Suchergebnisse

This article presents results of the research in contemporary trends of international economic inequality. The author argues that international economic inequality is a bidirectional and complex concept. The bidirectionality and complexity of the concept is reflected in the fact that there are countries that concurrently converge to or diverge from the most developed countries in terms of their economic development. The key finding presented here is the rise of economic inequality between countries, especially between the poorest and the richest countries. The exceptions are some countries that have made significant progress in the period from 2000 to 2014 in reducing the economic inequality in comparison to the richest countries. The most important factors that have contributed to their progress are distinctive economic institutions and development policies of those countries, as well as the effects of the financial crisis since 2007-2008, which caused a decade-long stagnation in the most developed parts of the world. ; Rad je posvećen istraživanju savremenih trendova međunarodne ekonomske nejednakosti. Namera autora u ovom radu jeste da ukaže da je međunarodna ekonomska nejednakost dvosmeran i složen koncept. Dvosmernost i složenost tog koncepta se ogleda u činjenici da istovremeno postoje zemlje koje se u pogledu razvoja udaljavaju ili približavaju najrazvijenijim državama. Ključni zaključak rada jeste da ekonomska nejednakost između država raste, posebno između najsiromašnijih i najbogatijih država. Izuzetak su pojedine zemlje koje su u periodu od 2000. do 2014. godine učinile značajan iskorak u smanjenju ekonomske nejednakosti u usporedbi sa najbogatijim državama. Najvažnije faktore koji su doprineli tom napretku čine osobene ekonomske institucije i razvojne politike tih država, kao i finansijske krize i višedecenijska stagnacija u najrazvijenijim delovima sveta.

Rad razmatra problem zastoja u procesu pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja zemalja Zapadnog Balkana Evropskoj uniji. Osnovne uzroke ovog problema autorka vidi u samoj prirodi asimetričnog odnosa Evropske unije i pomenutih zemalja u čijem središtu se nalazi Proces stabilizacije i pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja. Njemu su doprinele obe strane: Evropska unija preambiciozno postavljenom politikom prema regionu, nedovoljno definisanim i stalno promenljivim kriterijumima, ali i zemlje u procesu svojim nekritičkim odnosom prema mogućem članstvu, nejasno definisanim interesima i ciljevima, sporim reformama i slabom demokratskom tradicijom. Kako bi proces mogao uspešno da se nastavi, autorka tvrdi da je potrebno njegovo suštinsko preoblikovanje ka fleksibilnom procesu. U svetlu sve češćih rasprava o mogućem kretanju evropske integracije ka većoj diferencijaciji, proces fleksibilnog pristupanja bi omogućio članstvo samo u odabranim oblastima delovanja Evropske unije, koje bi bile odabrane shodno prethodno jasno definisanim i analiziranim interesima i mogućnostima zemalja kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata. Autorka zaključuje da je potrebno proces što više odvojiti od uslovljavanja u političkim oblastima kako bi se umanjila mogućnost arbitrarnog odlučivanja o napretku ovih zemalja u procesu. Osim što bi za države kandidate i potencijalne kandidate ovakav manje zahtevan proces bio jednostavniji i omogućio veću autonomiju u izboru oblasti integracije i tempu prilagođavanja, za države članice EU bi predstavljao način da se vrati kredibilitet jednoj od svojih nekada najuspešnijih spoljopolitičkih aktivnosti. Ključne reči: pristupanje, zastoj, Evropska unija, Zapadni Balkan, fleksibilnost, diferencirana integracija. ; The article deals with the problem of the Western Balkans countries' accession and association process impasse. The author finds the key causes of this problem in the very nature of an asymmetric relationship between the EU and these countries with the Stabilization and Association Process laying in its core. ...

The modern state administration and its bodies and special organizations should act in the field of the rule of law. It is a term that originates from the Anglo-Saxon legal world, but it is also a category and a principle of the Constitution of Serbia from 2006. The paper points out the different understandings of the rule of law and briefly looks at the position of the administration or the phase in its historical course until its subsumption under the principle of legality. In Serbia, state administration bodies consist of ministries, administrative bodies within the ministry and special organizations. Administrative or special organizations are formed by the state in order to perform professional and related administrative tasks. In order to permanently and unhinderedly perform the professional work of these organizations, they can act authoritatively. Special organizations have numerous and diverse administrative powers. The paper points out both the similarities and differences of special organizations in relation to administrative bodies. A review of the activities and organizational structure of all special organizations (secretariats, institutes, directorates and one center) established by the Law on Ministries from 2020 was performed. It was also pointed out that all institutes: the Republic Institute of Statistics, the Republic Hydrometeorological Institute, the Republic Geodetic Institute and the Intellectual Property Institute are special organizations that provide services to interested parties. In one part of the final considerations, the author states that for special organizations (as part of the state administration) it could be concluded that they really operate in the field of rule of law as an order with positive properties as characterized by the Constitution, it is necessary to strictly respect the principles organization of state administration prescribed by the Law on State Administration: independence and legality; expertise, impartiality and political neutrality, effectiveness in exercising the rights of the parties, proportionality and respect for the parties; publicity of work. ; Published

U članku autorka ispituje uticaj velike krize Evropske unije na proces politizacije antikriznih mera usvajanih tokom 2010. i 2011. godine. Praćenjem procesa usvajanja "paketa šest mera", kao i analizom reagovanja različitih nacionalnih i transnacionalnih političkih aktera, autorka pokazuje da je uobičajena pretpostavka o krizi kao podsticajnom faktoru za politizaciju samo delimično ispravna. Šest mera čiji je cilj bio da se unapredi nekadašnji Pakt stabilnosti i rasta i nadzor nad ekonomskim i fiskalnim politikama država članica EU, značajno je ograničio ovlašćenja nacionalnih organa da se bave ovim pitanjima ali i povezanim politikama. I pored velikog značaja i ozbiljnih posledica ovih šest antikriznih mera, one nisu izazvale intenzivnu politizaciju, bar ne onakvu koja bi omogućila da suprotstavljeni zahtevi različitih političkih aktera utiču na konačan ishod odlučivanja i da se politizacija iz nacionalnih okvira prenese na nadnacionalni nivo. Naprotiv, kriza suverenog duga u EU upravo je poslužila političkim elitama da eventualna sporna pitanja izoluju od širih političkih konflikata i da ih drže mahom unutar nacionalnih granica. Osim krize, i drugi faktori doprineli su umirivanju politizacije. Autorka nalazi da su to način oblikovanja (predstavljanja) politizovanog pitanja, ustrojstvo ekonomske i monetarne unije kao decentralizovanog i policentričnog sistema upravljanja i konačno, složena i konsocijativna priroda Evropske unije. ; The article examines how the great crisis in the European Union influenced the politicization of the anti-crisis measures taken during 2010 and 2011. By tracing the process of adoption of the so-called "Six-Pack" measures as well as by analyzing the reactions of different national and transnational political actors, the author shows that the usual hypothesis about the crisis as a factor giving impetus to politicization is only partially right. The six measures adopted with the aim of reinforcing the Stability and Growth Pact and the surveillance of the member states' economic and ...

Предмет рада је утицај миграција из држава западне Азије и северне Африке на Србију, у контексту њене позиције и односа са суседним државама са којима сачињава За- падно-балканску руту, као и са Европском унијом. Циљ рада је сагледавање и анализа утицаја Европске уније на преобликовање поступака и мера спровођених у области управљања миграцијама током трајања мигрантске "кри- зе". Полазећи од теоријског приступа о различитим меха- низмима ширења утицаја ЕУ на државе кандидате, а на основу квалитативне анализе садржаја, основни налази рада упућују на то да кандидатура Србије за чланство у Унији представља важан подстицај за развој националних политика и пракси према мигрантима. Уводни део про- праћен је теоријским разматрањима о дифузији политика и вредности Европске уније. Следе опис и анализа односа Србије са осталим државама Западно-балканске руте и са Европском унијом. ; The paper is focused on migration trends from the MENA region and their impact on Serbia, from the point of view of Serbia's positions and relations with the neighbouring countries along the Western Balkan route, and also with the European Union. Serbia's aspirations towards joining the EU have arguably presented the most important impetus for the development of national policies and practices towards migrants during the migration "crisis". The paper deploys the theoretical framework developed by Tanja A. Börzel and Thomas Risse on mechanisms of diffusion in "usage" by the European Union. The suggested mechanisms of diffusion can be divided in the following way: coercion, manipulation of utility calculations, socialization, persuasion and emulation. The author of the paper scrutinizes each of the mentioned in order to describe and analyze the extent of the transformative power of the European Union regarding Serbia's policies and practices during the migration "crisis". The chapter on theoretical background is followed by chapter on relations between Serbia and neighbouring countries (first of all FYROM, Croatia and Hungary). Not all of them ...

U prvom delu rada ukazuje se na načelne nomotehničke propuste zakonodavca. Potom se analiziraju najznačajnije odredbe Zakona, poput onih o neposrednoj opasnosti od nasilja u porodici u smislu Zakona. U centralnom delu rada obrađene su zakonske novine u postupanju policije, s posebnim osvrtom na odredbe o hitnim merama koje po Zakonu o sprečavanju nasilja u porodici izriče policija. Pri tom, ukazuje se na propuste stručnih obrađivača u formulisanju odredaba o analizi rizika, zadržavanju, i onih koje se odnose na naređenje kojim se izriču hitne mere. Takođe, dotiču se i pitanja sudske zaštite od nasilja u porodici. Kao poseban problem ističe se (u zaključku) odsustvo delotvorne prekršajne odgovornosti učinilaca nasilja u porodici, a to bi se moglo otkloniti de lege ferenda izmenama analiziranog zakona, Zakona o JRM i Zakona o prekršajima. ; In the first part, the paper points to general nomotechnical omissions of the lawmaker. Next, it analyses the most important provisions of the Act, such as those concerning the immediate threat of domestic violence within the meaning of the Act. Central part of the paper deals with legislative novelties pertaining to police conduct, with special reference to the provisions on urgent measures whose issuance the Act on Prevention of Domestic Violence vests in the police. It thereby points to the flawed formulation by professional legislative drafters of the provisions on risk assessment, detention, and ones relating to the order imposing urgent measures. Additionally, it touches upon the issues of judicial protection against domestic violence. As a special problem, the author emphasizes (in the Conclusion) the absence of effective misdemeanour liability for the perpetrator of domestic violence, which could be solved by de lege ferenda amendments to the analysed Act, the Public Order and Peace Act and Misdemeanour Act.

Despite the progress in all fields, modern society is facing the development of the means of political violence. Technological development also has its dangerous side. Many researches in the field of science are often carried out for the sake of military needs, and scientific researchers are often misused in military purpose. Political violence represents one of the greatest threats for the democratic development and human rights in contemporary society. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the position of political violence in contemporary society, particularly focusing on its covert use by the great powers, which is often justified by the struggle for democracy and achieving human rights. In that sense this paper is divided into two parts. The first part analyzes the globalization process, underling that this process has double face, whose negative side can significantly contribute to the spread of political violence. In the second part the author deals with the relations between policy and violence in contemporary society. The paper underlines the need for critical approach to political violence. This critical approach is crucial for understanding of political violence which is the first step in the fight against it. Political violence is not always negative and sometimes can have a positive role, especially when it comes to defensive war and combating terrorism. But the main problem here is that this can be misused to justify political violence in general. What is positive and what is the negative role of political violence often depends on the perspective of observation. Unfortunately, it seems that the privilege to enforce the standard today is reserved only for great powers, and they have become main judges who decide when political violence is to be approved of or not. This is the way in which a war becomes humanitarian interventions, protection of human rights, etc. That is why it is of great importance to encourage and initiate all actions in science which aim to understand and counter this complex phenomenon.

In this paper the author points out to the importance of main organizations for establishing of international peace and security. They are the following: League of Nations, United Nations, Organizations of European Security and Co-operation, Conference of European Security and Co-operation, European Council, West European Union and NATO. Until the end of the Cold war, the universal organizations have played primordial role, but after the mentioned period the regional ones took the lead. The reason lies in the shift in balance of power - from bipolar to unipolar. The League of Nations and CESC can be observed from the historic perspective. NATO and UN played a crucial role during the internationalization of Kosovo issue and the act of intervention itself. NATO demonstrated its power and proved in the absence of real balance of power, la force l'emporte sur le droit. On the other hand, UN had passed several resolutions that condemned violence in Kosovo and Metohia (1160, 1199 and 1203 - all passed in 1998). During 1999 Security Council had passed a famous Resolution 1244, by which it was decided a civic and military mission should be established in Kosovo and Metohia - UNMIK and KFOR KFOR dealt with security issues in order to ensure the respect of it to all nationalities in Kosovo and Metohia. UNMIK set a very ambitious task lying ahead trying to establish standards before the future status. Realizing that it would be impossible to reach the standards, UNMIK started with the policy of status determination without standards establishing. The outcome of such policy is Ahtissari's Plan for supervised Independence of Kosovo, and finally the Declaration of Self-proclaimed Independence of Kosovo. We are also witnessing the transfer of horizontal and vertical effective state authorizations to the mentioned international organizations, bearing in mind problems it encounters. NATO deals with security issues, but European Union being unable to deal with such tasks (ESDP policy is to be as attempt), is more concentrated on economic issues.

In the last twenty years the world has undergone serious changes, unfortunately not in positive direction. The collapse of the bipolar system and the establishment of one bloc hegemony - NATO headed by the USA, has not only failed to establish more stable and secure international relations, but, on the contrary, it has corresponded with the greatest insecurity and uncertainty of the mankind ever since World War II till the present day. After the 'counter-balance' disappeared, there has been open political, economic, even direct military, interference by the Alliance states in the sovereignty of many countries. Consequently, the world's conflicting potential has largely increased. Apart from the threats present from earlier, the contemporary world is faced with a series of new, formerly unknown or marginal, ones. The most notable among them are: uncontrolled escalation of armed conflicts; international terrorism; proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction; expansion of drugs trafficking; illegal cross-border migrations; human trafficking and trafficking in human organs; piracy; criminalization of different areas of living; etc. The economic and financial crises have additionally warned the world of the limitedness of natural resources and, in the most serious form, posed the issue of the fight for preservation, or conquest of areas rich in raw minerals. Apart from the current courses of action in the fight for control over the natural resources, both new methods of action and new areas of contest are emerging (Arctic, Antarctic .; above and under the Earth's surface; on the sea, and under the sea bottom), over which the interests of great powers will be increasingly conflicting. Michael Klare, the author of well-known books 'Blood and Oil' and 'Resource Wars', convincingly evokes a growing hunger for resources by the picturesque title of his latest book 'Race for What's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources'. For success in this new competition in strength and skills, new strategic concepts are required. Some have already been created and preliminarily tested; others are being prepared for implementation and corrected 'on the go' based on the performance of already proved solutions; still others are being hurriedly shaped. Understandably, along with this, what actual and potential rivals do related to this, or what their activities suggest, is watched closely.

The subject matter of research in this paper is theoretical controversy related to the definition of right-wing extremism. Given the fact that extremism is a variable, amorphous and insufficiently researched phenomenon, largely conditioned by time, space, political and cultural differences, there is a great confusion in the field of political science when defining right-wing extremism. The problem of researching right-wing extremism is additionally complicated by various terms that are being used in the contemporary literature as its synonyms, such as right-wing radicalism, neo-Fascism, ultra-radicalism, etc. In order to provide the most valid theoretical determination of right-wing extremism, the author provides a detailed analysis of all the components constituting this phenomenon and examines their causality. In the political praxis, the term extremism is extensively abused, which additionally complicates its determination. Videlicet, politicians often use term 'extremist' in order to discredit their political opponents. While during the French revolution aristocracy saw the bourgeoisie as extremists, the members of the working class later stated that the bourgeoisie were extremists. The problem lies in the fact that, in politics, extremists are not only the ones who use violence as modus operandi; indeed, it is also used by political opponents who do not belong to the extreme political option. Another aggravating factor in defining right-wing extremism is that many administrative and academic definitions do not make a clear distinction between extremism and related phenomena, such as terrorism, radicalism and populism. Extremism is most often equaled with terrorism, which gives rise to another problem in defining this phenomenon. The relation between extremism and terrorism is the relation of general and specific. Namely, every act of terrorism is concurrently considered to be an act of extremism, but not vice versa, given the fact that every act of extremism does not lead towards a higher level of political violence (i.e. towards terrorism). Even in the terms of legal sanctioning, it is much easier to incriminate terrorism in comparison to extremism. The Serbian criminal legislation envisages relevant punishment for committing an act of terrorism, without even mentioning extremism, which implies that there is no penalty prescribed for committing an act of extremism. Despite numerous academic and administrative definitions on the concept of extremism, there is still a lack of a balanced approach to defining right-wing extremism, which is also largely conditioned by political definitions. The most prominent problem in addressing the social phenomena such as right-wing extremism lies in the fact that these social phenomena are dynamic and, in order to be analysed in a scientifically objective manner, they must be examined in the specific temporal, spatial and socio-political context.

Ova disertacija nudi odgovor na pitanje zbog čega, 17 godina od otpočinjanja demokratske transformacije, službe bezbednosti u Srbiji ne samo da nisu reformisane u potpunosti već je napredak ostvaren u pojedinim oblastima reforme bezbednosno-obaveštajnog sistema skroz urušen, te postoji jak trend povratka na staro. Autor koristi koncept reforme sektora bezbednosti i iz njega izvedene elemente reforme službi bezbednosti, koji služi da se utvrdi željeno stanje u transformaciji službi bezbednosti iz tajne policije u savremene bezbednosno-obaveštajne službe. U radu se koristi i istorijski institucionalizam, koji omogućava da se istraže uslovi, događaji, procesi i akteri koji su uticali na tokove, ishode i domete reforme službi bezbednosti u Srbiji 2000–2017. godine. Posebna pažnja posvećuje se utvrđivanju značaja nasleđa, neformalnih institucija, interesa i odnosa moći između aktera, kao i ideacionih faktora u oblikovanju njihovih odluka u ključnim momentima političkih promena, odnosno kritičnim tačkama reforme službi bezbednosti. Nalazi disertacije potvrdili su glavnu postavku istorijskog institucionalizma: institucije se teško menjaju, a promena službi bezbednosti, kao veoma zatvorenih i konzervativnih aktera koji su navikli na neformalnosti, još je teža. Da bi do promene došlo, neophodno je da politički akteri preduzmu sveobuhvatne i korenite reforme u skladu s konceptom reforme službi bezbednosti, i to u ranim fazama kritičnih tačaka, jer rane odluke utiču na dalji tok i domete reforme. Svaka nepotpuna promena službi bezbednosti omogućava opstanak starih neformalnih pravila koja otežavaju buduće opsežnije promene, te u nepovoljnim političkim uslovima ugrožavaju i napredak ostvaren u pojedinim oblastima reforme bezbednosno-obaveštajnog sistema. ; This dissertation seeks to explain not only why Serbia's security services have not been comprehensively reformed – 17 years since the onset of the country's transition to democracy – but also why progress achieved through certain aspects of security and intelligence service reform has been completely undone, resulting in a powerful regressive trend. In order to establish the desired outcomes of transforming the security services from a secret police force into modern security and intelligence services, the author relies on the concept of security sector reform and elements of security service reform derived therefrom. The paper also draws on historical institutionalism, facilitating exploration of the conditions, events, processes and actors that have influenced the trends, outcomes and scope of security sector reform in Serbia from 2000 to 2017. Particular attention is paid to determining the importance of institutional heritage, informal institutions, interests and power relations between actors, as well as the ideological factors that shaped their decisions at key moments of political change – i.e. during junctures critical for security sector reform. The dissertation's findings confirm the main premise of historical institutionalism: that institutions resist change, and none more so than those as closed, conservative and accustomed to informality as the security services. For change to be enacted, political actors must embark upon comprehensive and deep-rooted reforms that adhere to the principles of security service reform. And they must do so early on in the transition process, since decisions made ahead of time shape the further course and scope of reform. Every incomplete transformation of the security services allows their old, informal habits to persist, hindering more profound change in the future and, in times of political turmoil, endangering the progress achieved in particular aspects of security and intelligence service reform.

Sistem nacionalnih računa (SNR) nastao je i više puta unapreĎivan na meĎunarodnom nivou sa ciljem da omogući, izmeĎu ostalog, što potpuniju osnovu za analizu ekonomske politike. Polazeći od činjenice da će se u Srbiji nakon pribliţavanja standardima Evropske unije izraĎivati celokupan SNR, što trenutno nije slučaj, i od teze holandskog autora Bosa da će vlade sve manje koristiti SNR, u radu je ispitano koju ulogu nacionalni računi trenutno imaju u analizi ekonomske politike. Cilj istraţivanja je bio da se utvrde načini unapreĎenja upotrebe nacionalnih računa u Srbiji nakon njegove dopune, po oblastima upotrebe. Korišćenjem postojećih podataka, intervjua i kvantitativne analize, to jest ekonometrijske analize vremenskih serija, utvrĎeno je da se u tri oblasti upotrebe SNR, analizi putem indikatora, analizi tokova sredstava i makroekonometrijskom modeliranju, moţe ostvariti napredak već i sada, a posebno nakon dopune statističke produkcije. Posebno je vaţno da će biti moguće unaprediti makroekonometrijsko modeliranje u Srbiji, što je pokazano na primeru funkcije potrošnje. Komparativna analiza imovinskog efekta u Srbiji, Sloveniji, Češkoj i Holandiji pokazala je da varijabla stambene imovine nije značajna u funkciji potrošnje u Srbiji jer ne dominiraju hipoteke u svojinskoj strukturi stambenog fonda i nema finansijskih inovacija kao u razvijenim zemljama. SNR i njegovo stalno unapreĎivanje je potreban ali ne i dovoljan uslov dobre ekonomske politike. SNRje bio dovoljno razvijen za analizu za potrebe voĎenja ekonomske politike u sprečavanju neravnoteţa koje su u poslednjoj krizi imale udela, ali je tek analiza podataka nacionalnih računa eks-post omogućila unapreĎenje analize putem indikatora i standarda na osnovu kojih se mogu sprečiti neki budući mehurovi i neravnoteţe. ; The System of National Accounts (SNA) was designed and has been improved several times on the international level with the aim to provide the best possible complete basis for the economic policy analysis. Starting from the fact that after the transition to the standards of the European Union in Serbia the whole system of national accounts will be compiled, which currently is not the case, and from the thesis of the Dutch author Bos that SNA will be less used by the governments, in this dissertation the current role of the SNA in economic policy analysis has been analyzed. The aim of the research was to establish the ways of improvement in different areas of the use of SNA in Serbia, after its completion. By using the existing data, interview and quantitative i.e. econometric analysis of the time series, it has been concluded that in three areas of the use of SNA - indicator analysis, flow of funds analysis and macroeconometric modeling, the improvement is possible even now, and especially after the completion of statistical production. It is especially important that it will be possible to improve the macroeconomic modeling in Serbia, which has been shown on the example of consumption function. The comparative analysis of the wealth effect in Serbia, Slovenia, Czech Republic and the Netherlands has shown that the housing wealth variable is not significant in consumption function in Serbia, because mortgages are not dominant in the ownership structure of the housing wealth, and there are no financial innovations present, as it is the case in the developed countries. The SNA and its constant improvement is a necessary but not sufficient condition for a good economic policy. The SNA has been developed enough for the economic policy analysis to prevent imbalances which took part in the last crisis, but only the ex post analysis of the SNA data has enabled improvement of the indicator analysis and standards as the basis which may prevent future bubbles and imbalances.

Inter-municipal cooperation (IMC), as a form of decentralized implementation of public services and as a part of the local government system, is seen as a means to ensure balanced regional development, better quality of public services, as well as a way to adjust the needs of government organization to the needs of a society, with respect to its structural characteristics and needs. In this paper, the basic forms of inter-municipal cooperation, subjects of cooperation, ways in which the cooperation operates, areas in which the cooperation is achieved, nature of the jurisdiction, financing and management methods, affecting factors, and the specific advantages and disadvantages of this form of decentralized implementation of public services are specified, through the analysis of relevant international documents from this field, experiences and practices from different European countries, as well as normative frameworks and practices of inter-municipal cooperation in Serbia. Bearing in mind that the practice of inter-municipal cooperation has not sufficiently come to life in Serbia, and that there is a number of questions related to it and to the other aspects of decentralization, this research is intended to boost the intensive progress of inter-municipal cooperation in Serbia, as a means to improve the decentralization of public services, and also to overcome the problems local governments are facing. The author finds that, unlike alternative solutions, inter-municipal cooperation preserves local autonomy, strengthening the capacity at the local level and ensuring the implementation of territorial reforms that are conducted "from below", according to the needs of the citizens. Inter-municipal cooperation, regardless of its form, is a type of decentralized implementation of public services. Although it is suspected that the certain form of concentration is achieved through integrated forms of cooperation, these tasks are still performed within a level that is not central; the state does not take any additional role, which would reduce the degree of independence of the entities that are not central, i.e. reduce the decentralized character of these services, or which would strengthen the centralizing tendencies of the state or strengthen state control. In Europe, you can see many examples of very effective cooperation, which has proved to be a solution not just for many structural problems of local government, but also for the vertical government organization in general. IMC provided the solutions that alternatively required radical changes in the territorial organization. Also, IMC proved to be a mechanism that provided regional policy, development goals, public-private partnerships and territorial harmonization. The existing legislative framework of inter-municipal cooperation in Serbia mainly emphasizes voluntary cooperation of individual local governments, without a hint of a widespread or better controlled integration. Apart from the fact that the obligatory cooperation is only an exception, even some of the fundamental questions of its establishment and implementation are not regulated. The need for cooperation consists mainly in providing the regional services and equitable development, in overcoming the limitations, as well as in the more adequate use of local capacities. However, the regulatory framework does not provide a reliable basis for the establishment of high quality, durable and effective partnerships. Given the existence of asymmetric decentralization, one-level local governments, uneven capacities, as well as the development of decentralized units in Serbia, some of the solutions of inter-municipal cooperation can be considered a means of ensuring regional requirements in countries that are characterized by similar solutions, i.e. problems, without any change in the constitutional concept of decentralization. The main areas where the promotion of decentralized systems can be established are regional and spatial development planning, public utility services, tourism, civil and environment protection services, local governments and so on.

Imajući na umu da je Strategijom razvoja obrazovanja u Srbiji primećeno da u obrazovanju u Srbiji postoji "problem sa pravednošću" i da je kao jedan od ciljeva razvoja obrazovanja navedeno stvaranje "socijalno pravičnog društva", u ovom radu se preispituje u kojoj meri su donošenje Zakona o dualnom obrazovanju i javno insistiranje na ekspanziji ovog vida obrazovanja koraci usmereni ka smanjenju nejednakosti. Oslanjajući se na ideje različitih francuskih sociologa obrazovanja (Burdije, Budon, Bodlo i Estable), kroz rad se ispituje u kojoj meri dualno obrazovanje otvara prostor za izjednačavanje obrazovnih šansi i uspostavljanje pravičnijeg društva. Iz teorijskih uvida spomenutih autora koji se tiču povezanosti klasnih struktura sa obrazovnim šansama, može se zaključiti da svako "grananje" unutar obrazovnog sistema doprinosi većim nejednakostima, o čemu eksplicitno govori Rejmon Budon. Odlike dualnog obrazovanja podsećaju na "primarno zanatsko" obrazovanje o kojem govore Bodlo i Estable koji pokazuju da je ovakvo obrazovanje predviđeno za učenike iz neprivilegovanih društvenih slojeva kojima se kroz ovaj vid obrazovanja ograničava mogućnost vertikalne društvene pokretljivosti. Analizirajući različite interesne optike aktera, Burdije smatra da opšte obrazovanje, nasuprot obuci u firmi, radnicima daje određeni vid slobode, jer ih čini manje vezanim za jedno preduzeće. Školski sistem povezan sa industrijom, prema mišljenju ovog autora, oblikovan je interesima poslodavaca i suprotan je interesima radnika, jer čini društvo manje pravičnim umanjujući šanse za vertikalnu i horizontalnu društvenu pokretljivost. Na osnovu navedenog se može zaključiti da dualno obrazovanje ne doprinosi smanjenju društvenih nejednakosti, te da bi u cilju stvaranja pravičnijeg društva od ovakvih obrazovnih politika trebalo odustati. ; Bearing in mind that the Strategy for Education Development in Serbia perceives the existence of a "justice issue" in education in Serbia, and that one of the stated goals of education development is creating a "socially just society", this paper explores to which extent adopting the Law on Dual Education and public insistence on expansion of this mode of education are the steps towards reducing injustice. Relying on the ideas of different French sociologists of education (Bourdieu, Boudon, Baudelot and Establet), the paper examines to which extent dual education opens up the space for balancing educational opportunities and establishing a more just society. From theoretical insights of the aforementioned authors regarding the relation between class structures and educational opportunities, it can be concluded that any "branching" within an educational system contributes to greater inequalities, as explicitly asserted by Raymond Boudon. The characteristics of dual education correlate to the "primary professional" education mentioned by Baudelot and Establet, illustrating that such education is intended for students from underprivileged social strata, who have limited opportunities for vertical social mobility due to this kind of education. By analysing various interest optics of the actors, Bourdieu finds that general education, as opposed to company training, provides workers with a certain form of freedom because it makes them less attached to a single company. The school system associated with industry, in the opinion of this author, is shaped by the interests of employers and contrary to the interests of workers, as it makes society less fair by reducing the chances of vertical and horizontal social mobility. Based on the above, it can be concluded that dual education does not contribute to reducing social inequalities, and that in order to create a fairer society, such educational policies should be abandoned. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Predmet istraživanja doktorske disertacije odnosi se na analizu značaja i mehanizama na koji institucionalna obeležja utiču na efikasnost nacionalnih ekonomija. Pritom, cilj je da se istraživanjem identifikuju relevantne normativne i pozitivne pozicije u pogledu uloge koju institucije imaju u ekonomskim procesima, kao i njihov međusobni odnos i relativna važnost pri uticaju na ekonomske performanse, sa posebnim osvrtom na iskustva privrednih sistema zemalja u tranziciji. Iz tog razloga, analizirane su osobenosti institucija kao jedinica ekonomske analize, raznovrsnost elemenata institucionalne strukture, kroz, naročit, osvrt na interakciju koja se pojavljuje između formalnih i neformalnih institucionalnih pravila. Uslovljenost ekonomskih performansi institucionalnim svojstvima analizirana je iz perspektive teorije transakcionih troškova, kao i teorije vlasničkih prava i mehanizmima kojima oni ostvaruju uticaj na ekonomske performanse. Iz razloga što značajan deo institucionalne strukture nastaje, ali se i menja, u okviru političkog sistema, efekti na ekonomsku aktivnost posmatrani su kroz uticaje koji nastaju kao posledica specifičnosti političkih institucija, odnosno, njihove stabilnosti, forme i centralizovanosti, kao i kvaliteta javnog upravljanja, uticaja rent-seeking-a i političkih konjunkturnih ciklusa. S obzirom da su postojanost i dinamika integralna svojstva svakog segmenta institucionalne strukture, deo istraživanja je orijentisan na analizu osnovnih elemenata, tipova i teorija institucionalnih promena, zavisnost promene institucija od istorijskog institucionalnog, formalnog i neformalnog, nasleđa, kontroverzi u pogledu transplantacije institucija, kao i uzroka institucionalne histereze i neuspeha. Na osnovu empirijskog istraživanja odnosa ekonomskih performansi i institucionalnog kvaliteta, utvrđeno je da nivo per capita dohotka odlučujuće zavisi od kvaliteta institucionalne strukture, efikasne zaštite vlasničkih prava, usklađenosti između formalnih i neformalnih pravila, čime institucionalne promene u pravcu unapređenja svih institucionalnih segmenata predstavljaju neophodnu pretpostavku efikasnijoj ekonomskoj aktivnosti. ; This paper refers to the analysis of the importance of the institutions and the mechanisms through which the institutional characteristics influence the efficiency of national economies. In this context, the main goals of the research are to identify and explain relevant normative and positive aspects of institutional theory, the way in which institutions affect economic processes, as well as the interrelation and relative importance of different institutional units in their influence on economic performance, with special emphasis on the experience of transition countries. For this purpose, the author has reviewed the uniqueness of institutions as units of economic analysis, the diversity of the elements of institutional structure, with the particular accent on interaction between formal and informal institutional rules. Dependence of economic performance upon the institutional characteristics has been analyzed from the perspective of transaction-cost theory, as well as the theory of property rights. Special attention is paid to the mechanism through which the property rights exercise their influence upon the efficient operation of economic system. Bearing in mind the fact that the important part of institutional structure is made within a political process, the effects of institutions are observed through the influences derived from political stability, political regime and the level of administrative and fiscal centralization. The quality of governance, the impact of rent-seeking activities and the influence coming from political and business cycles are additional important features in this regard. Since the institutions display the persistence and changeability at the same time, the important part of the research is dedicated to the analysis of different types and theories of institutional changes, the dependency of changes on the past formal and informal institutional development, the issues related to the transplantation of institutions and the causes of institutional hysteresis. Based on the empirical part of the thesis, we have reached the conclusion that the level of per capita income largely depends on the quality of institutions, especially the protection of property rights, as well as the harmonization between formal and informal institutions. This makes good institutions a decisive and long-lasting factor of the success and efficiency of national economies.