Suchergebnisse

This introductory essay discusses the tension between Pakistani nationalism (bound up in disputes with India) & Pakistan's lack of a national identity. The author examines pre-Partition attempts to foster a sense of Muslim state & culture in the region; the ethnolinguistic movements that saw Punjabis rise to power & the Bengalis marginalized; the impact of the Sindhi integration (embodied by the election of Benazir Bhutto as Prime Minister in 1988) that stemmed burgeoning nationalism in Sindh; & the course of Pakhtun & Baluch nationalist movements. The final section outlines the book's contents with detailed comments on the argument of each chapter. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix. K. Coddon

The author examines the fascination that so many intellectuals have for totalitarian regimes & how their relationship with the two great totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century played out. There were shining moments for the public intellectual in this story, especially in Eastern Europe where intellectuals become public leaders, even becoming heroes. Their leadership & heroism arose both from their personal sense of courage as well as their intellect. However, that moment has passed & it is now the case that in both the West & in the former Communist world public intellectuals have a hard time getting a hearing - & when they do it is not always clear that they have something of importance to contribute. D. Knaff

Many of women's political contributions have been overlooked because they occurred outside the "traditional electoral-political arena." Women's involvement in social movements, demonstrations, & other forms of collective behavior have successfully challenged, & often changed, political & social institutions. To capture these contributions, the author argues that the study of women's political participation must be broadened. The "supposed" separation of the public & private sphere, the definition of the political, hidden activism, & the limits imposed by standards of appropriate femininity are all addressed as topics that should be explored to uncover women's true role in the political process. Questions & topics for further research are addressed at the end of the discussion. J. Harwell

White corporate farm owners benefit from the racial, ethnic, & national division of labor that characterizes migrant workers across the US, fostering competition for the limited better-paying jobs & precluding worker solidarity. Focusing particularly on CA, the chapter examines the history of nonwhite migratory agricultural labor & of racist, exploitative labor relations, beginning with the nineteenth-century use of Native American & Asian workers. The author also discusses the modern corporatization of agriculture & the reorganization of farm labor toward multilevel divisions that maximize profits. The last section considers the rise of farmworker unions, especially the UFW, their battles with corporate agriculture interests, & their decline in influence over the last decade. 1 Appendix. K. Coddon

Eugene Odum adds new concepts to his previous literature on the ecological approach. Emergy, as an explanation of the quality of the type of energy, is discussed in terms of transferring to solar energy & species maturation. The P/R ratio, ecology as C.P Snow's third culture, & the two house conceptualization of the techno-ecosystem reward feedback are presented in terms of ecological interrelationships. The author concludes with the argument that modern civilization & nature is a parasite-host relationship, & advocates efforts to increase money & efforts to service our life-support systems by copying nature's reward feedback flow from our techno-systems by reconstructing economics in line with suggestions presented by Boulding or Hawken et al. References. J. Harwell

The author defines the concept of an intellectual, & a public intellectual. This definition is created, in large measure, by contrasting the intellectual to other types of "knowers" such as prophets, scholars, scientists, experts, philosophers, & sophists. Each of these types embodies a different relationship between private knowledge or understanding & public action. The public intellectual is defined by a central paradox, by a compelling need to transform private contemplation into public practice. Yet, even as the public intellectual is dedicated to improving society, s/he is at the same time disdainful & even dismissive of it. This perspective of looking at society from the outside is an essentially modern characteristic; this should not surprise us because the public intellectual is an essentially modern figure. D. Knaff

In this introductory chapter to Life after Reform: When Bipartisan Campaign Reform Meets Politics, the author contextualizes the reform act in the two decades of debate since the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1974 & amendments, & the issues addressed by the Buckley court. The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) is summarized, & the framework of analysis for the book is diagrammed. The model used throughout the book is a schematic of givers & receivers operating in an environment of tension between law as constraint & freedom within the law. The remaining articles of the book are introduced as unique perspectives written by a diverse group of political scientists brought together by the Campaign Finance Institute to address the impacts of BCRA on substantive issues. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 2 References. J. Harwell

The author takes up the question of the usefulness of theory to the practice of feminist scholarship & at least as importantly to the practice of feminism & to the lives of women -- especially poor women living in societies in which women have even fewer rights than do their sisters elsewhere. Still, despite the limitations of theory, she argues that feminist philosophers should take up Kant's practical postulate. Women continue to suffer throughout the world from pervasive discrimination vis-a-vis all major human capabilities, including life itself, but this does not mean that the large-scale practical task of wedding history to theory should not be attempted. Such an attempt remains morally valuable to help us sustain hope about the human condition. D. Knaff

In the initial part of the chapter a sketch of the Dutch policy context with respect to quality care and school self-evaluation in education is given. The particular context of fairly autonomous schools, some recent policy measures and the availability of a range of providers of tools and instruments have led to a broad rnixture of approaches to school self evaluation. This context the author considers as the basic "feeding ground" for the initiative to develop integrated instrumentation for school self-evaluation in primary education, the ZEBO-project. Next, the theoretical background and methodological aspects of this integrated school self-evaluation instrument have been discussed. In the final section an outline is being given of the actual uses schools can make of the envisaged integrated instrument. (DIPF/Orig./Ba.).

Focuses on the paradox of city growth as the information age alters knowledge creation from one of spatial relationships to decentralized information networks. Three points of analysis are considered as partial answers to the paradox. Evidence indicates metropolitan areas continue to grow despite advances in technology. The wealth generative capacity of metropolitan areas will contribute to the emergence of a new geography or global city that is actually a network of metropolitan nodes. Consequences of urban concentration are identified as ecological & social crisis that are bringing about the reconstruction of the city through social & women's movements, & new multinuclear structures. The author concludes with the suggestion that the future success of cities depends on a "hyper-communicated city" that reaches to the local, global levels by building bridges of communication through symbolic, virtual & physical channels. References. J. Harwell

The chapter discusses the historical development of styles of scientific management of capitalist accumulation crises in the twentieth century. These management methods are Taylorism, which arose in the early part of the century; Fordism, which was shaped by the Great Depression & emerged fully after World War II; & neo-Fordism, a mode suited to the labor-organizational needs of global capitalism, utilizing information technology & diffusing decision-making without actually decentralizing corporate control. The author explicated neo-Fordism as a response to the limitations of Fordism & to the economic crises of the 1980s. He also examines particular modes of neo-Fordist corporate control, including the political, bureaucratic, budgetary, "statistical process," & automated styles. Neo-Fordism was greatly supported by a capital flow from state to corporations, & has implications for globalization & for new conflicts between central & operational management spheres. K. Coddon

The chapter assesses the theoretical & institutional aspects dominant in labor studies from the 1970s through 1990 that limited the field's capacity to intervene in the concurrent labor movement crisis. Political economists & radical historians remained bound up in mid-20th-century labor process paradigms despite their expressed rejection of liberal pluralism & neoclassical economic models. Radical anti-institutionalism & strains of postmodernism have combined, however unintentionally, to leave unchallenged antiproletarian & anticommunist biases in the field. The author calls for a retheorizing of labor studies to impel the recent resurgence of labor movement consciousness in the 1990s & to foster coalitions between radical academics & labor activism. This retheorization should attend to the working class & not merely individual workers; it should focus on the contradictions & not the normatives produced by proletarianization; & reinterpret the temporal, spatial, & dialectical aspects of working class formation & capacity. K. Coddon

The influence of both external & internal factors on the development of individual political consciousness & identity is explored among activists in a left-wing (Students for a Democratic Society [SDS]) & a right-wing (Young Americans for Freedom [YAF]) political movement during the 1960s. Data are drawn from a larger study by the author (1999) that has followed members of these movements through their adult lives. Karl Mannheim's (1952) theory of generations is drawn on to explain how two key external factors -- historical location & social background -- created these two widely divergent political movements among young people during this era. Two key internal factors affecting the political consciousness & identity formation of individual activists are identified -- peer relations & organizational size. It is argued that these external & internal factors were not discrete, but interacted to help frame political issues & shape movement development & commitment. K. Hyatt Stewart

The chapter discusses the effects of globalization on the expanding class of "contingent" (ie, temporary, part-time, & low-paid) workers in the US, a situation that maximizes corporate profits while denying workers job stability, benefits, or the possibility of union solidarity. A discussion of the conceptualization of contingent labor is followed by a consideration of types of contingent workers (eg, temporary, part-time, day laborers, independent contractors, & on-call workers). Next the author addresses personnel-management, legal, & labor-union problems that have arisen from the growing corporate dependency on a contingent workforce. He concludes that government & academic researchers need to broaden their frameworks & measures for estimating the actual numbers & labor conditions of contingent workers. He suggests that despite the corporate profitability of reliance on this type of workforce, the pitfalls delineated may serve to limits its further expansion in the twenty-first century. K. Coddon

The influence of both external & internal factors on the development of individual political consciousness & identity is explored among activists in a left-wing (Students for a Democratic Society [SDS]) & a right-wing (Young Americans for Freedom [YAF]) political movement during the 1960s. Data are drawn from a larger study by the author (1999) that has followed members of these movements through their adult lives. Karl Mannheim's (1952) theory of generations is drawn on to explain how two key external factors -- historical location & social background -- created these two widely divergent political movements among young people during this era. Two key internal factors affecting the political consciousness & identity formation of individual activists are identified -- peer relations & organizational size. It is argued that these external & internal factors were not discrete, but interacted to help frame political issues & shape movement development & commitment. K. Hyatt Stewart