centuries, spotless, to live in the hearts of all man-kind, and who dares to say that his glory shall not live till the sun shall cease to rise and set and until time shall be no more ! This man of purpose or duty has been the father of a very illustrious progeny. Among his descendants more eminent men have been numbered than have been recorded of any other man in American history. They have been most promi-nent in the ministry, in education, in law and a number have sat on the bench. Let me mention some of them: Dr. Jo-nathan Edwards, Aaron Burr, Vice-President, Prof. Park, of Andover, President Woolsey and President Uwight, of Yale, 152 THE MERCURY. not forgetting the elder President Dwight. Three Presidents of Yale are his descendants. Could any man be more signally blessed or have a richer inheritance in the hearts of his child-ren ? He was also a born naturalist, and there is hardly any doubt that had he not become our greatest theologian he would have been our father of Natural Philosophy. As a boy he dis-covered facts which have been handed down to the naturalist of today as most valuable information. Who can set the limit for his discoveries had he devoted himself to this branch of science with his purpose and ambition ? Jonathan Edwards as a man, as a theological and philosophi-cal writer, as a naturalist and as the broadest and grandest man the American pulpit has ever produced, stands out in lines so bold, in verse so tender, and in character so spotless as to thrill with admiration and awe every American youth of today. Who would not love to be what he has been ? Who would not exchange all the wealth he possesses—I care not whether it be millions—for the place Jonathan Edwards holds in the hearts of the people and in the history of his country ? His life is a story that should make any young man enthusiastic and his success has been such as would turn the heads of thousands had it been theirs, but not his for he had a purpose, a convic-tion, a duty to the world and his fellow-man and until that should be accomplished his labor was with him incessantly. Truly he knew the paths of duty and just so surely his glory followed. In two centuries from today how many men's 'names of the present generation, lives and characters do you suppose will have been handed down to posterity ? Where are our Long-fellows, our Emersons, Whittiers, Bryants, Lincolns and Far-raguts of today ? Are we producing any such ? Indications from the past decade and more do not show them and it is believed that unless a change in the ambitions of the young of today is brought about, America will have none to record in her history. The lust for gold is the keynote to this dearth of noble manhood. Men are willing to sacrifice anything—prin-ciple, creed, honor, friends, self, anything—no matter what to obtain the riches of a Carnegie or Morgan. THE MERCURY. 153 Says B. O. Fowler, "if this, our republican form of govern-ment is to stand we must have men" and he means more men like Jonathan Edwards. The U. S. Senate has grown to be a rich man's club, the offices of the government are filled and controlled by political graft with men who are unable to cope with the issues demanded of them. Oh for a few fearless preachers of duty and loveliness, for a few men like Jonathan Edwards; men with purposes, men with a sense of duty and honor, men with the love of a superior being in their hearts ! Our nation must have these men and she is going to get them. Whether they come from Connecticut or from Florida, from California or from Pennsylvania it matters not; they must come. Would you have this, your free form of government turned into a monarchy? Indications point us to the fact that it is gradually being done and there is only one sure method of making the wrong right. This threatening evil can only be averted by finding men who are willing, if need be, to die for a correct principle. Nothing counts so much as principle and nothing tells in a man like purpose. If you would have a for-tune, have a principle, and if you would have the love and esteem of your fellow men live a principle. In all the history of the world there never was a grander period in which to live than the present. Never was there so much to do, so many chances, so bright an outlook, but it is only for the man with a sense of duty. The nation wants men, but she wants them stern, tender and fearless, full of duty and loneliness as was this missionary to the savages, this first of American naturalists, this explorer of philosophy and theology. If for no other vir-tue we should love and revere the memory of Jonathan Edwards today because of his devotion to stern duty and to no other cause can we attribute his success and glory. If asked to write his epitaph I would have inscribed on his monument the sub-stance of his acts done on earth : "The part of duty is the way to glory." "C. E. B. '05." 154 THE MERCURY. POEM. ( Written by a quondam High School pupil.) We come before you this evening, To tell of our High School days, And while our stories we relate, Don't criticize our ways. We started the fourth of September The ladder of knowledge to climb, While the months were rapidly passing, Marking the flight of time. While our work was thus progressing. The holidays drew near, And through all the glad and happy days Were pleasures, unbedimmed by tears. We studied hard to reach the goal, We scholars of Number Ten, And now to the fullest we realize " Laborum Dulce Lenimen." The friendships, sympathies and all That were our life in school, Are meshed with memories of the hall, Which was our working tool. 'Tis sad to part with friends so dear, With whom so long we've been. Try as we will, the briny tears Will come, and sight bedim. School life, so dear, is over now, On life's broad wave we speed, May God 'ere guide our journey through, And we His warnings heed. To one and all we bid farewell, As now are separated The many friends who proved us well, And joys anticipated. Farewell to many undone tasks, To victories not yet won ; May all unfinished work In heaven, if not on earth, be done. * f THE MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. XIII GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1904 No. 4 Editor-in-ch ief C. EDWIN BUTTER, '05 Exchange Editor CHARI,ES GAUGER, '05 Business Manager A. L. DILLENBECK, '05 Asst. Business Managei E. G. HESS, '06 Associate Editors H. C. BRILLHART, '06 ALBERT BILLHEIMER, '06 H. BRUA CAMPBELL, '06 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. LOYALTY TO Probably no force, power or influence among ALMA MATER, the graduates of a college is felt so much as Loyalty. We all believe that a college can be only what her Alumni wills her to be. If she is to spread her influence through-out many states; if she is to wax strong and command a place among the leading universities and colleges of the world; if she is to grow and prosper as she should, and as so many col-leges are doing, she must have your support, Alumni. Loyalty to Alma Mater must be your watch-word day and , night. Be eager, ready and enthusiastic at all times and you will be surprised beyond measure how much you can do for her. The very fact that you are a graduate is proof of your obligation and should be a sufficient incentive to rouse your earnest endeavors on her behalf. I56 THE MERCURY. Every college, no matter where or how situated, has its own reasons for producing loyal Alumni. It is, indeed, a sad day for the old mother when liar son turns his back on her, and it is a sorry day for Gettysburg when an Alumnus forgets her love and devotion. Perhaps a true indication of the success a man will make in the world is the spirit and vehemence with which he accomplishes his college work. If the undergraduate does his very best and is loyal to the core, the college cannot be without loyal Alumni. He who sings most lustily his Alma Mater'a songs, who has again and again made his throat raw with a "heike" for the orange and blue, who fervently loves every spot of this historic ground, he is the fellow who usually counts for something. Tis to the devotion and love and in-terest of such men that Gettysburg pays tribute. Loyalty to Alma Mater means the preaching of her charms to every boy who expects to go to college, and to many more who have never had a thought of a college course. Loyalty to Alma Mater means doing one's best and a keen and lively interest in all her affairs. Loyalty to Alma Mater means your unbounded support, Alumni, to your college publications. Gettysburg wants love and devotion and loyalty from every Alumnus. How much will you do for her in the next year ? Shall we, undergraduates, believe your efforts to be commen-surate with your love ? It is the only criterion we have with which to take your measure. Are you one of the many who are always so busy that when an appeal comes you must beg to be excused ? If you are made of such stuff, Gettysburg has no use for you, and the noise you will make in the world will never cause a disturbance. Our dear old college has many loyal alumni who have fought, bled and died in her interests, and to them, we, her sons, give all the honor and reverence for what she is today and for what she gives promise of in the not far distant future. Sooner or later in the life of many a young person the ques-tion comes, "To what college shall I go after I have prepared myself in the academy or high school?" It is thrusting itself upon a great many young people in this month of June, as the THE MERCURY 157 colleges and universities are sending out their scores and hun-dreds of graduates and the preparatory schools are finishing up the share of- the work that properly belongs to them. It is a serious question, one that will mean much in the life of the in-dividual, one that should not be decided without grave con-sideration. Shall he go to the college having the most successful ath-letic teams ? or to the one having the greatest reputation ? or to the one which makes the greatest promises ? These are some of the questions usually taken into consideration by pro-spective college students. But how many stop to ask them-selves and to consider the vastly more important question, "Which college lays the greatest emphasis upon the training of its students in the duties of good citizenship and the devel-opment of Christian character?" This, after all, is the important consideration. Not how great a reputation do the athletic teams have, not how much does it seem to promise, but how much importance does it attach to the development and training of that which really makes character ? H. C. B. -^> EXCHANGES. " Criticism is essential to good work. True criticism is both appreciative and corrective, but it is not so essential that a writer receive perfect criticism after all. Public judgment, fav-orable, adverse or perverse, is instructive and leads us to correct our errors, improve our style, sharpen our wits and pay more attention to the perfecting of our work, line by line. Have you a thought, the plot of a story, the idea of a poem ? Write it in your best and freshest moments and lay it by until the frost of cool evenings has chilled it, and it has become a thing apart from yourself. Then criticize it, remodel it, with your best impartial judgment. Never doubt that the English lan-guage has the right word ; and the right words rightly and ar-tistically constructed, make famous literature of the thought of men."—The Bowdoin Quill. I58 THE MERCURY. V The Otterbein Argus contains a rather interesting story en-titled " Character Painting." It pictures quite vividly the con-dition of many a poor child in the mining districts of our coun-try and portraying the effect produced by refinement and wealth upon so uncultured a mind as that of the heroine. While this story is good in the main, it is the only article of a literary nature in the journal. We cannot feel that such a meagre amount of literary matter does justice to a school which styles itself an university. The editorial pointing out why students should remain for commencement, whenever it is at all possible, is timely and well worth putting into practice. Commence-ment exercises are the crowning events of the year, and cer-tainly, whenever possible, the student should avail himself of this privilege to enjoy the happy closing of the school-year and also to bid farewell to the graduating class for whom it means so much. Remember that you yourself expect to be in a similar position some day, then perhaps you can better appreci-ate its significance. The best part of the World's Fair number of The Wabash is its "exchange pickings." The exchange editor is to be com-mended^ for his judgment and selection of clippings. We quote a few of them. " Are you Hungary ? Yes; Siam. Well, come along ; I'll Fiji." Again : " It is said some girls are pressed for time ;—others for the fun of it." " If college bred is a four-year loaf (The Smart Set says its so.) Oh tell me where the flour is found For us who need the dough !" —The Acorn. TEACHER—Johnny, repeat after me " Moses was an austere man and made atonement for the sins of his people." JOHNNY—" Moses was an oyster man and made ointment for the shins of his people." MM » "THE MERCURY. 159 "Usefulness is the rent we are asked .-to pay for room on earth. Some of us are heavily in debt." The May number of the Manitou Messenger \s a credit to the new staff. The oration "The Public Service of Church and School" is a well written and logical development of the power exerted upon the state by church and school. " Chaucer's Hu-mor" is a terse estimate of one side of his nature, as seen in "The Canterbury Tales." We are glad to welcome the Bucknell Mirror to its long va-cant place on our table. The only literary article, "The Col-umn to the Right of the Doorway," is an interesting and amusing reminiscence of a college prank fifty years ago. An increase in amount of literary matter would greatly improve the paper. The Buff and Blue contains a number of short articles. Among them "The Assassination," while an interesting recital of an imaginary college joke, it might be much improved by a smoother style, less abrupt and " choppy " sentences. The article on "Fiction" gives a brief history of its beginning, de-velopment, present use and abuse. " Ninety-Seven," an episode of an undergraduate who was determined to win his race in an indoor meet, is well written and worth reading. The Red and Blue is always among the best journals of fic-tion on our table. The June number is no exception. Roses bloom and roses fade, Flowers bloom and die. Life is made of sun and shade, ' Laughter and a sigh. Heigh-o ! sun and shade, Laughter and a sigh. Love is like the roses red, Fading in a day ; Soon 'tis dead, its sweetness fled On the wind away. Heigh-o ! soon 'tis dead— Pluck it while you may.— The Haverfordian. ■ The Susquelianna contains a well written article on Jonathan Swift, setting forth his true character. It calls attention to the fact that the vulgarities in his writings, on account of which he ■ i6o THE MERCURY. is not read, are no index to his real character. The spirit of the age demanded writings of such a nature, hence his contri-bution. "The Midnight of the Revolution" gives us a good resume of the condition of affairs in our own country during its struggle for birth. The writer has well digested the his-torical facts relating to this period and gives them to us in terse and unbiased form. In The Western Maryland College Monthly, "Old Man Knowl-ton's Greenbacks " is quite an interesting narrative of how an old miser was robbed of his greenbacks by rats. We think the story might have been told in a more interesting way. The break in the story, caused by shifting the scene to events in the court room, detracts from the narrative; while, on the other hand, were the style in which the story is begun continued, the produc-tion would be much better. The other articles are good. On the whole, the paper is worthy of commendation. The Pharetra contains a sort of parody on " The Raven " (under the title of " Easter Vacation "), which begins well, but soon loses rythm and at times whole lines are entirely devoid of any claim to poetry. However, considering the production as a whole and its probable intent, it is fairly good. SPRING TIME. The cro- cusses As the bull rushes O'er the grass-blades 'Neath the " bloomin' shades ' Of trees which are short For the cro-cusses frolicking sport. —Ex. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Weaver Organs Weaver Pianos Used by Gettysburg College Y. M. C. A. Used by Druid's Society Gettysburg College. of Further recommendation unnecessary. Close Prices, Easy Terms, Old Instru-ments Exchanged. Satisfaction Abso-lutely Guaranteed. WEAVER PIANO AND ORGAN CO., MANUFACTURERS, YORK, PA., U. S. A. I|. \ Ec^eil Latest Styles in HATS, SHOES AND GENT'S FURNISHING .Our specialty,. WALK-OVER SHOE M. K. ECKERT Prices always right The LutfieM putting |Ioiige,. No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H. S. BONER, Supt. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. FURNITURE Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames, Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. H_ E. Bender 73 Baltimore. St., Gettysburg, Pa. THE STEWART & STEEN CO. College 'EngTcuueTs ctnd (pTi/nteTs 1034 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. MAKERS AND PUBLISHERS OF Commencement, Class Day Invitations and Programs, Class Pins and Buttons in Gold and Other Metals, Wedding Invitations and Announcements, At Home Cards, Reception Cards and Visiting Cards, Visiting Cards—Plate and 50 cards, 75 cents. Special Discount to Students. A. G. Spalding «S Bros. Largest Manufacturers in the World of Official Athletic Supplies. * * * * * * ^ Plans'and Blue Prints of Gymnasium Parapherna-lia furnished on request. BASE BALL, LAWN TENNIS, FOOT BALL, GOLF, xs^sa^. FIELD HOCKEY, AST TRADE JSM, BASKET BALL, TOW OFFICIAL ATHLETIC ^ajjjgj^ INPLEMENTS. Spalding's Catalogue of all Athletic Sports Mailed >^» «^V *^V #^ T) TT others of the popular OLD FAMILIAR TUNES; be- Ti sides OLD FAVORITES; and also many NEW SONGS. ifrWJf ff ft SONGS OF ALL THE COLLEGES. fTff £Mt CopjriEhv, Price, ?f .JO, postpaid, «0u. uuu HINDS & NOBLE, Publishers, New York City, ui^, *T ft Schoolbooks of ail publishers at one store, ff^f p^q^t :**= :«=:«: :«= :\*= :**= :«= :**: =*5fc =**: Rig 1^2 ^tr *^ 3A= ^Srt: :**: ;**: :**: :**= :\*= :**: =**: ELJ mm mm m m. w mm m 50 YEARS' EXPERIENCE TRADE MARKS - DESIGNS r , . , - COPYRIGHTS &C. Anyone sending a Fleet oh nnd description may quickly ascertain our opinion free whether an invention is probably patentable. Communica-tions strictly confidential. Handbook on Patents sent free. Oldest ngency for securing patents. Patents taken through Munn & Co. receive gpecialnotice, without charge, in the Scientific American. A handsomely illustrated weekly. Lnrcest cir-culation of any scientific Jrrarnu'. Terms, $3 a year: four months, tl. Sold by all newsdealers. MUNN & Co.361Broadwa>- New York Branch Office, 625 F St., Washinuton, D. C. You will find a full line of Pure Drugs and Fine Stationery at the People's Drug Store Prescriptions a specialty. FOR HOMES, Schools, Colleges and Libraries,. . . The Underwood Stereoscopic Tours. A marvel in the educational world! Endorsed by prominent American and European Educa-tors. E. G. HESS 37 E. Penn Hall, Gettysburg, Pa. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. EAGLE HOTEL Rates $2.00, $2.50 and $3.00 pr day. HAS A CAPACITY OF 400 GUESTS— ~-^ GEO. F. EBERHART, PROFR. Picture Frames of All Sorts. Repair work done promptly. &g"I will also buy or exchange any second-hand furniture 4ChambersburgSt., - GETTYSBURG, PA. Bujj pur Summer Suit at |upp' It fits. Is stylish, looks well, wears well. We mean hand-tailor-ed, ready to wear clothing-. "* Nobby Dress Hats, Swell Neckwear, Fancy Shirts, ivlen's Underwear. • • TDTTppJO CENTRE SQM -1- -*" v-^ "^ -1" »—'f IS.-u.pp Building, YORK, PENN'A. Watch for his Representative when he visits the College. TX3::E3 sn^^^eo: SET. A MACAZINE OF CLEVERNESS Magazines should have a well defined purpose. Genuine entertainment, amusement and mental recreation are the motives of Tlie Smart Set, the most successful of magazines. Its novels (a complete one in each number) are by the most brilliant authors of "both hemispheres. Its short stories are matchless—clean an I full of human interest. Its poetry covering the entire field of ve :se—pathos, love, humor, tenderness—is by the most popular poets, men and women, of the day. Its jokes, witticisms, sketches, etc., are admittedly the most mirth-provoking. io3 pages delightful reading. No pages are wasted on cheap illustrations, editorial vaporings or wearying essays and idle discussions. Every page will interest, charm and refresh you. Subscribe now—$>.s° per year. Remit in cheque, P. O. or Express order, or regis-tered letter, to The Smart Set, 452 Fifth Avenue, New York. N. B.—Sample copies sent free on application. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Geo. E. Spacer, PIANOS, ORGANS, MUSICAL MERCHANDISE Music Rooms, - York St. Telephone 181 GETTYSBURG C. B. KITZMILLE,R DEALER IN HATS,'CAPS, BOOTS AND DOUGLAS SHOE. M*53£wJfc'* Gettysburg, Pa. k M. AIxIxEMAN, Manufacturer's Agent and Jobber of Hardware, Oils, Paints and Queensware Gettysburg, Pa. THE ONLY JOBBING HOUSE IN ADAMS COUNTY W. F. Codori, ^DEALER IN - SPECIAL RATES TO CLUBS — York Street, Gettysburg:, Pa.
Issue 3.6 of the Review for Religious, 1944. ; for Reh NOVEMBER ~! 5, 1944 t '~ (~°uesfions. Answered,' I Ind~=x tOVolumeThree ,~ ":RE, I EW "FOR R G-IOUS ¯ , "VOL0~ I~I - NOVEMBFR I~, 19.44 - No. 6., CONTENTS- ~ PIUS XII ON BIBLE STUDIES Clemen~J. MeNa.sp~, S.J .3.6.1 SCRIPTURE IN,THE CHRISTMAS LITURGY~Robert G. North, S.J. 3~68 '~. BOOKLET NOTICES '. .~. . ~t~OOM FOR THE EBONY CHRIST?John E.! Coogan, S.J. 377 ~ OUR CONTRIBUTORS " A HUNDR'ED YEARS OF' APOSTOLIC PRAYER~ Alban J. Dachauer. S.J .~. 385 . THE DEGREES' O~: PRAYER~Edward J. McNally, S.J .391 BOOKS RECEIVED , . . . . ~ . " ; . 40l RELIGIOUS PROFESSION: A SECOND BAPTI~M?~Ja~es E.RIsk, S,3,,,, ;~.402 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS~ - -._ , Abbreviating'the Postulancy: Obligation~ to go to Ordinary Confessor: " Commut~)ty Doctbr and Secrecy: ~Dispensa~tion from Eucharistic Fast: ~ Obligafion of Novice to make a Will: Converts and Ent~'ance into Reli- , g~on: Use bf Money given for Specified Purpose: PortiuncuJa~ Indulgence i~ Churches of Third Order Regular: Holding Bd'ads, for Cr6zier Indul-gence: Time for Saying. Little O~ce:" Questioning of Boys by So¢ial~" Workers: Novitiate without Isolation or.Novice Mistress: Transfdr from ¯ " Activ~ to Cloistered Instit~ute: Re-admission to Religious Life; Division of Institute into Provinces. ~.- " . . . . 410 BOOK REV, IEWS (Edited by Clement DeMuth, S.J.) ° . The Ascetical Life: A World to Re¢gnst~ruct; Paul of Tarsus: The Pas-torabCar( of'Souls: Molders 6f the Medieval Mind: Canonical Procedure in Martimonial Cases: Voll II, Informal Procedure: Abridgment ,of the Interior Spirit of the Religious of the Visitation: Maryknoll~ Missi6n Let-terL Vol. I, 1944": Dea¢onship: Conferencel on the Rite of OrdinatiOn; Our Lady's Praise in Poetr~ . " . ' ~ . 42 INDEX TO VOLUME III. ' . ; ~ . 42'8 "~ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. November. 1944. Vol. III. No. 6.: Publish¢d bi-monthly: ~lantlary. March. May. duly. September. and November at the College Press, 606 Harrison Stfeet, Topeka, Kansas, by St. Mary'~s College, St. Marys; " Kansas, with ecclesiastical al~prob;ition. Entered as second class matter danua~y 1942, at the Post Office, Topeka, Kansas; under the act of March 3, 1879. ~Editoria[_Board: Adam C. Ellis, S.d., G. Aughstine Ellard, 8.J., Gerald Kelly, "~.~I,~ Copyright. 1944. b~ Adam C. Ellis. Permission is hereby,granted for'quotations of reasonable I~ngth, provided due credit be given this review and the aut-l~r~. SubScription price: 2~dollars a year: Printed in U. S. A. Before writin(J to us. please consult notice ~n inside back cover. Pius XII on'. Bible $ udies Clemer~t J. McN.aspy, S.J. ~.~,IHEN Rome speaks it is always news: when Rome ~W ¯ speaks in the solemn form of an encyclical it ~is l~ead- line ne~s, But whim" the,Holy. Father gives a pro- , nouncement on Scripture, the whole Catholic learned world feels especially, concerned. It is .now-just .over a year since ,o-the Pope sent out his.encyclical on Bible" studies, called by its oPCning words Divino.A~ante Spi.rim (that is, "Under ,th~ Inspiration of theDivine Spirit':'~). Even, before actuhl. copies We.re available in America.interest was so higla~that 'arti~les beg~,n appearing ~n Catholic, publications of: all ,tyises . -: T~ue,. this encyclical;is~.lar~ge!y directed .to pri~sfs, seminarians, arid theology teachers, Whose. profdssion plainly'has to. do with preachi~ng and studying God's ii~Si~ired word. Yet. the H01y Father speaks to the lait~ 'too and invites them to become outstanding in studies d.eal.ing with the Bible. For they too can "render a. con-spicuous service to the Christian cause." ' ¯ ". . Bi'shops are urged fo "effcourage all th,6se initiatives by ivhi~h men . . . laudably strive to excite and foster among ,.Catholics a greater, knowledge of and love for th~ SacrCd Books." They are to favor '.'those pious associations whose aim it is, to spread copies of ~theoSacred Letters, especially of. the Gospels, among the Faithful and to pr6cur~ by every means that in Christian families the same be read daily, with .~piet~r and devotion." All the more would this seem-to apply to religious 7families," particularly th6se whosd regular program of ~ s~tudies-d~es not a11ot,c.ourses in Scr!pture. To. use the Holy_ Father's words again, if the faithful "are to be nourished CLEMEN'I~ ~J. ~ MeNASPY -~ " Review ~ fo~ Religious °with .thiS same food that:they may, draw fro'~ thence~the~¯ khowle~dge and"lov~ ~f-God a~nd."t~he pr?gress~mperfectton and' the happiness of their own souls," evidently h~does not mean to exclude those striving to live the very~of~ulness of the Christian life:~ - The new encyclical'~is now easily available. Tran~l~- tionshave.appeared in rr;any dio(esan newspapers; th, e May oissue.-of The Catholic Mind c6ntains one, which is being* publish_ed in, pamphlet~ form by America Pres r ry n fafe .cat i v e prayer. ~ ;- o Is there .a ~ype of contemplativ'e~ prayer, wl~kh we can - bring about at leasi: partially by. our'own efforts? It is importar~t to grasp the question at issue" here. Since ~all: me~ritorious prayer requires grace for its performance, we _~are2not ihquiring into our :ibility, to contemplate ,~'ithofit gr~ic~, but Whether, by utilizing the graces which are2avail, -~able. ~to all Christians, we can positively, help in building 6ur owns.ability to pra_y contemplativ~ly. The contra.ry sfippositio~n is that all contemplation, is infused and that we are restricted to-remov.igg the obstacles to such pra~ye?~ Then ~t would be given, finally as. a pure gift of God ~"-. 6ut any infallible causal 'connection with 0hr preparator~r acts. The atlthors v~e are following maintain that there °~n acquired contemplation. Father DeGuibert cites, f~r :thi~ ~ ~po~ition such le~di~ig auth6rities asoSt. Thomas Aquinai,i-~. St. Teresa, and St. 3bhn of the Cross. Experience confirms this teaching and reason would-lead. us.to expect it, For just as in " natural sdehce and ,philosophy when one has become thoroughly, familiar with his subject, he c~an find.mental repose in contemplating the ' ~rderliness 6f the system oftruths he hSs learned, so ih th~ ~bnsideration of the truths of faith, one. would be prone.to ,-,_~ @pect~ that a similar stage Would be reached iri due time2 The practical moment of holding this position is tl~at it~ .-founds the~convic~ion . that contemplatige prayer, admit-.~ .tedly a most efficacious means of spiritual progress, ~s ~. wlthin, the grasp of all and will certainly l~e our~,~ provided. w~ make the necess~ary efforts. _ . >. Method in Disdursioe Prag~r ~ ' 0f~ the forms ~of pi:a~rer thus far considered, discursive. EDWARD.:J. MCNALLY . ~ Reoietu for Religious~ ,, prayer is the only 6ne which may properly bE said,t~ be ~ go~rerned~ by method: These methods have been worked " °out in accord wiith~sup~rnatural prudence and so do" not oppose, obht work' alon~g with, the 0.pera.tions 6f ~race," At' all times it is to be borne in mind that they.are intended' as means to subserve God's _sanctifying influence ~upon the. " soul and-are to be adhered to precisely in the degree that they are helpful to this end. Gerierally speaking, the use of ¯ method°is a real need for those beginning to pray mentally. Not infreq,u~ntly also those who have been p.raying-for., some~years are still unabie at times to make~ use of the ~. simpler forms of prayer profitably; in such cases method sh6uld be followed; ' We find that the various methbds of prayer in use~in the Church ,possess certain common elements. Thus, all methods-insist on ~he importance of the remote prepara-ti0n)~-, This is summed up. by Father De Grandmaison as follows. One ought always sinceiely to pu~ the thin'igs~'of' "God in the highest placd. He shohld trust that intimate friendship with God is possible and relatively easy. should practise self-denial. It will make prayer easy if ond seeks God:in all things, practises interiorsilence~ and tries to put. on the sentiments of Christ Himself. " : 0 ~ According to.-the Ignatian methOd, .which is quite. widely practised today,, the proximate preparation iricludes ¯ a choice of material for prayer.- It shows reverence for God 15y~spending 'some time beforehand in fixing on what we .are to consider in prayer. Furthermore, "the pray~er itself is mdre deeply r~cdllected as a result,-since the entire time of °~rayer can be' spent i~n direct relationship with God and not. ~in the extraneous business of deciding what the~prayer is to-be about. For morning prayer, if'khd preparation be made the evening before, this me'thod has the added adv.an.tageof .enlisting the sub~onsci6us activity of the preceding night ih 394 Of humility and re;terence, and a petition for grace to.rn'ake~ -. the prayer weli. The use of a composition off.place is recom- o --* mended if the subject is an event in our Lord's life, in order ~ ihat thus the'one-praying may as it were projedt himself into the scene. Its use in subjects that are not historica!,bi~t ihvisible,, f3r example, a theological truth, is not favored ~by all. Utility to the individual seems to be the final test~'.- 'here. ~ " .THE DEGREES' OF~ PR)gYE~ the cause of'player. Th~ matter :chosen~-should fit the. needs and inclinatibns of~each one:" The start o~f the player .will, include an act of redalling the presence of God, an act~ An important question is" whether a definite~grace~ sl~ould .~" ~- be sought., Here a distinction is ~o ~be made between the time'of making the Spiritual Exdrcisesof St: Ignatius (for "one who.makei t.hem)and, ordinary daily'prayer. Durifig the Exercises, . the petition for the grace appropriate to each~ exercise is clearly essential, since the Exercises are a cohesix;e wtiole wherein each grace prepares for the succeeding . ~n the other hand, in daily prayer such a specific petition is not hlways required. Yet it is well tO make it frequently in -o~der t9 have definite, sp~ritua.1 aims. The dose of the .prayer should be more directly ~concerndd with God and have some bearing on the p~esent day's endeavor. A definite" resolution, however, may not always be needful ~ince th~ prayer is sufficiently prhctical if therd is a general up!.ifting ,of the heart:saffectibns to God or if a clearer grasp of a truth~ of fai~:h be gaine.d. The fbllowing suggestio.n~ g6v- '~rn the" prayer itself: 1) One 'should Stay where one findsdevotton'-' ~and as l~on~ a.~ one does so. ~ .2) Mote value is to be put on ~he affections of the heart and will than on intellectual considerations. - 3) Yet as the will's affections spring from ~hat the mind apprehends, the intellectual acts are not .to.~ be.-, cut 395 ED~CARD" d. ~McNALL¥~ " ~ )- '-~ Reuiew ,f6i- R~liqious "- ~ -short, prematurely:. ~4) The fUil.time'is to. be given to. pra:yer dedpite desola-. "-tibn. ~" 5) Violent efforts to seek devotion should be avoided. In itself, the e~irly morning se~ms the best-time" for-m~ iking mental prayer, sirice at that tim~ the mind is riot ~yet taken up With the responsibilitie~ of thd "day's work. .Yet if fatigue is too noticeable then,.some other tim~ free f.rom ii~ter.ruptions, i~ preferable. -This' latter suggestion. " applies to those for :whom th-~ time of prayer is not fixed' by ': rule. The posture should be the one most suitable to Obtain the fruit.desired and foi.due reverence:" ¯ - Timel~j:Trarldtions to Higher Forms o~ Pr.a~ter ¯ , .It i~-important that.~he transitions, first fr6m discursive to-affective'prayer and then from affective to contemplative :, prayer, occur at the proper times. To dela~; them.too 1,o.ng would be unnecessarily to render prayer tedious.and to fail to take advantage of the grace God intends for the soul. On '~ the other hand, to encourage the affective or contemplative way befor~ the grace for it is offered would be an atte ~mpt" -.c.ertain to fail., Hence it is important for the director to be ¯ able to recognize the Ordinary signs of a call to'these types of .prayer. The .principal test is the one suggested b~r[ St. Teresa, that the prayer rnu.st produce its effect upon the [,whble life of ~he individuaE by making him more humble, mpr¢closely united with God, and more careful to perform-[ well the duties of his state of life. Besides thi~, there~hould be at least equal facility in" the more. advanced-prayer. In addition to these two principal"criteri_a two others will help. -, recognize a call. They are a distaste for' discursiv~ p~aye'r. ~an~. a persistent attraction for affeCtive prayer: These. lat-'. ter t~o.signs may be called supplementary, as they are not ,always present. ~ Sqme personsad'vance early~to affectjveprayer. In such. ~-:~ casesch~e {s ~obe tak4n cha~ 5~ o~her means--for~examPle, - -~:,.6y conferences and re~ding--s~ch p~rsons'attain tothe deep unders[anding and,personal convictions of the great otruths ": ~ " of the-spiritual life and of their obligations that ordinaril~ a~e the result of discursive prayer. ~, -~ Dan~ers to Be A6oided ¯ Even after one is practising affe~tive praCer and shoul~ ~ bd practising it, certain dangers are to be watched fo~: One of these dangerd is a tendency toward too-violent excitgtion 6f affections ~hich usually occurs when one is laying stress on the sensible emotions instead of the will's determination. be ~givefi in order that affective or "contemplative prayer be : ~ ~ ,made with the g~eatest possible fruit. Another danger is that of spiritual gluttony for "sensible. onsolations. This caff le~d to a "neglect.of the duties.of, one's state of life ,in order noYto be deprived of anysensible consolation. There is also daniier Of presumption based on the judgment that one'must.be far ahead of others.spir-~- itually since one is enjoying great intimacy.with God. , Similarly, acquired ,conteinplation is also attended'b~r ~ certain' spiritual darigers. For example, there may be'dejec-. tion. of mind when this contemplation; at first very swe_et,:- o he.crimes arid and tasteless.: Or one may conceive a gr~eat rep~ugnance for making any distinct act.of the mind, such. as reasomng, even though impelled thereto by grace. A~in: dne. m~iy presume to despise 16wet forms o_f. prayer. Fin~ill y, laziness an,do a superficial spiritual life may derive-from a lack of cooperation with the. graces ,of contemplative prayer. ~ Hence. speaking_p~sitive!y, the following advice might 1) Solid and fundamental~ virtues are:to be rather than subjectively, plea~ing experiences. ,2) Greater recollection should be cultivated. :[.3) The examination of.consciefi~e is" to b~ kept up and - gr3ater purity of consci¢.nc.~ sought. " ., 4) No inspirati.on .of g~race should be disobeyed. " Even for those pr.actising these more advanced forms of .,~ : prayer preparation of material is recomm~n~l~d. °This.!may ~be done more simply than formerly. Thus, the subject chosen might merel, y be a' passage from Holy Scripture ~in, event in a saint'slife, or a certain, supernatural affection "of the will[ The Night of the Senses ¯ " -Th, e,final-pre, p~ratiofi of a soui for the gift of habitual rhysti~al" prayer is almost always the first passive nightof" >the soul, known as the nigh.t of the .senses. This is ch~iracte~- ized by a .great ari,dity. There is a simple memory' of God ~hich persists throughou~ prayer. This is the one constant -~ttraction of the mihd and 'it endures more or less inde-~ pehde,ntl~r of the will. S0metlmes .this i"nemory has conso-la'tion in it. '-MUch more commonds a painfu~ and persist-ent need, of a closer union with. GOd. Those who h~re already had some transient experiences w.ith consoling mysticalprayer can define wha't they Want:,,,,it is the return of that prayer flowering in the possession of God. ~,Grace. begins to induce a distasfe for even such sensible:ple~isures as are lawful. The will is free to resist this purifying proc-e~, ss~ and One is tempted to immerse oneself in, excessive indul-~ genceoin sense experience. The proper course tO be.f6.11owed is just,the opposite. Recoll~ktion is to, be presereed, and the "senses mortified.During time of prayer one should be con-tent with the simple, thought of God; this is all. that ongcaff do withOut tooviolent efforts; 0fie should pray for quick "deliverance from this time of trial if it be'God's will. - Distinctive Nature of MqsticalPrager Three qualifies set infused contemplation, apart f~om ¯ " 398 ' Noi~mbec, 19~44 - T~E DI~_aREES OF PRAYeRs-. ~ill ot~er ~rayer. First,'God's 15r~sehce till now l~nbwn dnly b~r:faith seems ~d be expdrienced. It is felt. This conscious-ness of God's presence has beeia e.xpressed analbgously by othqse who have had it as a~fouc14 of God or a Sl:;iritual ta~sting. Only. in.,the more advanced m~stical~ prayer do the analogies~of hearing and sight.0ccur. .Secondly, this ihtui-tion is simple, not bringing any other new knowledge to soul.~ Thirdly, ttie prayer is simply received from ~od, sifice no human efforts can produce it even for a short tinge. Grades of Myst.ical Prayer " Th~e. ar~, according to the authors we are ~fol~lOwing, three principal-stages' of ~mystical prayer:, the "prayer 6f quiet; the prayer of fhll union; and the .tra.n, sfgiming union, also known as the .mystical marriage. The pr~ayer of .quiet may be described as mystical union.in which tlqd ~divine act.ionis not yet strong enough to exclfid~ distrac- =tio~s. -At first,-this prayer will last only for very brief intervals, say for the space of a Hail-Mary. Gradua113~ attains lofiger duration until finally it is Eossessed almost ali the"time that is spent in prayer. . :-~In the, second stage, of mystical~ prayer, known as the prayer of full.union, the experience of God is su~cient!y ~absorbing to preclude all distractions. At first, this prayer tgo is had "only very briefly, though with profound_effedts .upon thb soul. A half an hour is considered rather 1ong.A person gifyed with .this prayer falls back to the. prayer of ~quie~ in the intervals between periods of full union. I~s_ ~rea~tiofi on the body is rfiore or less pronounced, accc~rding ~.~ to, the[temperament of the recipient. I~ can result ii~ ecstasy. Before ,being admitted to.the final stige of mys~tical' praye[: the transforming union, the soul must be further purified: ~. This purgation is effected through~ the.' 399 MCNALL¥ Reoieu~ for ReligiOus passive~i~h(of the soul known~fis tl~e night of the S]~irit. ' This state is not ~without j0y~resultin~ drom the infused 5ontempla~tion of God~ But it is-chiefly characterized-by" very -. great sufferings. Understanding.God's holiness and love in" a~nev~ way, the' soul also perceives the enormity its own ififidelities and conceives "a torturing abhorrence, c~F- ~them. This great sorrow and destestation of its faults~ cleanses the soul from them and so fits it for more exalted union with God. There is at times agreat aridity making ~ prayer seemimpossible. Very_delightful periods of infused contdmplatjon have been experienced, arousing the soul's desire°for more peLfect union with God; now these graces ha,vd:been Withdrawn, leaviffg the. soul without joy and acutely and painfully conscious of its g~eat .need fo p.os-sess God. ~ - - -/~ At-length th~ finai stage of mystical prayer is reached_. ~, This transformingunion or-mystical marriage has ~'th~reeT' distinctive properties. First, it'is almost .permanent; goin~ ,on'practically all the time even amid external activity. Per~ ;~ so/as gifted With this kind of-prayer ~have been impressed witffa Rindof duality within themselves. - The h!gher fac-ulties of the soul are n~early always_ rapt in prayer, while the lower Qnes are capable of engaging in all sorts of work~;" ~I'n~ .some cases this prayer lasts even during sleep. Ecstasy is -rarer than in p@e~eding degrees[ Temptation~and interidr sufferings Occur only infrequ'ently. ~ ~ The second_ property of this _degree of prayer is an, ~xperience of the transformation or divinization of the°~ 16ul. The supernatural divine concurrencegranted to÷soUls, in~ grace becomes the object, of conscious° appreh~nsiom ~. There" is a Sp, ecial percept.ion of union with G0d~ 'an~t all a~t~bns are. consciously performed with Him and through Hiifi. ¯ Thirdl.~, so~e ~ersons gifted With this prayer have an No.tuber, 1~44~ ~ ~ ,~,~ ~THE DI~GREF~ 01~ ~YER :ilmost con--tindous vision ofthe-Blessed Trinity.-St. Teresa: ~---says that~this is always-so. But St. zJohn of the Cross does not merition it and there seem t6 have been cases-of the tr.ansform!n~ union With God as ~ne, without any co_n- ~.~ sciousness df Hiin as Three. ~,The part phyed by the Sacred Humanity of our Lord with regard to this spiritual marriage seems to be that Of !e.ading the soul to if.- The relations,hip.is between the soul ~and the Divinity. In .different recorded instances of this-union,~ the divine r~ature has ~anifested itself more ~learly as identical with the Word or with. the Holy Spirit. ~ _" AI~ very close ufiion of the will with God's Will is ~the~ result of the transforming union. Deliberate'venial sins: are a~most completely excluded. The soul feels that' it' w0uld be imp6ssible to sin serio~usly. Yet there is no cer, o _~aihty that confirmation in graci is granted., St.~3ohn of theCross thinks that it is. ' But~St. Teresa holds that a fall° is possible, since there is no absolute guaranty th;it~ God.wifl continue to hold the $o1~11 so. close to Himself until death. Books Received (From August~O to October ZO) -THE BRUCE PUI~LISHING CO., Milwaukee. A Month o~ Roses. By the Reverend P. H. Fages. O.P. $1:75. Canonical -~Procedure in Matrimonial Cases:, Volume II. Informal Procedure. By .the Reverend William J. Doheny; C.S.C. J.U.D. $8.00.The Man Nearest" io .Christ; By the Reverend F. L. Filas, S.;J. , $L50. B. HERDER BOOK CO., St. Louis. Lent, By-the Reverend Conrad Pepler, O.P. $~.00." P! J.'KENEDY.~ SONS, New York. Three Reliqious Rebels: By the Reverend M~" Raymond, O.C.S.O. ~' Her Silence 8peaks. By the Rey~erend John S.'Middleton0 Ph.D, GROSSET ~,DUNLAP, New York. " $2.7.5. Men o~ Mar~tknol_l. By the Reverend James K~ller and Meyer Berger. Reprint., $1.00. " R li{gi uS pro e Si ~ a ~Seffo~nd Baptism? 3ames:E. Risk, 8.3. .\V! A~ TOLD~in. the liyes', of the early Fathers that . ,~ one of these heroic men behdd in~ vision two persons. . ~' .~receiving the grace of complete remission~ of th~ terdporal phn!s~hm_ e.~.t due to sin. One of these @as a neo- -~" phyte, the'6ther a religious assuming;the habit of .his order. Be it, fact or legend, this represents an opinion'that has held: an honored .place among the traditions, of the .religious life; " .For centuries theologians and spiritual writers have. likened; ' th4 religious profession to baptism or mar~yrdom,both ~which~car, ry with them the immediate and entire remission of the temporal punishment due to sin. 'In an article publishett in a recent issue of this REVIEW i(~Vo!. 3~ p.-28~),, Father McAuliffe explained the notion of _temporal-punishrfient due to'sin and several ways effecting its payment in this life. If the tradition about the" ,expiatory effect of the religiou~s, prqfess~on~s sblidly founded,-theq we hav~;~in the" pronouncing of th~ thr& ,.public vows, still another means Of riddinKour~elves of-o.u'~- ~ debt of temporal punishment. Some commentators on the religious life ~tate that ~the religious, profession hhs the l same expiatqry, effect, as bap- ~ tism or.martyrdom, but th.ey leave us to search for an argu-ment ,in support of this statement,. Som~ ~imply,~est their case on authority,, partic,ularly on St. Thoma~ Aquinas, -~St. Robert Bellarmine, and Suarez. It is the purpose of the pre.sent investigation to test the merits of the 1png-stand, ing tra.dition° by scrutihizing the testimony of these three emi-rient authoriti.es. 402 " REI~IGIOU$ PRO~$IION~A SECOND t~PllSl? ~ The Problem." By the religious profession we understand the pro-nouncement of the~ ,three vows of poverty, chastity,~nd obedience in a religious~institute~approv~ed by the Church. --For the moment we. ate not distinguishing .between the simple and the solemn profession. Our problem .may .stated simply in the form of a question: if a religious, in.th~ state of grac~ and free from attachment to all sin, were to die< immediately after his profession, would, his soul .~be admitted without delay fo the, beatific vision? Let it. be noted from~ the outset that we presci~id-from ~J~e',plenary _indulgence accorded some religious institutes, whereby their ~members enjoy this spiritual favor on the day that they receive the habit or on the day of their profession. Such a grant, for example, was~ made by Pope Paul V in 1606. We are considering the religious l~rofession in itsel~: and inde- ~endently of the_ remission of the~ temporal punishment'- occasioned by the g~:ant of,a plenary indulgence. -. Baptism, or the r~-birtl~ of a person into the life of.- ~ s~nctifying grace, the. sacrament of regeneratiori, remits the entire guilt 9fsin and with it the eternal and tempor.al puff-ishment due~to sin. On the neophyte, no work of satisfac- ~'tion is imposed. The c~ebt i~ cancelled by the grat(Utous applica~ti~n of Christ's own su{Serabundant satisfaction., This complete,liberation from the'bond of sin and its con- _"~equen(penaltie~s follow~ s immediately in virtuedf the per-., formanc~ of the ~baptismal rite, or, in the language of the theologians, ex opere operato. The,remitting effect of bap-~ tism, theiefore, is rather in the nature of a. free gift than one produced by the laborious procedure of personal penitential. acts. , The voluntary act by which the, martyr sheds his blood ~ in testimony bf the faith likewise produces tile entire remis-siofi of the debt oftemporal punishment, even though the 403 _.-' JAMES'E~ RISK . -, - Review for Religio~us martyr should have only 'imp~rfe¢i-¢ont-ritiom This com~ ,,- plete remission; though not the: result of a sacramental rite, ~ iS als6 prodi~ced ex. opere operato, Or as some. would express ~.--it' quasi ex opere .operato. : St~ Robert Bellarniine; in his . treatise on ,Ihdulgenees, explains this, " " ¯ "For it is'clear that martyidom is such a complete.sat-isfaction that it.can make expiation' for the guilt that has been contracted from sins, no;matter how great their num-ber ~and enormity. For, provided~ it i~ certain that .one i~: ' truly a martyr, the Church does not.heSitate to list him . among the saints and blessed, ¯even if before his martyrdom° he hadbeen coveied with many crimes." What, ofthe' religious profession is :it on a level with baptis.m and martyrdom as an e~piatory ag~ht?'" In sol'ring thd problem we gi~e first consideration to the opinion of the Angel Of ,the SchoOls.~ " ~ " ~ -OPinion of St. 7:l~omas o. ,.Commenting, on the relative~merits of the vow to make - a¯ .pilgrimage *and~ that" of entering the religious state, St. Thomas in his Summa Theotogica (2, 2ae, q.~!89, a. 3; ad3) says: ~ "The vow to enter religiom~being perpetual:is greater ~: than thw vow of .pilgrimage to the Holy Land, which is a ," -tempdral 'vow: and as--.Alexander III says, 'He ~wh~ exchanges~a temporary service for the perpetual service of religion is in no way,, guilty of~ breaking his vow.' More, ¯ over it may be reasonhbly staled that alsoby entrance into religion a man obtains remission Of all his sins. F6r if ¯b3i~ giving alms a man ,may forthwith .satisfy for his ~sins, according to Dan. iv, 24, 'Redeem thou thy sins With alms', ~ much more does it suffice to satisfy for all=his sins'that a ~ man ddvote himself wholly to the divine service by entering religion, for this surpasses all manner of satisfaction,- ever~ 404 November, 1944 ~,. REliGIOUS PROF~'S~ION--A SECOND BAP~SM?~ -that ofpublicpenance, acCording to the Decretals,-jus~ as'a holocati~t exceeds a sacrifice, as Gregory declares. Henc~ we read:in the lives of the Fathers that by entering'religion one receives the same grace as by .being baptized. And yet, if- One were not thereby absolved ~from all debt of punish-ment, nevertheless the entrance into religion is more ~profitable than a pilgrimhge to the Holy Land, which, as regards °the advancement in good, is preferable to th~ abso-lution from puriistimen~.''1 In.explo.ring the. probative value of this almost uni~ y;ersally cited passage 6f'the Ange!ic Doctor, i't is well to note carefully thephrases used. Otherwise than some com-mentators ~duld lead ug to believe, Sf. Thomas does not-mention explicitly the religious profession, that is/the .vows taken ~fter the novitiate, or the final profession,. He speaks first of all of the vow to enter religion, a vow there-fore taken before one embraces the religious life. He then ,°mefitionsth4 entering into religion four times, three of which are associated with the .idea of the complete .rem)ssion of ~ins dr of punishment due to sin, namely: l) "'It,may be reasonab, ly stated that also by entrance .into religion a man obtains remission of all his sins.'" 2) '" . . . much more,does it suffice to.sati~fg for all his sins that a man devote himself ,wholl~t to the divine servi'ce bg. entering religion, for this surpasses all manner of satis-faction, even that of public penance. "" , ~ 3 )' "'Hence we read . . . that b~j entering religion one receives the same grace as bq be(n~ baptized.:" ~ " From the° foregoing we may safely say that St. ,Thomas ~held it as highly probable that entrance into religion is ~n act of the hi~hest satisfactory value, capable of deleting the ~Cf.~The_ Summa Theoloqic-a o~ St. Thomas Aquinas, literally translated b~, Fathers of the English Dominican Province. L6ndon: Burns. Oates. and X,Vashbourne. ~V61. 14, pp. 301-302. - ~ o ., 405 JAME~ E: RISK ,a '~" Revie~ for Religious entire: temporal punishment~ due to sihl~ iind this independ-ently' 6f any special indulgences granted by the ~Church. ' Sinie entrai~ce into religion implies tile voluntary~assump-. - tion of a life of perpetual self-restraint from a supernatural motive,, it is more perfect than~a pilgrimage to the Holy. Land, which=implies only temporary hardships; and since ,it implies a complete giving of-self to God, it is more perfedt' ~- than almsgivin.g. Yet both the pilgrimage to theHoly Land and_ almsgiving were considered to have even complete sat-isfactory- value. " [t is true; as w~ noted, that in the text cited St. Thomas speaks only of the vow to enter religion and of entrance into religion; he does not mention the religious profession. -_ itself. Ye~, surely we can ~easonably argue thht if One may .receive complete pardon by entering the religious life, all the more so will he receive such complete condonation by actually pronouncing the vows: Did St. Thomas hold this opinion as certain? From o the text this is not clear. He seems to have made allowance for a contrary opinion when he says: "And yet, even if one were not thereby absolved fr0m~ all debt of punishment, nevertheless the entrance into-religion is more profit-able. " St. Robert Bellarrnine ~ Commenting on the same problem, another Docto~ c;f the Church, St. Robert Bellarmirie, says: ~ '-"Finally we.say, that~ between baptism and the pro~es-sion of religion, there is some similarity. And just_ as in ° baptism the guilt and the punishment of all sins are per-fectly r.emitted, so when the profession.of the religious life is assumed with th~ proper dispositions, it is'piously~ believed that there is remitted the entire temporal punisl~- merit, for which otherwise satisfaction would have to be made, even after the guilt has been forgiven. On-that 406 Novembbr,'1944-~'~ REliGIOUS PROFESSlON~A SECOND B,~PflSM?, acco~un.t, 'however; we _dcf not rate th~ monastic ,~rofession~s~ ahead of baptism, no~ .place, them o~ an.~qual plafie, '. For_ baptism remits hot, only the tJfinishment bur also the guilt, -hrid that we.know for certain. "The monastic profession, however, does not remove the guilt,-but only the punish-ment, and .this we do not. affirm with certainty, but it is our ~pious belief . . . "~ ,From this text emerge the following conclusibns: " )) (~Ve know,/:or certain that one of the effects of the sacrament bf baptism is the perfect remission of all the pun-isl~ ment due to sin. That the asiumlbtion of the obliga;- tions~of the religious life ~effects a, complete condonation of the ~temp0ial punishment is a pious betid and not a certain j 0pinion. - - 2) We do not, therefore, plac~ the religious professio on an equal plane with~ baptism, mudh l~ss do we rank the vows ahead of the sacrament. - .,,. The conclusions of St. Robert here-stated are cor- .roborated-by_an0ther passage of the same treatise in which he-s~ys that the Works properto the religious state; namely~' tO live c_hastely, to retain proprietorship Over nothing~ and to obey_one's superiors are conducive to satisfaction' for one's sins. ' oo . Th6 0pinign of Suarez. . Comme.nting on the,doctrine of St~i Thomas~and o(her great theologians who refer to" the expiatory capacity of the ~rehg~6u.s profession, Suare~ conte'nds: 1 ) It is rash to assert.that the religious professio~ pr~o-du& s'its propitiatory effect in sacramental fashion. (that is, ex o-pete operato), for the tradition of the Churchoand the . ~estimony of the Fathers-~offer. us no ihformation on the "~ subject. 2Controuersiatum de Membris Ecdesiae, lib. II. cap. VI. ~'~ . 407 r ~eO~ew for Religious 2) "The ai~thors inentioned m.er.ely teach-that-this. ~raceds diyinely granted tothe profession, so that,if any~- one haakes~it in.the.state of grace~ the entire debt of tem-poral punishment is remitted him. [This come~] from the divine generosity or from a ~ort of gratitude~, even though. he.would not otherwise make satisfaction proportionate the guilt. This assertion I admit to be pious.and probable, because 0~ the authority 9f the do~tors of such standing, because "it favors the religious state,.and because 'it seems fi_tting ~hat God will show that liberality, towards a friend Who has given his all to Him.' However, I admit that I dd not see a ~ufficiently Cogent proof. For St. Thomas makCs nb~ menti,on of either~h privilege or of.~divine generosity, "bu't endeilvo~rs to base :~thls effect [of "the-profession] on the excellence of that act.''a Suarez, then, ad~nits the. probability of this opinion because 6f th4 number of great theologians who see in the act of ~ssu ,ruing the religious state, or at least in the consum-mate geneio~ity of the profession, a~work of such merit to gain the condonation of the entire debt of temporal pun-ishment: Of the c~rtaint~.t of this opinion~ however, h~ remains unconvinced: The Simple Profession F~llowing the lead of these, and other, 4mi~n~nt tb'eo-logians, we may consider it as highly probable tl~at, in vir-: ttie of the self-surren~der made in the perpetual prc~f~ssion, the religious, like the neophyte or the martyr, obtains tl~e perfect remission of the temporal punishment due to sin, provided he is in the state of grace and free from attach- ~inent to sin. " May this conclusion, which we accept "as reason;ible, apply ti~ the simp!e as well. as to the solemn pr6fession? A~, ~Opera Ornnia, vol. XV. lib. ~rI, cap~ XIII. n. 6. 408 " ;Nooember, f944"< " ~ RELIGIOUS PROFESSION.-~A SECOND BAPTISM~ " the time°of St. Thomas~ whom so many authors cite as' an ,;~thorlty, the solemn p'rofe~ssion was the only°.~form, of profession kn6wn,. The approval of the simRl~ religiou_s profession, occasioned by the founding of the'Society .of -~ 3.esus about three centhries later, marked a decided :depar- " ~ ture from the existing law that the religious vows should be exclusively solemn. Hov~ever, it appears justifiable to at~t, ribute that same expiatory quali~y, to the perpetual; -'simple profession, for according to the present disposition- - of the Church, the juridicaldifferences between the simple ,_ and the solemn profession little affect the actual prosecution ~3f one's-quest for perfection in the cloister." The demerit ot~ self.surrender, the factor that probably effects tl~is remis-sion, ~s going to be qmte the same in both cases. The a~gu . ments eipressed above.should .be as applicable to the one ÷ form of profess!o~ as the other. COMMUNICATIONS? When possible, we like to have a Communications section in the REVIEW. We "think that (his adds interest and practical value. However¯ as we hav~ stated before. w-e prefer to direct the communications towards a definite topic, especi~lly a topic of ge~u~ral interest and value. Our first topic for communications was "Spiritual Direction by the Confessor." This ran "through several issues aiad was. we think, both enlightening and hellbful. \The second topic chosen was "Vocation." The third was on "'Retreats:" Com-munications on these latter subjects were also helpful, but, we believe, not so'useful as the first. ° We should like to have more communications on some definite topic, but we fihd * it hard tb choose a topic. Hence. we throw the question "'open to the hbuse." Can you give us some suggestigns regarding subjects that would provide forinteresting and useful discussions? Any ideas will be~appreciated. ; Address~'our suggestion_s to: Th~ Editors, Review for Religious. St. Mar~"s_ ;College, St. Marys,~ Kansas. 409- ues ons and Answers' Because of a slight illness, a postulant dntered ten days a{~er her class of March 24. May she receive the habit with her class on September Yes, she may. She had fully intended to enter with her class but" was prevenked from doing so by illness¯ Normally the six months should be complete. However, the prescriptions of the Code regarding the time of thd postulancy do notbind under pain of in;calidity. For grave reasons.superiors m~y shbrten this. tirrle by a few days. " In the presentcase the illness which caused the involuntary delay in~ enterin~ would be a sufficient reason to allow the postulant'to recdive the habit _ with her class, even thoughten days are lacking to complete the six -.months. . --37-- ," What ;s the obligation of a religious regarding the ordinary co.nfe.s.sor~t~ When the confessor a Sister prefers is stationed close to thd convent, may sh.e go to him rather than to the one appointed? It is the mind of the Church that religious women should ~en-erally confess to the ordinary confessor. While canon 522 allows a religious woman to go to any priest who has diocesan faculties for Women, it supposes, that this will be done drily occasion~illyoi because of~iome special reason 'of conscience, which,may persist for'a short time. Mere preference does not justify a religious woman in going to confession regularl~ to another priest stationed close to the convent. Please read explanation of this point in REVIEW FOR RELI-GIOUS, Mar~h, 1943, page 81. Our community doctor (the, only doctor we can consult o~dinariiy) reports to the superior on the phys,cal'con&hon and ~eeds~of. the sisters. In addition he sometimes makes known to the superior damaging facts which he ~has learned through consultation with or examineti6n of patient. Has ~ community doctor an obligation to guard even from the superior the professional medical secrets of ir~ferlors? : A doctor.has a strict obligation to guard tlqe secrds of his clients which come to him in the way. of busindss. When, in virtue of his 416 ~Offic~ he bears or d~scovers a'secret damaging to the clientbe is bound to respect i~ as an inviolable confidence. ~He. can ~reveal it only ~n. the most pressing reasons of ~he common good of s~iety demand the re~elation. Even then he must keep in mind the harm that would b~ ~one if the public-lost confidence in the prudence and silence of its p~ofessional advisers. In a religious community the house .doctor occupiesa peculiar position. To some extent he acts for the superior,'~, yho~must care for the health 0f the religious as a parent does for~a child. But.since the community doctor is the only one to whom the members of the'community can go, he must consider that the infe~or_ is h~ client. He cannot consider himself the me~e agent of the-superi6r, a~d hence enmled to reveal to the sup~or,confide~ces or damaging facts which he has learned professionally fro~ a member ~bf the community. On this point Vermeersch (Tbeologia~ Moralia, lEd. 3, q937], II, n. 649, 3) says :,."Note finally that the case ofa-religious community doctor is differentia doctor to whom the reli- ~'gious men and women have. to ~o. For since they have no choice, they ~ave a right that a strict professional secret be observed in their regard, ex o~cio." Then he remarks: '~A superior who knows some-_ ~:thing through the violation of the secret [i.e. the professional medical-secret], cannot on that account dismiss a subject against his will." Of course, since the supe~or must provide for the subject, the d~tor ~s allowed to make k~ow~ the state of the patient's health, but in such a way as to pro~ect his reputation. ~ Whaf~type of dispensation from the Eu~:harisf;c fast do rel;g;ous~and lay nurses have who are obliged to wo;'k on night duty? We have heard, ;~'thaf in some States the .night workers are bound to abstain from. solid food ~f~ur hours Before reception of Holy Communion and two hours frSm liquids. ¯Does Canon Law provide for. such a dispensation? The general Ia~ .of the Church as~ expressed in canon 858, § l, -~requires that all pe.rsons who wish to receive Holy Commdnion must fast from midnight: In paragraph 2 an exception is made for those who have been sick for a-month, as was explained in REVIEW' FOR REI~IGIOUS, May 1944, l~age 171. There are'no other exceptions as~ fa~ ~s the general law of the Church is concerned--except, of course, those .~vho are in danger ~of death and those who communicate to save ~the t~lessed Sacrament~from profanation. ~ ~ ~ The Holy See can and does grant d~ispensations from~, the law bf 411 QUESTIONS~ AND" ~NSWERS i~he Eucharistic fast in special cases. Thus there'are special d~spensa tions'for members of our Armed Forces, includihg nurses who beloqg to these same Armed Forces. 'Again;'P0pe Piiis XII has granted~ to ,the Bishops.of the Uni~ed~States special fadulties in favor of persons engaged in work of National Defense (see REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. .,March, ~1942, page 1431_. We do not believe that these faculti~'s have been extended to religious and .nurses on hightduty in hospitals. The. only way to find out is to get in touch with your Diocesan Chaficery. Religious and nurses on night duty may follow standard time in compu.ting the fast from midnight: henc~ they may eat and drink up to one" o'cl0ck war time, and receiveH61y Communidn ih the m0r;n-ing. 'This was explained in REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, May, 1944, :- page 213. ¯ A novlco who is amlnor owfis a sum of money which was willed %~hlm," ,and,whlch is bolng held under ~juardianshlp by {.he courts of his ~hls' {.6onty-firs{. birthday. Gonsoquontly he has never boon able any disposal oL{.hls money, which was his before en{.erln9 {'he novifia{.e. In such-a case Would {.he novice be permiffed {.o .make a provision in: his will (which will be made~ before his. twenty-firs{, birthday) {.hat this money be cji~en.% his pa~en{.s as soon as {.he courts release ff 'to him? Since the novice, though owning~ the money in question, did not. have the.free, disposal of it before entering the novitiate, he will si~bj~ct to the regulations of canon law regi~rding it. Before taking his first vows he must appoint/in administrator and determine who is to get,the annual income from the money during his lifetime.~ H~ may give this income to his parents if he Wishes, but as long as he lives he" "m~y not dispose of the capital itself without the permission of ~the: Holy See. As to the woill which he must make before taking his first vows, he is free to name the beneficiary of it, and may will this money tb his parent*s. But the will does not take effect until after the death of [h~ novice in question. Therd is widespread misunderstanding among religiou~s with simplevows regarding ~the nature of the will which they~must mak~ before taking their first vows.¯ This is owing in no small.part tO the. wording of canon 569, § 3 "as found in most texts of con~it.u-tionsoand which is taken from the authorised English translation the canons of. the Code regarding~religious. It reads as follows: "In Nooembei, 1944 . " ~ ~ "QufSTIONS AND ANSWERS " e,~ery religiouscon"grega;ti o"n the nbvice, before maki.ng profession te_mporary vows, .-shall _freely dispose by Will of all" the proper~ty, h~ a~tually, possesses or may subsequent.ly possess." The" Latin. ~ext of '~tbe Code merely states: "'testarnenturn de bonis praesentibds oboenturis ffbere condat,'" and-may b~ translatCd simply: "He shall ,.freely make a will regarding his present possessions.as well as regard-- ing those which may possibly come to hifia in the future." ~Wbile the ~afithorized translation "he shall freely dispose by v~ill" is techni-- callyocorrect, still the word "dislSbSe" misleads many. religious into thinking that they are free tO give away their possessions during t~eir lifetime. This notion is absolutel~/fals~ and is contrary to the ¯ ~meanling of the word¯''will or testament," ~which is defined, as~ "~the_ ~ legal°°declfiration of a.man's intention as to disposition of property,. etc., that he wills to be performed after his death." The will .which ~ the novice mak, es has no effect during his iifetime,.but only after his" death. Hence the term "dispose,by" WiW' means simply ~o determine'~ who is to receive his property after his'death. The novice'in question may, therefo~re, determine that his parents " are to receive the'income of his~money during'his lifetime, and he-may ~ ~ make th~.m th~"beneficiaries of his will so that they'will recei~'e the -. ~0 m_oney after his death. But if he wishes to give them this money whet, ~-~ ~iig domes into l~is full possession, on his twenty-first birthdaw, he wi!l ha,ie t0,obtain~permission to do'so from the Hol~ See, since canon ¯ o- 583;-1° forbids him to give away~his po,ssessi.ons during his lifetime;, Is{there any'i'egulafion ;n canon law regard;ng fhe f;me wh;ch musf 'elapse a~er fhe recepf;on of a converf ;fifo fh~ Church before he or she ma) enfer r~l;g;on?" If nor, please g;ve us some adv;ce on fh;s po;nf. Canon 987, 6° tells us that converts are~impeded from the recep-. "tion of orders until they ha/re been sufficiently tested acc6rding to the~" .judgme_nt of the Ordinary. This is the only prescription of the C0~ ~r,~garding~ neophytes. Hence there is no time limit prescribed, before all~wii~g them to enter religion. The determination of such ~ time~ ~ ~<'" li?~it will, therefore, be lefv to the prudent judgment of the superior ~ Who is to receive the candidate. This will depend uPon the circum-stancesof age, education, and other, conditions. Generally _speaking, it will be well to make the candidate wait at least a year after"con-- version .before receiving him. Further extension of this time w~ll _. 4'13 -~ :-. _~: , ~, ~, / ,, ', The ans~ve'r ,pertaining to the Porfiuncula IndUlgence ;n th~ last ,ssue of t_he Review for Religious (July 1_5 "1944, pp.'280-281) gave me. the ;,~- pression that Sec~,lar Tert;aries of St. Francis cannot gain this ;hdulgence ~n a parish church of the Frim's of the Third Order. Regular of 'Saint Francis ofPenahce. Has this privilecje been revoked or has ;t n6ver ~been g;~ven-for churches of the Friars of the Third Order Regul.ar? This impression is hardly justified by the text of the answer. referred to above. "The answer concerned itself p.rin.cipally with the.~ question of Religious Tertiaries (members of a. Religious Institute ~with simple vows, for example, Franciscan Sisters) gaining the In-dulgence in their own community churches and oratories. Neoer~ho-le~ s, the answer also stated that "the faithful" hence, sure. l~ Secular Tertiaries---can .gain the P'ortiuncula Indulgence in all the churcl~es and public oratories of Franciscan ~'ertiarg Communities with'simple. ~Vod~s---a fortiori, Of the Third OrderRegular, a comr~unitg°with solemn oows. ' ~o answer the question asked above: Pope Urban VIII, hy a 414 19~4~ " ~- ~ .QUESTIONS ~ND B_rief, dated~Janu~ry.13, 1643, gra~nted the privilege wher~by~all the faithful' can gain ~he Portiuncula Indi~l~enc~ in "all"churches- (public oratorles are included in wrtue of subsequent grants by the Holy~See) ~of.' the Third Order-Regular of Saint FranCis bf Penance. A~s statett~ in ~he answer referred to in the question, the ~Sacred Penitentiary on 2uly 10, 19~4, declared: "Perpetual grants of thisIndulgence given ~iia ~ny manner up to the present time remain unchanged for the~ fu-ture." Hence there is no doubt whatever that not only Secular. Ter~. ~ tiaries of St. Francis, but ali the faithful as well, may gain the Por: :~'~ tiunc61a Indulgence in :all_ the churches and public oratories of~ the ~." ~Third Order Regular of St. Francis of Penance. ' When sayln~ Hail Ma~s durln9 the da~ is if necessary to ~a~e a.bead jn one's hand to 9ain the Crozier indulgence affached thereto, or would°ff ~: s~ff;ce fo have.the rosary on one's person? -~ " Generally speaking, one must hold the be~ds in one's hand in, ~order ~o gain a.ny of the various indulgences_, attached_ to th~ recitation o of the rosary. Through a de'red:~issued by the Sacred C6ngregation of Indulgences on January 22, .1858, Pope Plus IX allowed, that when the rosary ~s satd in common by- two or rriore, personL it iuf/ice~ tha~ one.of them hold a phir of beads and lead in ~he recitation pro- ~/ vided tha_t the others abstain froth all external occupation which ~ _ ~vould impede intdrior rec011ec~ion: , In ~an audience granted to the Cardinal Penitentiary on October 20;' 19~3, Pdpe Plus XI deigned to grant that ':when_ever either ma.nu~al labor or some reasonable cause prevents" the faithful from. ".__'~ carrying, in their~hands,: accordifi~ to the prescriptibn, either ~he~ roshry or tl~e crucifix, which, has been.,blessed for the gaining of~ the indulgences dither of thee holy rosary or of the W~ty.of the~ Cro.ssl, the, " faithful may gain those indulgences, provided that, during tl~e reci-~ ration of the prayers in ques~ion,they carry~ with them in any way~ ~the rosary or the crudifix." Will yo~. I;!ea_se inform us,,.whether there is a set time specified "by ~oCanon-law for the recitation of the Liffle Office of th~ Blessed Virg!n~ "" that is, for the J.iHle° Hours, Vespers and Complin, and, the anticipated :-Matins and L~uds. ~ ~R¢l~gious who are ~bound by their constitutions to the r~citation~ 41-5 Rd6iew for Rdigidu~. ~"of t~e Little O~ce'of the Blessed Virgin are not bound by the litur-gical prescriptions' r~gardingthe time of the recitation of the~ single. hours of the Divine O~ce. T~ey may follow these times if .they wish, but they are not obligedto do so. H~re are ~he times allowed for the Divine O~ce: Matins and' Eauds may ~e.said any time after V'espers and Complin have been recited (b~t not before t~o'o'clock in the afternoon of th~ pre~ng day) up'toone hour after s~nrise: Prime may be s~i~ from dawn up" to two. bouts after sunrise, thesmall h6urs u# till boon. Vespers Complin in the afternoon (except during L~nt when ~es~ers should~ be said b~fore noon). I am d~irector of a home for Catholic delinquent boys and a member o~ the Amer,can ~Assgci~tion of Social Workers. In this field Of work, ffofte~ ~becomes necessary in the line of~ duty .to question b~oys recjardincj prob~ lems of a'strictly 'moral-nature; The feeli.ncj~is that one may'be or perhaps. i~ encroachln~ on the ricjhts of the confessor. This fedincj is especi~l!y present in fhe~are,~s.pertainln9 to tSe Sixth Commandment. Is~there any norn~, whereby social, workers ca°n tell when they are cjeHincj into areas ~hat belon~ to the confess~or? , ~ ¯ ~reli'minary to answering the question as stated, we recommend ~i'that so~ia[ glorkers read Father Ford's article, Paternal Government." .dn'cl 'Filial, Con/idence in Superiors (REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, II. p. 146), Father Ford expl.ains th~ impoftant distinction between the judicial and the paternal forum. A superior (and the same-may~ be said of the social worker) act~ judiciall~t, when he questions ~ ~,ubject principally for the common good, and seeks to inflict pu'ni~b-' ment as a vindication of violations of discipline. In this case he must "r~member that ~,the boy qudstioned has a natural right to defen&him-self and to avoid "answerihg any question that would incriminate.° himself. The superioror social worker would l~e acting paterna!lV if ~ were questioning the bo.y prindipally for the good of the boy him-self (for example: to help him "avoid an occasion of sin or to correct a bad habit). In this matter the superior or social, worl~r has ~he :right to ask .any questions he deems necessary for his puri3ose, but he -must observe certain cautions. (l) He is not free to punis~ a b~y who" confes'ses guilt, except in so far'as some punishnient of'a purel_y °' 416 *Not~e~b~;, 19~4 ~_ ~ : . -.QL~ESTIONS~ _ _ AND ANSWERS~: ' - . 2. ~private nature might be judge'd a mdans necessary to l~elp the- , (2) He is-bound by a yigid 'professional sec~recy with regard to the answers given by' the boy. '(3) He should prudently¯refrain from ,~iskjng questions that'he foresees will be answered with a lie. (~)~He ~ sh6uld not ask questions concerning problems with Which he kno~s ~s not competer~t to deal. Perhaps it i~ the fourth cafitibn that causes some social workers to feel that they are trespassing on the rights of the confessor, par- ,ticularl# when they ask about things pertaining to the Sixth.Com- ,~mandment: As a matter of fact,-the confessoi has not an ekclusive righ~t to-ask such questions. But in practice it is frequently true that :6nly~priests are competent to deal wi_th conscience problems that such " questions might'reveaL The social worker, therefore hi~ own i:[ualifi~ations. In some things'i no doubt, and even in very delicate matters, he-may be c[-great help to the boys committed to ~his care: and he may put prudent~questions.on these matters without infrii~ging on the right of the cdnfesso_r. ~ ~ ~We add a final word, of .caution for ~all religious who, as ~ocial -workers or i~ ,some other¯capacity, must treat with youth about ~ sexuaF~atters. We'fhink it is important, for the good of the Church: -=th~zt they-should not underake such work without having a clear ~ ~°: unders[anding, with th~eir dwn superiors as to. what they intez~'d tb. ~-~o~: Entire religio~u~ communities, and even the whole Church iri ,a certaih locality, can ~.suffe~ -grievously -from the imprudence of-one ~erson. ~" Our nov;flare has been wffhout a mistress of novices or a subst;- ~ ~,fute fo~:the past" seven,months. ¯ The novices work with fhe professed, Sis-ters ahd wifh the'lay h~lp. "l'hey'are also allowed fo associate freely with ~:'fhe;younger professed Sisters engaged.in their preparafo~ studies. May ~e i:onsider~as valid a novitiate made und~)r such irregular ci~nd;fions? "_ ~.The novitiate is not invalidated by the~ absence 0f~i "mistreSs 6f 2,_~iz6viceS or by tFie failure ~ isblate the novices fiom the oth~'r_ Sis~ers.~ But~certainly conditi6ns like thes constitute a gravd¯abuse thht shbuld b~ quickly remedied:. _ Canon 559, which preicribes that the novitiate be made under the -supervision of a mistress of novices, enumerates her.qualities, and ~'~-demands,~hat she be free ~from all'offices and duties that might inter-fer~ with the "care and training of the n~vices, makes it. qui~e clear that ~QUES'I~IbN~; AND Alq'.SWER.S :.- ; Revieu2 for Religio~s the~'Church' considers this~" an. offi. ce Of the,. highest importance. As-for the isolation of the novic,es,-canon 564 prescribes that., ,"the novitiate shall b~e, as far as pqssible, sept;rated-from that part of the house inhabited b~ ~he professed religious, so that n6 communi--~ cation may be'carried on b~tween the novices anal professed religious except for some spec!al reason and with thepermission of the Supe-. riot 9r Master (Mistress)." . With much greater reason should inter-mingling with the lay help and other externs~ be avoided, s.ince these naturally have an outlook on spiritual matte'rs quite different.from religious novices. The ideals of ~the novices are b6und to stiffer ~,fr~m ~.such regular contact with Lxterns. Does canon Jaw permit a relig;ous Of' an active institute' to transf6r tO a clo;stered cor~munify? "~f ~o, what ;s the procedure? ~° ° By taking vows in a religious institute, a religious becomes a ~erla-ber o~f that institute and, uhder, normal ctrcumstances, should per~e- .vere in tl~at institute until death. The Church does not favor the transfer of a religious~fro~ one institute to another, since it iscon-trary to the common" good of religious societies: However, in indi-vidual cases the Church will allow such a transfer for the private" good " of the~itidividual, but she reserves t9 herself to pass-final judgment 'i.n each case. Canon 632 tells us: "No religious c~n, without authortza-tidn from the Apostolic See, pass to another institute, even(stfic.ter, ~ or from one independent monastery to another." In practice, in order to pgss j.u~dgment, the Sacred Congregation Of :Religious requires that the religious who wishes to tranifer to another institute must first find an ihstitute willing to receive him. This will-ingness'- must b~ expressed in writing by the proper superior~ Th~n .tpo the Sacred Congregation wishes to know what the religiohs supe: riot thinks abbut~the transfer of his Subject. Hence this sup~rio~r, ~also, must write a letter giving his ~incere opinion whether the trans-fer is desirabl~ or, no~. The religious~wfishing to transfer, will then"~o write out a form'al petition~ to the Sacred Congregation of Religious asking' to be transferred to the institute that is willing to receiye him, and send this. petition,~ together with the two letters mentionedabove, to the Sacred Congregation of Religious. o If a favorable reply.is received, the religious may transfer to the -,.new instftute and must make a novitiate,' during ~rhich the vows 418 - -. Nooernbero i 944 "- whicl~ he has .taken in~ the first' institute remain intact., He is bound by his vow of~obedience to obey the superiors of his new irlstifute. "At,the end of the novitiate, if he does not make profession in the new~ institute, he must return to the 01d one unless, of couise, he had taken only temporary vows, and .these have expired. ' QUESTIONS~^ND AN~WEI~S " ~" Some years ago a Sister who had. taken perpetual vows ;n our °concjre-cja~ ion appliedL for and secured the. necessary~ dispensation to leave in order to take care of her aged parents. Now the parents have died and she has-asked to be. re-admiHed, stating her willingness to repeat the ~novltlate and to do whatever,is required. May she take perpetual vows at~the end of th, e canonical year? Or must she spend three years with ~temporary vows before her perpetual profession? What is her.rank in the_~ community? - Since the Sister in question actually left the institute after having- 0brained .a dispe~nsation from her vows, she sevefed all connection with.it. Superiors will.have to-obtain a dispensation fro~no the Holy See before admitting her a second time (canon 542, 1°). This dis-pe, n~sation will be granted for the asking, since the ~Sister had a very~ good reason for leaving in the first instance, SuppOsing that the dispensation has been gr.anted, the former member ~f. the institute will have to make-her novitiate again and take temporary vows for three years before being admitted topyofes~- sion of perpetual vows. In a word she is'in the' same conditi~on as any ~other novice entering for thefirst time. The only exception will .beo that she may omit the period of postulancy, since she made it before and its purpose is satisfied. , ~ As fo her rank in the community, she Will take it in the class in which she enters, just as any other nowce does. . When, and for what reasons, should a rel;glo.u~ institute b6 divided ~;n~o pro~.,inces? For obtaining such a division, what procedure~is fo followed7 The Code of.Canon Law contains no Provision which directly forces an institute to divide into. provinces. Canon 494, the only canon which de~Is with this subject, merely states: "It pertains exclusively to the Apostolic See: to divide into provinces an institute approved 419. QUESTiOnS AI~:ANSWER$ -- fly the Holy ~e," to unite*exisfing .provinces or otherwise r~Odify their boundaries. ~to estal~lish new provinces or to ¯suppress exis_ting" ones, to separate independdnt monasteries from one monastic congre-gation'and to'unite them to ~nother" (§ 1). ¯ The decision-concerning the necessity or utility of ~lividing into provinces is, therefore, lefLto the .prudent and conscientious judg-ment of the proper superiors. The reason~ Commonly. given for' ¯ divi~ing an institute into provinces ar~ the following: (l) the culty~ of government either because of the wide diffusion of houses; or becai~se of the large number-of subj.ects;~(2) the need of a second ~novitiate--~or ~example, ,because of different nationalities, or becahse of the great distances¯ from the novitiate to the other houses, or because . of the di~cuity, even iinpos~ibility~ for one master~ of novices t~o ~ ~roperly train a very large~number~of novices. The 1~rese~t practice of the' Sacred Cdngregation. of Religious is~'to r~quire for the division of an institute into provinces that at least'roger provinces can be established, each of which will have about two'hun-dred subjects and at least four houses in which twelve or mo~e reli- :gious reside. In some institutes the~constitutions approvitd by the H01y See ~ determine explicitly.tha~t the right to petition the Holy See fpr a diyi-sion of the institute into provinces rests with the general chapter. In ~'others the constitutions grant this power to-the superior geneial, with the consent of his council If the constitutions are silent on the sub-ject, it seems reasonable for the superior, general and his council, to make th~ petition tO the.~Holy See, especially if a general chapter ~ill not be held for several ~rears. "The Holy See will then'either grant the petition or provide for a spedif general chapter to pass on the subject. 420- THE ASCETICAL LIFE. By the Reverend Pascal P. Parente, S.T.D., P'h.D-, J;C.B. Pp. viii -~ 271. B. He~:der Book Co., S~'. Louis, 19_44. $2.50. This work, which has grown out of lectures by-the author at thd Catholk University, Washington, may be said to have two distific-tions. First, it is an American treatise on ascetical theology. As the first American systematic, deve, lopment of ascetical the61ogy, itis of course v_ery much to be xcelcomed. ~ .It~ presentation of the subject seems rather brief and sketchy, leaving one with the ~wish that the writer had gone further. To some extent this wish is fulfilled in the third.p_art of 'the book (pages 181-251), in which certain-select questions are discussed more thoroughly. Numerous quotations from the Fathers~of th~ Church add to the literary and inspiratibnal value Of the work. , : o Secondly, ~:~ither Parente sets out resolutely to steer a middle course ¯ between the two.schgols of opmzon that divide ascetical and "mystical theologians. Moreover he strives to reconcile the two opposing views "'~through opportune.distinctions, whenever feasible." ,Though this volume is limited to asceticism and ~nother volume on mysticism is promised, the author could not avoid touching on certain prbblems !nvolving the differences between the two and between acquired and ¯ infused contemplation. He believes "that there is both 'a distinction and ~ a continuity between acquired.and infuse~l contemplation." " "The distinction is not essential or in the very ziatures of the two forms of contemplat!on. Rat.h.er it is to be found in the mode or, manner in Which the twb forms of contemplation are attained. . Such a difference. is l~ss than specific and more than merely a matter of degree. Acquired contemplation can and ought t0~be the aim of all who ctfltivate~spir- ~, ituality, and it is one of the principal links between the ascetical and the mystical life. On~religio_us ;*nd ascetical theology the authoi writes: "It is neces-sary for religi6us to. be well instructed in ascetical theology. Ordi- -~ naril~ they receive a thorough explanation of their vows and rule, bat bften only a superficial and frhgmentary jntroduction in ascetical -and mystical theology. Some of'them do not know any .form of mental prayer besides meditation. The impression prevails that 421 . BOOK REVIEWS Reoiew /:or Religzous_ _ ,myst!cal graces are.dangerous for both the individual and"the cbm- -mumty. The-consequence is that many are retarded or hindered in theirspiritual advancement. The position of. the religious who has been favored with-extraordinary graces becomes very delicate. A well:enlightened community is better disposed toward mystical phenomena and higher forms of mental prayer" (page 215). Father" Parente's book is suffikiently~ clear, brief, and ,free fr6m .technicalities and more recondite investigations to be intelligible religious, generallg,.-~-~.G. AUGUSTINE ELLARD, S.J. A WORLD TO RECONS~'RUCT. Plus XII on Peace and Recons~ruct;om By Guido GoneJla. Translated by the Reverend T. Lincoln Bous-caren, S.J. " Under the auspices of the Bishops' CornmiHee on the Pope's Peac~ Points. .Pp. x~x -I- 335. The Bruce Publlsh!ng'Co., Milwaukee, 1944. $3.50. The Papal Peace Plan, explains "Guido Gonella, proposes as the basis for a future peace a. "f~derated society," of free and independ~ent . peoples. This "Sgciety of Nations" is to be: Constituted by all states. - joined into an organic union , b' being organized into groups of states. wl~ich groups would be regional, continental, international. All states would be equal ~fore the law, bound by the same morality that governs private action, unarmed,. committed to arbitration of all internationai disputes, wit~ all force and sanctions delegated to the authoritativd, and