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Relationship satisfaction and commitment are two key constructs in the evolving paradigm of relationship marketing in business‐to‐business markets, and a substantial and growing literature exists on their antecedents and consequences, especially within the context of supplier‐retailer relationships. However, relatively little research has examined these constructs within the context of supplier‐manufacturing firm relationships in general, and foreign supplier‐manufacturing firm relationships in particular. Even fewer studies have examined the effects of suppliers' marketing program variables on relationship satisfaction and commitment in such contexts. The author examines how foreign suppliers' marketing program variables affect Saudi industrial buyers' satisfaction and commitment to long‐term relationships with the suppliers. Results of a survey conducted among buyers for manufacturing establishments in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia indicate that only the product and price‐related variables of foreign suppliers' marketing program variables are significantly related to the buyers' relationship satisfaction and commitment. Theoretical and managerial implications of the findings are outlined and discussed.

The author re-examines his fieldwork with neo-Nazi and Klan leaders and followers. He first reviews primary findings: official movement ideology expressed crude social Darwinism and an apocalyptic struggle between Whites (humans) and Jews (children of Satan); everyday beliefs of members spoke more of a fear that they, as Whites, were going to be economic losers; leaders were intelligent, shallow men, and at core were political beings motivated more by a drive for power than by racism; members were male, young, dropouts without work skills, with a deep fear of personal annihilation—social isolates whose membership expressed personal needs that might be satisfied equally by alternative engagements. The article next asks how a working-class youth becomes a neo-Nazi activist and identifies social and personal factors, relating them to other research. It draws implications for prevention, looking at community organizing and education, and then at the relation of militant White racism to ordinary White racism.

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to make recommendations for the procedural optimization of the Future Search Conference design on the basis of empirical evidence from two case study conferences in Germany and the United Kingdom. The paper presents the major criticisms that have been raised against the step‐by‐step conference design in the theoretical literature and contrasts these with the empirical findings of two stakeholder‐based evaluations. The author draws attention to a number of weaknesses in the conference opening, the common ground phase and the action planning phase of the Future Search Conference design and makes proposals for design changes. The paper suggests that a systematic and stakeholder‐oriented evaluation should be part of interventions like Future Search Conferences. The paper concludes with a reminder that the political context and local power relations are a key variable in determining success or failure of a Future Search conference. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The destruction by terrorists of the twin towers of the World Trade Center and major damage wrought to the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, followed closely by the bioterrorist anthrax attacks via the mails raised the question of whether risk analysis might have a place in defending the United States against terrorist attacks. After first reviewing the multifaceted nature of terrorism and the reasons it is likely to become endemic in world society in the long term, just as other areas of crime are endemic, this article surveys several fields of risk analysis, finding possible short‐ and long‐term uses of risk analysis. The areas chiefly considered are: risk communication and chemical, biological, and technological risk analysis. Broad policy and other uses are also considered. The author finds that risk analysis has already played some role, perhaps informally, but he sees the possibility for a much larger, formal one, a role that is centrally important for the present and future of the United States and the world.

The article argues that many of the factors which eventually produced Italian fascism should be identified not in the divisions of the war years nor in the conflicts of the immediate postwar period but in the period 1900–15 and in the failure of Giovanni Giolitti's reformist strategy. The increasing popular disaffection with parliamentary politics before the war reflected the inability of Giolitti to widen the political base of liberalism through significant social reform. It was this failure which made the experience of the First World War especially disastrous in Italy. In particular, it is argued that liberal governments totally failed to understand the kind of social conflict which was developing in the large estates of the Po valley – the area which would provide the specific context for the explosion of Fascism in late 1920. The essay links Fascism, therefore, less to an often cited 'working class revolutionary threat' in 1919–20 than to unresolved long-term structural problems in certain areas of rural Italy. Alexander De Grand offers a critical commentary on Paul Corner's conclusions and the author gives his response.

As consumption of crack cocaine has increased in Germany during recent years, the media have condemned it as a "demon drug," claiming that it causes instantaneous addiction and violence. Although the issue is not comparable to the crack scare that occurred in the United States during the late 1980s, it is now being politicized in a similar manner. Because there is little known about crack use in Germany, the author initiated a small field study in Hamburg investigating the appearance of crack and the use patterns that developed in the open drug scene there. A convenience sample of 64 crack smokers provided responses to a questionnaire about their use of the drug. A number of significant differences were noted among users, variations that are mainly reflected in different methods of use and settings where the drug is consumed. The common assertion that crack cocaine causes violence was not substantiated here, although crack users are nevertheless often blamed for a variety of social, political, and economic problems in German society.

This article examines struggles over information between two nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in India and their key international funders. The author outlines both the strategies used by international funders to increase their control over information generation within NGOs and the strategies used by the case NGOs to resist these interventions. Three main arguments are advanced: (a) The information requirements of funders affect NGOs not only by placing demands on their attention but also by promoting positivist and easily quantifiable valuations of success and failure; this is not an intended effect but a systemic one; (b) NGOs resist funder attempts to structure their behavior through a series of strategies that include the symbolic generation of information, selective sharing of information, and the strategic use of professionals to enhance legitimacy; and, (c) this combination of funder demands for information and NGO resistance to external interference serves to entrench existing information systems, thereby reproducing tensions between NGOs and funders.

Questions of agency and hope are inseparable from questions of politics and social struggle. As the vast majority of citizens become detached from public forums that nourish social critique, agency not only becomes a mockery of itself, it is replaced by market-based choices in which private satisfactions replace social responsibilities and biographic solutions become a substitute for systemic change. As the worldly space of criticism is undercut by the absence of public spheres that encourage the exchange of information, opinion, and criticism, the horizons of a substantive democracy disappear against the growing isolation and depoliticization that marks the loss of a politically guaranteed public realm in which autonomy, political participation, and engaged citizenship make their appearance. Drawing on the work of Cornelius Castoriadis, the author attempts to address the current crisis of meaning, political agency, and pedagogy and develop a cultural politics that links the notion of educated hope to the promise of a radical democracy.

This paper describes the conflict situations that teachers and students faced when a new problem- and case-based approach to democracy education was used in Palestine. The data for the study were six documentary cases written by teachers who participated in the three-year project, supplemented by the observations and interpretations of the author as a participant observer. The study describes how dedicated and tactful teachers generally succeeded to teach democracy in a largely undemocratic context, and shows that teaching democracy in the manner described perturbed the system, and students and teachers were faced with internal and external conflict situations. These conflict situations sometimes facilitated radical change in the knowledge, beliefs, and behavior of teachers and students. The study underscores the importance of internal cognitive and emotional conflict, in addition to external conflict, in learning, as well as draws attention to the dialectical relation between teachers' efforts to introduce educational change and their own change and professional development. ; peer-reviewed

Every time a new technology creates legal problems, we face in a particular context the general question of relative institutional competence. Do we turn first to the judiciary, allowing time for a gradual solution derived from common law methods, or do we look instead to the federal legislature for an instant global solution? This Article endorses the judicial approach, suggesting that Congress is particularly likely to err when rapidly changing technology creates a perceived crisis, and when the strongest reasons for not legislating are abstract and inchoate. The Article examines three legal questions raised by computer technology, two the subject of recently enacted federal statutes and the third dealt with solely by the judiciary. The author concludes that both of the factors that maximize the potential for legislative error are present in most cyberlaw questions, and that the judiciary has therefore been more successful than Congress at responding to the legal problems arising from this new technology.

An important component of lawyering for social justice is working in communities. In addition to conventional skills, such as legal analysis and litigation, community-based lawyers need skills not taught in the mainstream curriculum. This article describes a counter-pedagogy for teaching students three core skills for community lawyering: how to collaborate with members of the community, how to acknowledge personal identity, race and emotion, and how to take a community perspective on legal problems. The author argues that these skills cannot be taught in isolation, but should be integrated into the teaching itself, including the teaching of substantive areas of the law. He suggests, for example, that students are more likely to learn how to collaborate if the entire clinical course is based on a collaborative approach, rather than having a special class dedicated to collaboration. The article includes descriptions of techniques and exercises used at Osgoode Hall Law School in the Intensive Programme on Poverty Law at Parkdale Community Legal Services and in the Intensive Programme in Aboriginal Lands, Resources and Governments.

The author, Kirsten Swinth, examines this important and complex problem from a variety of perspectives. The book relates two intertwined, mutually illuminating narratives: one, that of the explosion of women artists into the mainstream after the Civil War, and two, the radically changed politics of art and culture under early twentieth-century modernism. Telling these two stories side by side reveals in part the gendered roots of modernism and sheds light on the impact of gender politics--in part a result of such large numbers of women artists--on major art-world systems of access and reward, such as academy exhibitions, gallery practices (many still with us today), and art criticism. Swinth argues that the backlash against womenŝÒ gains in the profession helped shape a new rhetoric of artistic masculinity in the 1890s. Accompanying this were changes in the institutional support structures for art, enabling a renewal of exclusionary practices that marginalized women in the power circuits, which centered on the art gallery rather than large, institutionally-sponsored exhibitions.

The article concisely summarizes the basic long-term strategic decisions of the economic growth in the strategy for development Lithuania's economy. The draft of that strategy was prepared by scientific expert groups (the author of this article was one of the methodical guides) formed under the Ministry of National Economy by the resolution of the Government of Republic of Lithuania. An attempt is made to describe briefly the basic results of the SWOT analysis (strengths, weaknesses of and opportunities, threats for Lithuania's economy), the vision of national economy, the state mission for national economic development, the basic strategic goals, the economic reforms and the state policy ensuring the strategy implementation. ; Straipsnyje glaustai aptariami Lietuvos ekonominio augimo pagrindiniai strateginiai sprendimai, numatyti šalies ūkio (ekonomikos) plėtros iki 2015 metų ilgalaikės strategijos projekte, kuri Lietuvos Respublikos Vyriausybės pavedimu parengė Ūkio ministerijos suformuotos mokslinių ekspertų darbo grupės. Autorius rengė šiai strategijai metodinę-organizacinę koncepciją, buvo vienas iš metodinių darbų vadovų ir tiesiogiai dalyvavo rengiant strategijos projektą.

Metadata only record ; This paper reflects on the question of "fields of power" to explore the cultural relations of knowledge production. The gender dynamics, age, class, caste, education, marital status and other factors also influence the way knowledge is produced, shared, or silenced. The asymmetrical gender relations give men the power to ignore women's knowledge, and women the overestimation of men's knowledge. Knowledge also changes due to political, social and environmental causes as new knowledge is created. It is for these reasons that the author refutes the concept that women's knowledge is "special" to women because they are women. The paper defends that women's knowledge is not exclusive of women, but it is contextual based on women's roles and labor practices. Women's knowledge is practical knowledge and they are active creators of new knowledge. The focus should be turned to the knowledge within the power relations that shape production, transmission processes. The examples for the study were drawn from the Kumaon Himalayas.

SummaryThe growth in the use of collective economic sanctions in the post-Cold War epoch calls for a re-examination of the legal basis and constraints on the implementation of sanctions. This article is an attempt to explore, from a legal point of view, the problems and restrictions associated with sanctions, and to suggest the ways in which economic sanctions can be rendered more legitimate in terms of international legal requirements. It is argued that, in addition to the traditional treaty basis of collective sanctions, a breach of an erga omnes obligation is also a legitimate legal basis for economic sanctions. It is also contended that, in addition to traditional economic considerations, sanctions should be subject to other limitations such as respect for principles of international humanitarian law. After determining the restrictions on the implementation of sanctions, the author makes proposals for refining current practices in imposing economic sanctions. In conclusion, it is argued that collective sanctions have the potential of being used in a more humane and institutionally coherent way.