Suchergebnisse

RésuméQuellcs images et quelles valeurs sous‐jacentes conditionnent l'attrait ou la répulsion pour le travail agricole en Italie? A quelles conditions objectives correspondent‐elles dans l' exploitation agricole, la maison ou la famille? Du sud au nord de l'ltalie, l'auteur a questioné des paysans de 4 provinces: Cosenca en Calabre, Latina entre Naples et Rome, Reggio d'Emilie et enfin Trevise en Vénétie. l'analyse des correspon‐dances fournit des résultats surprenants: les appréciations d'ordre technologique sont d'autant plus positives que les conditions objectives sont modernes, se rapprochant de celles qu'exalte la société industrielle, et par conséquent que Ton va du sud au nord. Mais les appréciations sur la responsabilité, la sécurité, le prestige ou la santé valorisent plutôt des situations intermédiates modérément modernisées (Trévise et Latina). Voilà de quoi inspirer théoriciens et praticiens.SummaryWhat are the underlying images and values conditioning the fact that farm work in Italy is attractive or repellent? To what objective conditions do the former correspond compared with the agricultural holding, the household or the family? From the South of Italy, to the North, the author has questioned peasants belonging to 4 provinces: Cosenza in Calabria, Latina between Naples and Rome, Reggio Emilia and finally Treviso of Venezia. The analysis of correspondences provides astonishing results; the appreciations of a technological nature are all the more positive as the objective conditions are modern, approximating those magnified by the industrial society, and consequently as one goes from the South to the North. But the appreciations about responsibility, security, prestige or health rather valorize moderately modernized intermediate situations (Treviso and Latina). Here is enough subject matter for inspiring theoreticians and practicians.ZusammenfassungWelche Bilder und unausgesprochcnen Werte bestimmen in Italien die Anziehungskraft und die Abneigung gegenüber der landwirtschaftlichen Arbeit? Welchen objektiven Bedingungen entsprechen sie auf den Gebieten der Landwirtschaft, des Hauses oder der Familie? Vom Süden bis zum Norden Italiens hat der Verfasser Bauern aus 4 Provinzen befragt: Cosenza, Latina, Reggio d'Emilia und Trevisa. Aus einer vergleichenden Analyse ergeben sich überraschende Resultate; die Abschätzungen technologischer Art sind umso positiver als die objektiven Verhältnisse modern sind und denjenigen der industriellen Gesellschaft gleichkommen. Entsprechend wandern die Leute vom Süden nach dem Norden. Aber Begriffe wie Verantwortung, Sicherheit, Prestige oder Gesundheit werden in mittleren Lagcn mit mässiger Modernisierung positiver bewertet. Das kann den Theoretikern und Praktikern Stoff zum Nachdenken geben.

While taking note of the growing anxiety, particularly on the part of the superpowers, over the spread of nuclear technology and of the frantic campaign (most of all on the part of the USA), through a combination of pressures and blandishments, to halt proliferation, the paper does not see much chance of the campaign succeeding so long as as it remains suspect because, among other reasons, of its being spearheaded by a power which is itself the greatest proliferator and one, too, which has not only got an enormous stockpile of nuclear weapons, but is constantly engaged in evolving ever more sophisticated (which means deadly) weapons. Nonproliferation, unless wedded to denuclearization, will continue to be viewed by non-nuclear states as unacceptably discriminatory and as a geopolitical confidence trick calculated to freeze the present hegemonistic global structure. Obviously, the first moves toward denuclearization have to be made by nuclear nations, but, above all, by the two superpowers. However, denuclearization will be illusory if a distinction is made between the military and the civilian uses of the atom. Denuclearization must, therefore, at some stage-now rather than later, when it might be too late-involve the total renunciation of nuclear power for whatever purpose and its substitution with other less centralized, less costly, and pollution-free sources of energy, such as sun, wind, water and biomass. In between, however, the ruling elites all the world over, but principally in its industrialized part, have to accept a concept of world order securely anchored to the values of peace, economic well-being of all, social and political justice, both within and between nations, and environmental quality. Recognising that such a world order cannot be erected at one go, the author suggests transition steps, none frighteningly radical in itself and each demonstrably feasible, although establishment circles, unable to move out of the narrow groove of conventional wisdom, may scoff at them as 'romantic' or 'utopian'.

Industrial Cooperatives in Poland. Some of the Economic Problems of Ownership.
Cooperative ownership has certain specific traits, which permit it to function under different socio-economic systems. One of them is that ownership of cooperative property is limited to certain socio-professional groups. But cooperative ownership must be adapted to the framework defined by the social system and rules of ownership in practice. This constitutes another of its specific traits.
However, the problem is that adaptation must not supplant the fundamentals of cooperative association. In this article Grosfeld closely examines the economic content of ownership in the light of Polish industrial cooperatives.
In effect only an analysis of the process of ownership in the broad sens of the term can permit us to see to what extent economic practices coincide with theoretical concepts. Particular emphasis is placed on distribution of the economic excess, which created by collective ownership^ is considered by the author as the principal element of the economic content of ownership.
The freedom of Polish cooperatives, severely restricted during the period 1950-1955, when priority was given to state heavy industry, was enlarged in 1956-1957. However, during the period from 1957 to 1970, the anticipated changes were not forthcoming; they would have engendered more effective management of the industrial cooperatives by endowing them with new powers or by reinforcing the existing ones and by preventing the loss of their autonomous specificity.
In Poland the economic excess from the industrial cooperatives is subject to heavy taxation which leaves only a relatively small sum for redistribution within the cooperative. The distribution of this sum is determined by the management of the cooperative in collaboration with state fiscal authorities, whose tutelage reduces the cooperative's freedom of action even more. The net benefits distributed directly among the members of the cooperative are particularly insignifiant, as well as the sums destined to collective consumption by the members of the cooperative and their families. Property utilization in Polish industrial cooperatives is only partial and this corresponds to the secondary role attributed to the cooperative sector in the development of a planned economy.

L'article cherche une explication à la rébellion agraire en Irlande à la fin du dix‐neuvième siècle. Bien que le niveau de mécontentement en Irlande rurale ait étéélevé lorsque la rébellion a éclate, une telle situation n'était pas sans précédent. Le mécontentement avait été tout aussi intense auparavant (surtout durant la première moitié du dix‐neuvième siècle) sans de conséquences politiques semblables. Afin de comprendre pourquoi c'est à la fin du dix‐neuvième siècle que les tenanciers ruraux irlandais se sont rebellés, il faut se rendre compte qu'un nouvel ensemble de conditions sociales favorables à la mobilisation politique rurale sont apparues durant les décades qui ont précédé la rébellion. Sans épuiser le sujet, l'auteur suggère que ces conditions étaient un leadership fourni par le mouvement nationaliste et une base organisationnelle fournie par un nombre de structures, en particulier la relation de coopération qui s'est développée durant la période qui a suivi la famine entre les tenanciers ruraux et une partie de la population des villes. L'étude supporte la thèse de la mobilisation plutôt que celle du mécontentement pour l'analyse des mouvements de contestations.This paper seeks to explain why an agrarian rebellion broke out in Ireland in the late nineteenth century. Although the level of discontent in rural Ireland was certainly high when the rebellion broke out, such a situation was not unprecedented. Discontent had been just as intense at earlier points in time (most notably during the first half of the nineteenth century) without similar political consequences. In order to understand why it was in the late nineteenth century that Irish rural tenants rebelled, we have to recognize that in the decades preceding the rebellion there had developed a new set of social conditions that facilitated rural political mobilization. Without exhausting the subject, the author suggests that these conditions consisted of leadership provided by the nationalist movement and an organizational base, provided by a number of structures, among which special emphasis is given to the cooperative relationship that emerged in the postfamine period between rural tenants and a segment of the town population. The study gives support to the mobilization rather than to the discontent thesis for the study of social protest.

It has long been known that, after superintending the secret foundation of the Indochina Communist Party (ICP) in Hong Kong on behalf of the Comintern, between February and October 1930, Ho-chi-Minh stayed on in disguise and was eventually detected and detained by the colonial authorities. What happened to him whilst in custody, and how long he so remained, has often been related but, unfortunately, this has never been done accurately and has sometimes been done fancifully. Indeed, in part because of Ho's own lifelong efforts to mislead the rest of the world about his identity, movements and purposes, error has persisted over the Hong Kong episode, including the version of the late Bernard Fall. To cite but one of many examples, when Ho died in 1969, The Times published an obituary in which the story of his detention in Hong Kong, and of the subsequent appeal on his behalf to the Privy Council on a suit for writ of habeas corpus, was highlighted and accompanied by the gloss that he had been defended by no less a luminary than Sir Stafford Cripps. At once, the late Mr D. N. Pritt, the communist Q.C., (senior attorney) wrote to correct this error, explaining that he himself had been retained as counsel for Ho, while Cripps had acted on behalf of the Hong Kong Government, in his capacity of United Kingdom Solicitor-General. But Pritt fell into error himself here: not only would it have been inappropriate for the Solicitor-General to plead on behalf of the Hong Kong Government, but at the time in question (June 1932) Cripps had been out of office for 10 months. As we shall see below, Cripps's true standing in the matter was as defence counsel retained by the Hong Kong Government's London solicitors, Messrs Burchells. In his version of the story, Pritt's memory had betrayed him into misdating the whole episode from 1931–32 to 1930–31; and, indeed, even J. H. Brimmel, usually such a careful author, had made the same mistake 10 years before.

Participation and Conflicts in Labor relations of the Socialist World.
The article consists of three parts. The first describes the Soviet trade-unions : their organization and working principles on the local, regional and federal levels. The functional duality of the trade-unions — transmittal of governmental decisions on the one hand and defense of professional interests on the other — is also studied.
The second part describes the participation of workers. It treats the trade-union organs (workers assemblies and production committees) and the collective agreements. One form which participation takes is cooperation in the production process at the time when production and investment plans are being elaborated. Cooperation is achieved by means of « activists » who are nominated by the trade-union. Participation in labour legislation is primarily concerned with resolving wage problems and with defining labour conditions and social benefits. Trade-unions contribute likewise to the education of their workers. This is done by means of publications, cultural establishments and the organization of civil services (committees for juvenile delinquents, civil « militia » and peoples courts).
In the third part, a distinction is made between external and internal conflits. External conflicts are caused by political involvment of top trade-union management, by internal competition within the trade-union management and by trade-union intervention in the field of social work. Labour legislation and employment problems likewise contribute to tension. Internal conflicts stem from problems related to remuneration, from lack of respect by the management for the prerogatives of trade-unions and from the general social climate within the enterprise.
The author concludes that tensions in labour relations cannot be avoided in the Soviet Union, but that the propensity for strikes is reduced for a variety of reasons. Amongst these he cites two. Namely, possibility to change place of employment and significant wage increases.
Soviet trade-unions must be regarded from the perspective of the socialist enterprise and from the kinds of « participatory struggles » revealed by sociological studies which have been made on industrial relations.

In general histories of Russian social and philosophical thought we usually find a gap between 1790 (publication of Radishchev's Journey) and 1815 (the establishment of the first secret societies by the future Decembrists). This quarter of a century could boast neither a prominent personality nor a cause cèlèbre of government persecution. True enough, there was Karamzin and his Zapiska o drevnei i novoi Rossii (Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia); but the tract remained long unknown, and its author is usually dismissed as a lone figure whose impact on the development of the ideologies that were to matter was, at best, peripheral. General histories of literature treat this period primarily in terms of the philological debate between Karamzin and Shishkov and as prologue to Romanticism. Thus, in the one case, the period is described exclusively in terms of Russia's literary history, which is not very satisfactory to the student of social and political ideas; for literature—even as engagé a literature as was Russia's in the nineteenth century—is hardly an adequate source or form of ideology. In the other case, Radishchev must perforce be viewed as an isolated figure, a maverick, without either followers or immediate influence. Furthermore, the obvious implication is that there were no direct links between the Decembrists and eighteenth-century Russian ideas, so that the young rebels of 1825 must have been influenced exclusively by their experiences with the life and thought of Western Europe.On the strength of the testimony of all contemporaries, however, the first decade of the nineteenth century was a period of great intellectual ferment, of exhilarating optimism about Russia's prospects for "modernization" (to use a fashionable term). Compared with the last years of Catherine II and with the reign of Paul, these decades also offered greater freedom, more opportunities for the expression of ideas and hopes. Could indeed the outrage and disillusionment at Alexander's so-called reactionary stance after 1815 be understood if it were not for the fact that his reign had opened on such a strong note of optimism and vitality?

Factor analysis, a statistical technique of growing popularity in political science, has recently found application in the June, 1966 issue of this Review in an attempt to identify U.N. voting blocs. The hand is that of Professor Bruce M. Russett, the author of a number of outstanding contributions toward the systematic and quantitative study of international relations. The following paragraphs are designed to be cautionary in nature, not destructive, and endeavor to suggest: 1) that factor analysis has questionable value as a tool for the study of complex phenomena; 2) that even if acceptable as a tool, it has peculiar faults when applied to U.N. bloc voting; and 3) that even if acceptable as a tool for the study of bloc voting in the U.N., an application somewhat different from the one chosen by Professor Russett might have been more profitable. In the process it will be argued that the procedures of the sort profferred by Professor Arend Lijphart for determining U.N. voting blocs are preferable.1. If appealing in its seeming promise to make order of disorder and sense of nonsense, factor analysis proves to be exasperating in practice. For while it is true, that, as Professor Russett has noted elsewhere, "the method is completely objective" in the sense that the decision as to which variables are to "load" on which factors is made entirely by the impartial machinery, the criteria which the machinery applies in arriving at this decision are manipulated by the operator—and depending on these criteria, the outcome can vary widely. Thus factor analysis can generate not one, but a number—in fact an infinite number—of solutions to the same problem. In choosing among these solutions the one most likely to represent truth (if that is what one is interested in), the analyst is commonly urged to select the solution which makes the most "sense"—in other words to embrace the objective solution which is most subjectively appealing. Therefore, one can get out of factor analysis almost whatever one wants to get.

The semi-input-output method has been proposed by the author
as a substi¬tute for what was formerly called the estimation of the
indirect effects of invest¬ment projects. Essentially it rests on
assumption I that a country must aim at an "ideal development process",
meaning a growth process which at no time shows unutilized production
capacity. Furthermore, the method rests on assumption II that a
distinction can be made between national or domestic activities
(industries in the widest sense or sectors) on the one hand and
international activities on the other hand. By definition the products
of the former cannot, for technological or cultural reasons, be imported
or exported. Examples have been given elsewhere [1]. Together with
assumption I it follows from II that the productive capacity in the
national sectors equals the demand for their products. With a given
develop¬ment of national income the growth of the national sectors is
practically deter¬mined. The choice of new sectors to be developed must
mainly be made among the international sectors, where those showing the
highest comparative advantages must be chosen, if with given sacrifices
of scarce factors a maximum of result is wanted. The criterion for
selection of sectors will depend on the aims of policy as well as on the
relative scarcity of factors. Its precise content is independent of the
subject to be discussed here. For simplicity's sake we will assume that
the criterion is to prefer sectors with the lowest capital-output ratio.
This choice only effects the later portions of this article. The
emphasis here is on something else, namely that it is not possible, if
we accept assumption I, to add to the equip¬ment of the nation a factory
or set of factories in one international sector only, but that
simultaneously with such an "international" investment a number of
complementary investments in domestic sectors are necessary, in order to
keep all capacities fully utilized. We will call the necessary
combination of investments a bunch; it always consists of an investment
in one international sector combined with a number of investments in all
national sectors.

It is generally known that John Stuart Mill spent his working career in the service of the East India Company, but very little has been written about him in this capacity. As an administrative official of the company, the home government of India, John Mill's activities have been greatly overshadowed by the influence exerted upon Indian policies by his father, James Mill, historian of British India and a member of the Examiner's Office of the Company from 1819 until his death in 1836. Like his father, John Stuart recognized the company's government of India for what it actually was—a despotism of an alien race, which, despite the good accomplished by it in the last decades of its existence, was established by conquest, treaty, and annexation. And yet, he spent almost half of his life as an official of this establishment, drafting dispatches to the India government, and, in defence of the company's rule against extinction by Parliament, wrote what Lord Grey described as the ablest state paper he had ever read.How did John Mill, the great exponent of nineteenth century liberalism, reconcile his employment as an official of a despotic government with his espousal of the principles of civil and political freedom? How, in other words, did he reconcile this freedom with colonialism? What conceptions did he entertain concerning: (1) the place of India in the history of civilization; and (2) its eventual emergence from British rule as an industrially transformed self-governing nation? These questions, arising out of Mill's career with the East India Company, have not been discussed in any of the numerous treatises on the great man. In considering them here we hope to fill this gap in the literature. Other questions, such as Mill's administrative skills and his influence upon the company's policies, cannot be taken up in this paper. The author does not share the view that Mill's influence at India House was insignificant. He is inclined to a moderate version of Henry Fawcett's opinion that all the important principles for governing the great dependency of India were laid down by Mill in the documents he drafted for the East India Company.

Our subject concerns the dialogue held between English financiers and Canadian politicians and the response of Lombard Street to the calls of the Province of Canada over the last ten or fifteen years of its existence. Its scope is limited because of the limited array of materials surveyed. The intention is to review some of the correspondence between the financial agents in London and the Canadian ministers or other officials entrusted with English money through the agents. The materials comprise some two hundred letters, a few duplicates of which can be found in the Baring collection at the Public Archives in Ottawa, which the author was fortunate enough to peruse at Glyn, Mills & Co., Lombard Street, London.These fragmentary materials have been marshalled back into the conventional framework of Canadian economic history, where in the author's estimation they belong, in order that they might shed some more light on matters already known. The role of the agents in money matters exerted a remarkable influence on Canada's political affairs, to the extent that the presence of the English investor implied some kind of participation in the decision-making process of the Province of Canada. The English press may have exerted a similar influence, since it reflected the attitude of those financially interested in Canada, whether directly or indirectly.Not all of the difficulties that the Province had been through in the last decade of its existence can be traced back, however, to its financial connection with the English money market. Indeed, several problems arose from its commercial structure, its precarious trade pattern upon which the neighbouring states exerted a continuous pull, the deflated expectations of Canadian traders as regards the western trade, and the over-all modification of trade channels which accompanied the cotton revolution. Yet we have chosen here to single out one factor—the opinion of Lombard Street—by way of suggesting the importance of market forces in the shaping of Canadian economic policies.

SummaryAn empirical frequency distribution, belonging to a certain quantity x, can be considered as the realization of a {theoretical) probability distribution. This latter furnishes i. the mathematical expectation (theoretical mean), 2. the (theoretical) moments with respect to, i.e. the math. exp. of the different powers of t = x —, denoted by m = tk, in particular m2— t2=s̀2, the square of the standard deviation.The deviations of a probability distribution from‐ the normal type are often characterized by the Skewness S and the Excess E, defined byPlotting the probability density y = ‐ as an ordinate against the abscissa x, we obtain the density curve.The author shows how far, under certain simplifying conditions, the algebraic sign of S and E can be predicted from the course of the density curve.Skewness: If an asymmetrical density curve ascends more steeply to the left of the top than it descends to the right, and if, in particular, at any pair of points with equal y, the curve is left steeper than right, the Skewness S is proved to be positive. If, on the other hand, the curve is right steeper than left, S is negative.Excess: With a symmetrical, not normal curve, S = o, whilst E can differ from zero. Such a curve can be confronted with a normal curve having the same centre and equal a. Then these two curves must have at least two points of intersection on both sides of the centre (top). Provided that there are precisely two points of intersection, the sign of the Excess E is connected with the height of the top of the given curve. If this top is higher than that of the corresponding normal curve (leptokurtosis), E is positive; if it is lower (platykurtosis), E is negative.In case there are more than two points of intersection on either side of the centre, there is no close connection between the top‐height and the sign of E. This is illustrated by the behaviour of density curves of the type y = C (1 — t2)3 (1 +αt2+βt4).

It is most unfortunate that a paper the main content of which in terms of bulk consists of sound and valuable insights to the extent that this is true of Professor Talcott Parsons's article on "The Motivation of Economic Activities" should be utterly misleading with respect to the main question at issue. Without quoting or mentioning any single author, or referring in any specific way to any group, school, or tendency among economists themselves, Professor Parsons tells us merely that: "On the economic side the impression has been wide-spread that a predominantly 'self-interested' or 'egoistic' theory of the motivation of economic activities was a logical necessity of economic theory" (p. 189, my italics). Throughout his own article, Professor Parsons certainly gives the "impression" that the position he has indicated is that which characterizes the typical writings of reputable economists extant and down to date.In view of the author's standing as a sociological interpreter of economic concepts to both sociologists and economists, and also, as already observed, the great merit of his concrete observations on motivation in this particular article, this second impression should not be allowed to stand unchallenged. For the facts are definitely to the contrary. And the true position regarding the type of attitude which may be referred to as "self-interest" in the structure and methodology of modern economic theory should be stated. Still more desirable, if it were possible, would be some intelligible statement as to what this attitude is, or what the expression may be taken to mean. For Professor Parsons gives practically no positive indication of the content of the position he is arguing against. He affords an example more flagrant than that of the economists criticized of what is their real fault. For he himself warily steers clear of any effort to say what he means by the term self-interest or egoism. We find only the negative and noncommittal statement that the assumption proper to economic theory "does not necessarily have anything to do with 'egoism' in the usual sense" (p. 189, my italics).

This essay, as a section out of the history of the Newspaper-Press, deals with the collaboration between agitational papers and street-terrorism on the basis of characteristic examples. The author draws a distinction between partial and absolute terrorism. In the case of the former, a minority by means of intimidation with violence, presses the majority and their prominent leaders to political actions which in all human probability they would never have decided upon on their own initiative.The American War of Independence is quoted as an example, or rather the deeds of violence which, as practised by a radical minority, influenced the course of event.A sketch is then given of the importance of the American Press, at that time in its infancy, with regard to the political successes of the young government, both at home and abroad.As an instance of absolute terrorism, the reign of terror of the French Revolution is taken. There the terrorists themselves seized the power. A survey is given of the various agitational papers and their methods, Their development is described up to the institution of a press-dictatorship by Napoleon Bonaparte. Finally the attention is drawn to the causes of the intimidating effect of the War-Press in times of political tension, all of which is based on historical instances taken from the latter half of the 19th century.The essay endeavours to prove that in social-psychological descriptions it frequently occurs that insufficient attention is paid to the part played by coercion and intimidation.The periodical press offers adequate information to permit of ascertaining the leading ideas and their modifications during agitated times. At the same time, its pages reveal the modifications in the views of the leading men and their influence on the masses.Accurate and specialized research on the basis of similar material taken from the history of the Newspaper-Pres, will complete and justify many a theory on mass-passions and mass-disturbances of reason in the field of social psychology.

Book reviewed in this article:British Monetary Policy. By F. C. BenhamThe Money Muddle and the Way Out. By F. W. Pethick‐LawrenceThe G.H.Q. of L.S.D. By Sir John Wardlow‐MilneFrom Capitalism to Socialism. By J. A. HobsonThe Recording Angel. By J. A. HobsonThe Future of Capitalism. By Werner SombartEconomic Progress and Economic Crises. By Johan AkermanCartels, Concerns and Trusts. By Robert LiefmanThe State and Economic Life. Paris, 1932. Published for the Conference of Institutions for the Study of International Relations by International Institute of Intellectual Co‐operation.National and World Planning. Edited by E. M. Patterson. Philadelphia, 1932. American Academy of Political and Social Science.Otto von Gierke: His Political Teaching and Jurisprudence. By Sobei Mogi, Author of The Problem of Federalism.The Cambridge History of India. Volume VI. The Indian EmpireIndian Problems.By Lord IrwinTruth about India: Can We Get It?By Verrier Elwin.Taxation of Income in India. By V. K. R. B. Rao, M.A.Survey of International Affairs, 1931. By Arnold J. Toynbee, assisted by V. M. Boulter.Documents on International Affairs, 1931. Edited by J. W. Wheeler‐Bennett.Denmark's Right to Greenland. By Knud Berlin.Essays on the Manchurian Problem. By Shuhsi Hsü.The League on Trial. By Max Beer. Translated by W. H. Johnston.The League of Nations in Theory and Practice. By C. K. Webster, with some chapters on International Co‐operationby Sydney Herbert.The Religious Foundations of Internationalism. By Norman Bentwich.John Strachey: The Coming Struggle for PowerLegislative Regulation. By Ernst Freund.Democracy in Crisis. By Harold J. Laski.Conservatism in England. By F. J. C. HearnshawThe People and the Constitution. By Cecil S. Emden.The History of the Russian Revolution. Vols. II. & III. By Leon Trotsky.Twelve Studies in Soviet Russia. With an IntroductionBy C. R. Attlee and G. D. H. Cole.Rural Russia under the Old Régime. By G. T. Robinson.Bolshevism: Theory and Practice. By Waldemar Gurian.Capitalism and Communism: A Reconciliation. By Oscar Newfang.The New Boer War. By Leonard Barnes.The Framework of International Society. By S. H. Bailey, M.A. Worker Educational Association Outlines