Rad detaljno prikazuje faze koje je potrebno proći kako bi se zgrada oštećena u potresu koji je pogodio Zagreb 22. ožujka 2020. obnovila i pojačala do zahtijevane razine potresne otpornosti. Prikazane su sve faze počevši od preliminarnog pregleda pa potom i detaljnog pregleda, izrade elaborata ocjene stanja građevinske konstrukcije, projekta obnove te konačno izvođenja radova obnove uz stručni nadzor. Posebna je pozornost usmjerena na proračun građevine nelinearnom statičkom metodom koja se temelji na pomacima, tzv. "pushover analysis" ili metoda postupnog guranja, za koju se smatra da je jedna od najprimjerenijih metoda za seizmičku analizu postojećih zidanih konstrukcija. Svi postupci koji su provedeni u sklopu ove obnove su provedeni u skladu sa zakonskom regulativom koja je stupila na snagu nakon potresa. ; The phases that must be completed so that a building damaged in earthquake that struck Zagreb on 22 March 2020 can be renovated and strengthened to the required level of seismic resistance are presented in the paper. All phases are therefore presented, starting from the rapid and then detailed inspection, and continuing with preparation of the structural condition assessment report, preparation of renovation design and, finally, ending with realisation of work with expert supervision. A special attention is paid to structural analysis that is conducted using a nonlinear static method based on displacements, the so called pushover analysis, which is considered to be one of the most appropriate methods for seismic analysis of existing masonry structures. All procedures conducted in the scope of this renovation were realised in accordance with legislation that entered into force after the earthquake.
Polazeći od pretpostavke da se hrvatska kazališta između dva svjetska rata u kreiranju dramskoga repertoara nisu vodila samo umjetničkim nego i političkim obzirima, autor u članku analizira inozemne i srpske drame s temom Prvoga svjetskog rata koje su se u međuraću izvodile u tri hrvatska kazališta (u Zagrebu, Osijeku i Splitu) da bi odgovorio na pitanja kako je taj rat u tom razdoblju predstavljan hrvatskoj javnosti te kako je hrvatska javnost posredovanjem kazališne kritike reagirala na takvo njegovo predstavljanje. ; In this paper, the author approaches Croatian theatres as places of memory, and the foreign and Serbian war dramas performed in them as the contents of the Croatian culture of memory regarding World War I. Drawing upon the extant research on Croatian memory of World War I, based on examining the Croatian literary heritage, according to which the predominant Croatian memory was presented in Miroslav Krleža's war cycle, the author has attempted to answer the question, how did these non-Croatian war dramas on the repertoire of Croatian theatres correspond to the stated Croatian relationship towards World War I according to their contents, frequency of performance, and public reactions to them (as seen through theatre reviews)? In this sense, the author has identified three groups of non-Croatian war dramas: British (American) and French, which were characterised by prominent pacifism; Czechoslovak, which were anti-Austrian and contained a note of Czech nationalism; and Serbian, which nurtured the Serbian victory culture, but also criticised post-war Serbian society. Analysing these dramas, the author has concluded that Serbian war dramas enjoyed the strongest 'institutional support', but were also the least popular with the Croatian public. Czechoslovak war dramas received the least 'institutional support', but were the most popular among the Croatian public. Based on this analysis, the author has concluded that the Czechoslovak dramas had the most in common with the predominant Croatian memory of World War I in the interwar period; even though they did not receive much 'institutional support', they were the closest to the Croatian memory of the war in the given circumstances.
U radu se uz kratki politički portret političkog djelovanja Stjepana Radića tijekom Velikog rata (1914. — 1918.) autor fokusira na jedan povijesni izvor, odlomak iz memoara člana češke Maffie Hrvata i Dubrovčanina Rudolfa Giunia koji govori o "političkom preokretu" Stjepana Radića u proljeće 1918. godine iz habsburškog legitimista u pristašu južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja. Rad razmatra kako su taj izvor hrvatska i jugoslavenska historiografija tumačile i upotrebljavale. Prema izglednim pretpostavkama hrvatski povjesničar Bogdan Krizman pronašao je taj izvor krajem 1950-ih i često ga koristio u svojim radovima, uglavnom samo prepričavajući ili sažimajući njegov sadržaj, ali nikada ga ne navodeći u cjelini ili kao povijesnu građu u bilješkama. Stoga se ovdje taj odlomak iz Giunijevih memoara, koji govori o Radićevu djelovanju u to vrijeme, zbog njegove važnosti daje na kraju ovoga rada u prijepisu. Cjeloviti memoari R. Giunia čuvaju se u rukopisu u Nacionalnoj i sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Zagrebu. ; In addition to presenting a short political biography of Stjepan Radić and his political activities during the Great War (1914 — 1918), the author of this article focuses on one particular historical source: a paragraph from the memoirs of a member of Czech "Maffia" Rudolf Giunio, a Croat from Dubrovnik, in which he wrote about a "political turnabout" of Stjepan Radić in Spring 1918 – from legitimising the Habsburg system to a supporter of unification of South Slavs. This paper examines the existing interpretation of this source by Croatian and Yugoslav historiography so far. The author argues that Croatian historian Bogdan Krizman had often used Giunio's memoirs since 1950s by retelling or summarizing its contents, sometimes without fully acknowledging it as historical source. For this reason, the author publishes this paragraph of Giunio's memoirs in full at the end of this paper. The original manuscript of Giunio's memoirs are kept in National and University Library in Zagreb.
On the eastern Adriatic coast and the surrounding areas, there is an entire range of excavated and recorded amphitheatres located in individual former Roman colonies (Pola, Iader, Aequum, Salona, Epidaurum and Dyrrachium) and military camps (Burnum and Tilurium). Through topographic, typological and chronological classification, the author explores the Roman amphitheatre in Burnum. Likewise, in an interdisciplinary approach, the author supports his conclusions with historical sources, displaying materials, archaeological remains, numismatic material, toponomastic records, reconstructions, as well as archival, cartographic, urban and other types of data. ; Na jugozapadnoj periferiji kompleksa vojnog logora u Burnumu iskopan je rimski amfiteatar na mikrolokaciji Karlovac, izvan bedema samog logora. Centralno područje amfiteatra bilo je 44 x 33 m veliko borilište, gdje su se izvodile gladijatorske borbe i ostali sadržaji. Sam ovalno koncipirani tlocrtni oblik amfiteatra čini više-manje pravilna elipsa, što potvrđuju i same dimenzije amfiteatra, 118 x 87 m. Na građevini možemo razlikovati dvije građevinske faze. Prva građevinska faza iz doba cara Klaudija arheološki je potvrđena. Sve potrebne predradnje u vezi s pripremom i nivelacijom terena i potom gradnjom građevine amfiteatra izvršili su pripadnici XI. legije koja od 42. godine nosi spomenuti počasni naziv legio XI Claudia pia fidelis. Završnu građevinsku fazu amfiteatra u Burnumu potrebno je datirati u vrijeme vladavine cara Vespazijana koji je novčano pomogao njezino dovršenje.
The multinational corporations of today are more powerful than are many states. In this paper the author questions the structure of the corporation and its built-in mechanisms of responsibility to the citizens of the state in which it operates. With this in mind, the author examines and compares the organizational structures of corporations versus states. At first sight, the structure of a corporation resembles the structure of the state, however, were we to examine its structural mechanisms of responsibilty, we would come to see that it does not resemble a true democratic state, but rather the structure of a totalitarian one-party state. The structure of a corporation allows for mechanisms of supervision for the realization of shareholders' interests, but as yet has no established mechanisms to elicit legal, responsible, moral action toward all others. ; Multinacionalne korporacije danas su snažnije od brojnih država. U ovom radu želimo istražiti postoje li u strukturi korporacije ugrađeni mehanizmi odgovornosti prema građanima država u kojima djeluju. S tim ciljem razmotrili smo i usporedili organizacijske strukture korporacije i države. Iako je na prvi pogled po svojoj strukturi korporacija nalik strukturi države, pogledamo li ustrojstvene mehanizme odgovornosti, dolazimo do spoznaje da nije nalik pravoj demokratskoj državi, već ustroju totalitarne jednopartijske države. U svojoj strukturi ima mehanizme nadzora ostvarenja interesa dioničara, ali još nema izgrađene mehanizme koji bi je poticali na zakonito, odgovorno i moralno djelovanje prema svima ostalima.
Iz teksta: ''Knjiga The Border Dispute Between Croatia and Slovenia: The Stages of a Protracted Conflict and Its Implications for EU Enlargement (u prijevodu Granični spor između Hrvatske i Slovenije: faze dugotrajnog sukoba i njihov odraz na proširenje Europske unije) autora dr. sc. Thomasa Bickla objavljena je 2020. godine na engleskom jeziku u izdanju nakladničke kuće Springer. Knjiga predstavlja autorovu doktorsku disertaciju obranjenu 2019. godine pri Fakultetu društvenih znanosti Sveučilišta Duisburg-Essen u Njemačkoj pod vodstvom mentora prof. dr. sc. Susanne Pickel i prof. dr. sc. Michaela Kaedinga. Autorovo su područje zanimanja političke znanosti i međunarodno pravo, posebice sukobi i europske integracije u razdoblju nakon raspada Jugoslavije. Bavi se proučavanjem teritorijalnih i drugih otvorenih bilateralnih pitanja među državama na području bivše Jugoslavije. Predmet je ove knjige granični spor na kopnu i moru između Hrvatske i Slovenije [.] '' ; From the text: ''This book in its six chapters and four appendices deals with the unresolved legal matter between the two countries related to the land and sea border. The two main sources of data used for the author's research are interviews and documents. The author held 76 interviews with stakeholders directly involved in the various phases of resolving the border dispute: prime ministers, ministers of foreign affairs, civil servants, scholars, and many others. In particular, the interview with our esteemed Professor Emeritus Vladimir-Đuro Degan should be mentioned. The author analyses relevant public documents together with drafts and undisclosed documents, such as drafts of the arbitration agreement.'' [.]
It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering the research question the author analize the role of minority parties in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three minority groups who have established National Minority Council, there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties, as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored. The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development with special emphasis on their position in political and party system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness of the decision-making process.
Pandemijska kriza uzrokovala je mnoge izazove na globalnoj razini. Europska unija pokušala je pravovremeno i optimalno odgovoriti na neke od izazova koji su zahvatili njezino područje, a autorica je uočila sljedeće: ekonomski pad; kriza zdravstvenog sektora; nepostojanje cjepiva; smanjenje mobilnosti građana unutar i izvan državnih granica; širenje dezinformacija te pitanje očuvanja europskih vrijednosti i propadanja demokracije. Uz to što će prikazati reakciju EU na pojedine izazove u 2020. godini, analizirat će i strategije triju država članica koje su primijenile različite pristupe borbi protiv virusa – strategiju Njemačke, Švedske i Mađarske. Autorica će doći do zaključka da je EU uspješno odgovorila na jedan dio navedenih izazova, dok je na drugi dio ipak mogla čvršće reagirati. U borbi s izazovima nije pomogla niti različitost strategija država članica, a neke od njih pronašle su i nove saveznike izvan EU. ; The pandemic crisis has caused many challenges on a global level. The European Union tried to respond in a timely and optimal manner to some of the challenges that affected its area, and the author detected the following: economic decline; health sector crisis; lack of vaccine; reducing the mobility of citizens inside and outside national borders; spreading misinformation and the issue of preserving European values and the decline of democracy. In addition to showing the EU's response to certain challenges in 2020, the strategies of the three member states that have applied different approaches to fighting the virus - strategies of Germany, Sweden and Hungary - will be analyzed. The author will come to the conclusion that the EU has successfully responded to one part of these challenges, while it could have reacted more strongly to the other part. The various strategies of the member states did not help in the fight against the challenges, and some of them even found new allies outside the EU.
Ovaj rad bavi se analizom mogućnosti uporabe društvenih mreža kao alata za promidžbu vojnih studijskih programa. Analizom situacije i društvenih mreža autor otkriva nužnost i učestalost korištenja društvenih mreža u marketinškoj komunikaciji, gdje se kao cilj postavlja oglašavanje, pogotovo kada se ciljana javnost sastoji od mladih ljudi. Nadalje, na temelju provedene analize autor naglašava iznimnu potrebu pokretanja digitalnog marketinga vojnih studijskih programa na pogodnim društvenim mrežama te predlaže i opisuje strategiju (način rada i upravljanja) tom vrstom promidžbe. Na temelju uočenog pada interesa javnosti za pridruživanje Oružanim snagama RH, s posebnim naglaskom na vojne studijske programe, uočena je važnost i nedostatci promidžbe na Hrvatskom vojnom učilištu (HVU) kao potencijalnom području napredovanja i rasta institucije. Takva situacija posljedica je neučinkovitosti sustava da prepozna važnost digitalnog marketinga te mu da potrebnu pozornost i unaprjeđenje. U jeku pandemije COVID-19 pokazala se potreba za okretanjem prema novim sferama marketinga i njihovom razvijanju unutar OSRH-a, koje se do sada nisu dovoljno razvijale – primarno misleći na društvene mreže i digitalni marketing. ; This paper deals with the analysis and research of the possibilities of using social networks as a tool for promoting military study programs. By analyzing the situation and social networks, the author reveals the necessity and frequency of using social networks in marketing communication where advertising is the goal, especially when the target public consists of young people. Furthermore, based on the analysis, the author emphasizes the strong need to launch digital marketing of military study programs on suitable social networks, proposes and describes the strategy (mode of operation and management) of this type of promotion. Based on the observed decline of public interest to join the Croatian Armed Forces (CAF), with special emphasis on military study programs, the importance, and shortcomings of promotion at the Croatian Defense Academy is noticed as a potential area for advancement and growth of the institution. This situation is a result of inefficiency of the system to recognize the importance of digital marketing and give it necessary attention and improvement. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a need to turn to and develop new spheres of marketing within the CAF that have not been developed enough so far - primarily referring to social networks and digital marketing.
Svrha ovoga rada bila je, da se utvrđivanjem razlika u djelovanju Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava) u varaždinskom i ludbreškom kotaru početkom 20. stoljeća, doprinese razumijevanju razlika, koje danas postoje između dviju hrvatskih regija, Varaždinštine i Podravine. Spomenute razlike autor je analizirao prvenstveno na temelju izbornih rezultata, kao i na temelju društvene strukture pristaša ove stranke, koju je pokušao rekonstruirati putem povezanosti istaknutih članova stranke, s pojedinim gospodarskim institucijama u ovim kotarima. U svom radu autor je primijetio, da je ova stranka prije prodrla u ludbreški nego u varaždinski kotar, da je u varaždinski kotar prodrla iz ludbreškog kotara, te da je u ludbreškom kotaru čvršće uporište stvorila samo u Ludbregu, dok je u varaždinskom kotaru čvrsta uporišta stvorila u njegovim seoskim općinama. Posljednja činjenica omogućila je prodor Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke u ludbreški kotar, te uzrokovala njezino zaustavljanje na granicama varaždinskog kotara. Polazeći od donedavne pripadnosti prostora varaždinskog kotara Podravini, te od postojeće definicije Podravine kao ishodišnog područja Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke, autor je zaključio da je Čista stranka prava (Starčevićeva hrvatska stranka prava/Stranka prava), zaustavljajući prelijevanje utjecaja Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke iz ludbreškog u varaždinski kotar, znatno doprinijela izdvajanju varaždinskog kotara u posebnu regiju, Varaždinštinu. ; This article aims to understand the differences between the two Croatian regions, Podravina and Varaždinština, based on differences in political activity of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Party of Rights/Party of Rights) at the beginning of the 20th century in the Varaždin and Ludbreg county. The author analyzed these differences based on the election results and the social structure of party members in both county. He noted that this party had previously penetrated into the Ludbreg rather than Varaždin county, that it penetrated into the Varaždin county from the Ludbreg county, and that in the Ludbreg county it created a stronger stronghold only in Ludbreg, while in the Varaždin county it created stronger stronghold in the countryside. This enabled the penetration of the Croatian People's Peasant Party into the Ludbreg county, and caused it to stop at the borders of the Varaždin county. The author started from the former affiliation of the Varaždin county to Podravina, and from the existing definition of Podravina as the startin area of the Croatian People's Peasant Party. Based on this he concluded that the Pure Party of Rights, stopping the overflow influence of the Croatian People's Peasant Party from Ludbreg to Varaždin county, significantly contributed to the separation of Varaždin county into a special region, Varaždinština.
Promatrajući zbirku pjesama Razgovor ugodni naroda slovinskoga fra Andrije Kačića Miošića kao primjer zbirke napisanih usmenih pjesama (koncept američkoga teoretičara usmene književnosti Johna Milesa Foleyja) rad pruža prilog proučavanju poimanja junaštva u kršćanskome svijetu pograničnih utvrda (njem. Welt der Granzfestungen), tj. na graničnome prostoru kršćanskih sila (Habsburške Monarhije i Mletačke Republike) i Osmanskoga Carstva u ranome novom vijeku. Polazeći od hipoteze da povijesni likovi u epskim narodnim pjesmama vrše egzemplarnu funkciju, pomoću heurističkoga modela humanitas heroica Andreasa Angyala nastoji se pružiti uvid u složenu koncepciju junaštva koja postoji u sustavu vrijednosti na granici. ; In approaching Razgovor ugodni naroda slovinskog, a collection of poems penned by the friar Andrija Kačić Miošić, as an example of written oral poems (a concept formulated by the American oral literature scholar John Miles Foley), this paper studies the idea of heroism in the Welt der Granzfestungen, i.e. on the frontier between Christian forces (the Habsburg Monarchy and the Republic of Venice) and the Ottoman Empire in the early modern period. Assuming that historical figures featured in oral poems serve as exempla, the author attempts to lay bare the complex idea of heroism as it existed in the frontier value system. This is done by applying the concept of humanitas heroica.
U ovome radu autor donosi biografski pregled života Nikole Jurišića, vojnika i diplomata hrvatskoga podrijetla. U prvome dijelu rada donosi se kronološki pregled ključnih poznatih događaja njegova života – od ranih godina službe u vojsci kralja Ferdinanda I. Habsburgovca preko uspona do zapovjednih pozicija i poslanstva u Carigrad 1530. godine do konačnoga uspona na barunski položaj nakon junačke obrane Kisega. U drugome dijelu rada autor u kratkim poglavljima problematizira neke ključne geografsko-vremenske odrednice 16. stoljeća na hrvatsko-osmanskome graničnom prostoru. ; This paper gives a biographical overview of the life of Nikola Jurišić, a soldier and diplomat of Croatian descent. The first part of the paper provides a chronological overview of key known events of his life – from the early years of service in the army of King Ferdinand II of Habsburg, through his rise to command positions and the diplomatic mission to Constantinople in 1530, to the final rise to the rank of baron after the heroic defense of Kőszeg. In the second part of the paper, in short chapters, the author discusses some key geographical and temporal determinants of the 16th century in the Croatian-Ottoman border area.
U članku se uspostavlja korelacija između nihilizma i povijesti iz postavke o kraju metafizike u doba tehnosfere. Pokazujući genealogiju postmodernoga obrata u suvremenom filozofijskome mišljenju, autor se kritički razračunava s Vattimovom tezom da je Heideggerov pojam prebolijevanja metafizike (Verwindung) ključ za razumijevanje postmoderne. Unatoč neposredne blizine s Nietzscheom i Heideggerom, ipak je neporecivo da se glavni pojam mora izvesti iz mišljenja kasnoga Wittgensteina, kao što je to učinio Lyotard u analizi »postmodernoga stanja«. Posrijedi je pojam »jezičnih igara« koji uvodi u promišljanje odnos između pragmatike znanja, performativnosti jezika i horizonta događaja. Na taj se način pokazuje da postmoderna nije nikakva vremenski određena »nova« epoha, već reaktualiziranje stanja kojeg određuje vladavina tehnoznanosti, kibernetike i pluralnih obrazaca kulture u postindustrijskome društvu. Autor na osnovi vlastitih prethodnih analiza ovog problema sabranih u knjigama Postmoderna igra svijeta, Politika identiteta, Posthumano stanje i Tehnosfera I–V, smatra da jedino ekstenzivna analiza i tumačenje Lyotardovih postavki omogućuje dolazak na pravi filozofijski put spram odgovora na pitanje o biti nihilizma u suočenju s biti tehnosfere kao računanja, planiranja i konstrukcije neljudskoga. Ono što je preostalo od postmoderne u suvremenosti niti je »pričanje priča« o stilskim tendencijama moderne i neomoderne, avangarde i neoavangarde, niti, pak, sukob univerzalnosti i partikularnosti društva i kulture. Preostalo je jedino ono što ima karakter neotklonjive »sudbine« ovog nihilizma tehnosfere: od postmodernoga stanja do posthumanoga stanja mišljenje se nalazi pred izazovom događaja koji nadilazi sve viđeno u povijesti zapadnjačke metafizike. Kada slika prethodi jeziku, a pisanje govoru, nalazimo se u zatvorenome krugu obrata i preokreta metafizike. Vrijeme je za izlazak iz ovog »začaranoga kruga« u kojem živo postaje ne-živo, bitak informacijom, društvo sustavom objekata, a ljudsko-odveć-ljudsko neljudskim kao takvim. ; The paper establishes a correlation between nihilism and history from the premise of the end of metaphysics in the age of the technosphere. In presenting the genealogy of the postmodern turn in contemporary philosophical thinking, the author critically deals with Vattimo's thesis that Heidegger's notion of overcoming metaphysics (Verwindung) is the key to understanding postmodernity. Despite its close proximity to Nietzsche and Heidegger, it is undeniable that the main notion must be derived from late Wittgenstein's thinking, as Lyotard did in his analysis of the "postmodern condition". It is a notion of "language games" that introduces into consideration the relationship between the pragmatics of knowledge, the performativity of language and the event horizon. In this way, it will be shown that postmodernity cannot be any "new" epoch but rather a re-actualization of the condition determined by the rule of technoscience, cybernetics and plural patterns of culture in post-industrial society. Based on his previous analyses of this problem, collected in the books The Postmodern Game of the World, Identity Politics, The Posthuman Condition, and Technosphere I–V, the author believes that only extensive analysis and interpretation of Lyotard's premises allows one to reach the right philosophical path to the answer to the question of the essence of nihilism in the face of Being, and the technosphere as computation, planning, and construction of the inhuman. In contemporary times, what is left of postmodernity is neither "telling stories" about the stylistic tendencies of the modern and neomodern, the avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde, nor, moreso, the conflict of the universality and particularity of society and culture. All that remains is the feature of the unwavering "fate" of this nihilism of the technosphere: from the postmodern condition to the posthuman condition, thought is confronted with the challenge of an event that goes beyond anything seen in the history of Western metaphysics. When the image precedes the language and the writing to speaking, we find ourselves in a closed circle of turns and reversals of metaphysics. It is time to step out of this "vicious circle" in which the living becomes non-living, the Being becomes the information, the system of objects replaces society, and the human-too-human with inhuman as such.
Milan Tolić (Split, 1. rujna 1899. – 20. studenoga 1990.) splitski je slikar, scenograf, pedagog i karikaturist čiji opus karikatura još nije dovoljno istražen. U članku se analizira album Tolićevih karikatura Osijek u karikaturi tiskan 1940. godine u Građanskoj tiskari u Osijeku na temelju originalnih slikarovih crteža. Tolićev je album zbirka crteža u kojoj su razvrstani u skupine: glumci, odvjetnici, liječnici, članovi Trgovačke komore, profesori, industrijalci, trgovci, obrtnici, policajci, gradski činovnici, gostioničari i bankari. Ukupno tristo lica gleda nas sa 187 stranica u petnaest skupnih i dvjesto dvadeset i osam pojedinačnih karikatura. Album Tolićevih crteža donosi karikature pretežno rađene perom te u manjoj mjeri olovkom i tušem. S tehničke strane sve su karikature izvedene na sličan način – Tolićev crtež u albumu jednostavan je, prepoznatljiv i čitljiv. Autor se predstavlja kao siguran crtač i vješt opservator koji u čistoj linearnoj tvorbi vješto grafički bilježi lakim ritmom i sumarnim zatvaranjem linija figure u pokretu. Obrisna linija crteža teče u dužim neprekinutim linijama, a strukturalna ponegdje u svojim kontrastnim odnosima očitava teksture materijala. Likovi su prikazani en face i u profilu, a karikirani likovi često su prikazani u poslu koji po svojoj profesiji obavljaju. U navedenim karikaturama likovni izričaj Tolić gradi najčešće na čitavoj figuri, ali svoju osobnu umjetničku fiksaciju usmjerava na glavu, neiscrpno bogat i zanimljiv likovni sadržaj, koji deformira, korigira i mijenja dok ne ustanovi što najbolje odgovara karakteru prikazanih modela. Tako se ironija izražena naglašenom likovnom gestom ne zaustavlja samo na vanjštini, nego i u emocionalnoj komunikaciji premda su likovi u svojoj deformiranoj potenciranosti ponajprije fizički karakterizirani. Kao i u Tolićevu slikarskom opusu, i u Tolićevoj karikaturi (što dolazi do izražaja i u ovom albumu) postoje oscilacije vidljive u likovnoj kvaliteti karikarura. Tolić, britak opservator, u nekim karikaturama postaje ilustrativan, blijed, međutim s obzirom na broj karikatura to je donekle i razumljivo. Skupne karikature u albumu komuniciraju s gledateljstvom raskošnim rječnikom crte, a sve to na smiješnoj i satiričkoj osnovi u komici crte i oblika, ali i duhovitosti gesta i grimasa. Album Osijek u karikaturi zapravo je prikaz Osijeka krajem tridesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća u njegovim intimnim sferama u relacijama vremena, prostora i ljudi, čime autor uspješno referira osječki politički, društveni i javni život. Tolićeve karikature imponiraju svojim iskrenim laganim humorom koji dobroćudno ismijava karikirane likove. Album Osijek u karikaturi vrijedan je Tolićev prinos našoj likovnoj umjetnosti karikaturalnog izraza. ; Milan Tolić (Split, September 1, 1899 – November 20, 1990) was a painter, stage designer, pedagogue and caricaturist from Split, whose caricature opus has not been studied sufficiently. The paper analyses Tolić's album of caricatures named Osijek in Caricature which was printed in Građanska tiskara in Osijek in 1940 and was based on painter's original drawings. Tolić's album is a collection of drawings categorized into groups: actors, lawyers, doctors, members of the Chamber of Commerce, professors, industrialists, merchants, craftspeople, policeofficers, city clerks, innkeepers and bankers. There are three hundred faces presented on 187 pages in fifteen group and two hundred twenty-eight individual caricatures. Tolić's album of drawings presents mostly caricatures done for the most part in pen, and some were done in pencil and ink. From the technical standpoint all the caricatures were done in a similar manner – Tolić's drawing in the album is recognizable and readable. The author is presented as a skillful artist and keen observer, expertly recording figures in motion in easy rhythm by summarizing the lines of a moving figure. The outline of the drawing runs in longer uninterrupted lines, and the structural lines are sometimes providing texture of materials in their contrasted relationships. The characters are presented full face and in profile, and the caricatural characters are often drawn performing the work typical for their profession. Tolić builds his artistic style mostly on the whole figure, but directs his personal artistic attention to the head, immensely rich and interesting in its artistic content, which he deforms, corrects and changes until he finds the traits which best fit the character of the models drawn. Thus, the irony expressed in the excessive artistic style is not restricted to the outward appearance, but also in an emotional communication, although the persons are primarily presented physically through their deformed excessiveness. The group caricatures in the album communicate to the public through the flourishing dictionary of the line, all built upon a funny and satirical basis in the comedy of line and form, but also in the humor of gestures and grimaces. The album Osijek in Caricature is in fact the presentation of Osijek of the late Thirties of the Twentieth century in its intimate spheres in the relations of time, space and people, whereby the author successfully refers to the political, social and public lives of Osijek. Tolić's caricatures impress by their sincere light-hearted humor, which good-naturedly mock the caricatured characters. The album Osijek in Caricature is a valuable contribution of Milan Tolić to our visual arts of caricatural expression.
Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.
