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本論文選取畫家符羅飛(1897-1971)進行研究,旨在通過文字及圖像史料復原這一被視作"歷史失蹤者的藝術家個案,並將其放在20 世紀中國藝術與革命互動關係的語境中進行考察。文章依據時序及符羅飛活動地點與内容的變化,分爲五個章節,結合文獻考據、視覺分析及藝術社會學等研究方法,分別探討他於20 世紀20 至60 年代在上海、意大利、香港及華南等地的藝術創作與社會活動,並著重觀察這位以藝術積極投入社會革命、且擁有明確政治信仰的畫家及其代表的群體,是如何通過主動轉變藝術面貌,從而與20 世紀中國社會的大變動連成一體。本文認爲:符羅飛於抗戰期間攜傾向古典寫實的那不勒斯畫派畫風及自創的水墨寫生歸國,但其藝術救國活動最初並未達至理想效果;直到40 年代中期才在通過不斷地寫生、辦展,逐漸吸收國統區漫畫與木刻中流行的德國表現主義元素,脫胎出具有強烈視覺刺激和道德感召力、又符合中共革命訴求的代表性藝術面貌,在特定的政治人群中得到廣泛承認,在此過程中輿論因素的影響不可忽視;同時,他的彩墨實驗等游離於政治目標之外的藝術活動打破了"革命畫家"的刻板印象;而他在政權鼎革後因未能適應高度一元化的藝壇新秩序而湮沒於混亂時世的最終命運,又折射出五四以來自由知識分子傳統與中共黨文化之間不可調和的矛盾。 ; This thesis is a monographic study on the artist Fu Luofei (1897-1971), aiming to reconstruct his life and art with textual and visual historical materials, with focus on the interaction between art and revolution in the twentieth-century China. The five chapters of this thesis examine Fu's artistic and social activities in Shanghai, Italy, Hong Kong and South China from the 1920s to 1960s chronologically, and mainly investigate how this artist, who had definite political belief and was willing to devote his art to social revolution, involved in and acted on the transformation of Chinese society in the twentieth century through continuously transforming his artistic styles. ; As this study demonstrates, Fu brought back from Italy the representational painting style of the Neapolitan School and the achievement of his ink experiment in the late 1930s. However, his attempt on "saving the nation by art" did not succeed until mid-1940s. At that time, Fu established his signature style by absorbing the visual elements of German Expressionist paintings, one of the prevailing styles for cartoons and woodcut prints in the Kuomintang ruled areas. His signature style, which was strong in visual stimulation as well as in moral and emotional appeal, was developed through unceasing exchanges with the leftist critics and echoed with the political demand of the Chinese Communist Party. Meanwhile, as is rarely known, Fu also painted in the form of traditional guohua (Chinese national painting), ...

迎親燈籠、裝點精緻的花轎、幾十人的迎親隊伍和傳統的吹打樂隊,勾勒出一幅上世紀初紹興傳統的婚禮畫面。無論排場大小,吹打樂在當時紹興婚慶中一直是不可缺少的。直到20世紀20年代,一支名為「新聲」的銅管樂隊為紹興帶來了不同以往的音響和表演形式,並很快開始在當地上層階級的婚禮中流行。從第一支樂隊創立至今,紹興已有多達百余支銅管樂隊,兩千多名樂手。但我在一年多的田野調查中卻發現一直被冠以「洋氣」、「時髦」的銅管樂隊仍延續著很強的紹興當地的傳統文化特徵。 ; 這其中有很多有趣且值得思考的問題:現用的銅管樂緣何被帶入紹興並成為婚慶音樂?在演奏和傳承過程中,它是如何適應當地的禮俗以及當地人的觀念?西方樂器與紹興當地文化之間的結合又揭示了什麼?帶著這些問題,本文的論述內容主要分為三個部分:1、追溯銅管樂隊在紹興產生和發展的歷史,瞭解不同時代背景下,銅管樂隊如何適應傳統婚慶儀式;2、通過記述近期紹興婚禮儀式的描述及口述歷史中的紹興婚慶習俗,探究它們之間的關係,以及樂隊和音樂在當地婚禮中的角色;3、探討文化、社會環境和政治因素對婚禮音樂的影響,以及紹興婚禮「傳統」在不斷延續和變化中,當地人對銅管樂隊、樂手和音樂的理解和看法。 ; 本文認為儘管紹興婚慶的儀式、樂手、樂器、音樂都在改變,傳統文化的影響和人們的音樂觀念仍然在看似「洋化」了的銅管樂中延續,而被改變了的銅管樂也正締造著新的傳統。 ; Red lanterns, elaborate bridal sedan, traditional Chinese wind and percussion (chuida 吹打) ensembles, once characterized conventional Shaoxing weddings in the early 20th century. No matter how simple the wedding was, chuida music was a very essential part, which decorated an atmosphere of lively joyance. Since the late 1920s, a newly established western brass band named Xinsheng (New Sound) brought into this county a strikingly different sound, as well as musical practices. In smart military uniform, this band of six, performing a mixed repertoire of Western and Chinese pieces, soon became popular in the weddings of the more affluent class. ; As a convenient symbol of Western taste and fashion, this new band positioned itself well by its name "New Sound," an image its members initially wanted to project. However, almost ninety years after its establishment, I have found in my fieldwork that traditional Chinese concepts and practices remalll strong in the brass band's performances and activities. These unique features of border and genre crossing are also the reason why, over the course of a century, the number of brass bands in Shaoxing has increased significantly, and has become an indispensable component of present day weddings. ; However, there are some interesting and important questions I want to ask in this thesis: why was the brass band brought into Shaoxing and chosen for the wedding ceremony? How did the band and its ...

現有的媒體-抗爭互動機制研究,其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體-抗爭互動現象,這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件,探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時,形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點,以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具,來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 ; 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程,同時試圖建構出媒體-運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭,以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談,以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛,並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 ; 本文的主要貢獻,是通過考察威權語境中的媒體-運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先,媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題,由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次,在運動的架構過程中,抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略,具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛,並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後,新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制,使得抗爭事件停留於報端,令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念,將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 ; 以上發現表明,媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者,其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件,雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭,使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇,由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 ; Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. ; Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media ...

本文是第一部專以清初陶學為研究對象的論文,擬從文人的情懷、詩學的演變、詩歌的用意、意象的運用、注本的闡釋等多角度概述清初陶學的全貌。在方法上,筆者除分析當時文人對陶淵明的評論外,還選取了清初四十家身份不同的文人,比較他們詩作中運用的陶淵明典故,探討他們對「陶淵明形象」的塑造與取捨,並以歷史背景為線索,梳理陶淵明意象在清初文人心目中地位的差異與其變化。 ; 基於上述的研究,筆者認為以往學術界把清初陶學只理解為「忠憤」的表現是不夠全面的,尤其是清初關於陶淵明的討論,除了遺民文人有熱烈的參與外,非遺民文人亦有相當數量的研究,而且他們之間還存在着不少的交流,互相回應。正因如此,清初和陶風氣盛極一時,並且出現了一種嶄新、「反其致」的和陶現象--〈反乞食〉詩。 ; 這種借用陶淵明的意象互相交流與回應,更多反映在詩歌方面。清初文人借讀陶、評陶、和陶等方法抒發他們於易代間的鬱悶。這種詩歌世界,重現了陶淵明筆下的桃源,在這裏,他們「不知有漢,無論魏晉」,思想上可以暫時脫離現實的痛苦,悠然人間。這也使得清初《陶集》評注本的編撰,一改南宋以來十卷本的「全集」形式,而偏重於四卷本,只收錄詩作的體制。 ; The author intends to discuss the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing Dynasty from the aspects such as the emotions of poets, the changes of poetics, the intentions of poetries, the poetic imageries and the differences of the editions. And, it is the first work focusing solely on the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing Dynasty. Regarding the research methods, this dissertation not only studies the critiques through the existed methods, but also analyses the existed materials in a different manner. By comparing the literary allusions of Tao Yuanming's life of 40 scholars lived in Early Qing who had different social background, the thesis discusses how these people constructed the images of Tao Yuanming and how they selected from Tao's qualities. The thesis also tries to sort out the different attitudes of Tao among scholars of Early Qing and its changes with regard to the historical context. ; Based on the research, the author finds out that the existed understanding of the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing, which focuses on the leftover citizen's aspect, and which portrays Tao image as a rebellion was largely incomplete. Apart from the vigorous discussions regarding the images of Tao among the leftover citizen, the non-leftover citizen also discussed Tao with great enthusiasm. Under this circumstance, a new form of He Tao Shi(和陶詩) "poems written to match Tao's , was found in opposite mode in order to response to those leftover citizen. ; By appropriation of Tao's images in their communication and ...

研究背景: ; 2009年起,中國政府發起並資助了一項覆蓋全國31個省221個鄉村、針對100萬名農村婦女的細胞學及肉眼觀察宮頸癌篩查試點項目。國家及地方政府需要對可行的篩查策略進行衛生經濟學評估,為下一步擴大規模的篩查提供政策依據。 ; 研究目標: ; 應用人群特異性Markov模型,對巴氏塗片及肉眼觀察的宮頸癌篩查策略進行成本效果及成本效用兩方面的衛生經濟學評估,進而為中國農村婦女宮頸癌篩查政策的制定提供依據。 ; 研究方法: ; 本論文工作建立了Markov人群動態擬合模型,該模型能夠整合與中國農村宮頸癌流行情況相吻合的成本及健康狀況的數據,進而用於擬合20年內35-59歲中國農村婦女在有/無篩查幹預下的成本、效用和效果。本文分析的八個備選篩查策略包括:採用醋酸染色肉眼觀察(VIA)或傳統細胞學(巴氏塗片)分別進行10年,5年,3年及1年一次的篩查。 ; 本文從社會學角度出發,成本數據涵蓋篩查、診斷及治療過程中產生的直接及間接成本。模型在結構上綜合了已被廣泛認可的宮頸癌自然發展史模型,以及宮頸癌及其癌前病變(CIN)在中國農村進行篩查和治療的標準臨床路徑。模型輸入參數盡可能地使用了能夠反映中國農村婦女人群特異性的數據。通過對比國家報告數據與模型預測結果,本文從全死因死亡率、宮頸癌死亡率及宮頸癌發病率三個方面驗證了模型的可信度。 ; 模型的結局變量包括:累計成本、累計生命年(LYs)、累計質量調整生命年(QALYs)、預期宮頸癌死亡率及發病率降低百分比(%)、CIN 相對風險、宮頸浸潤癌相對風險,增量成本效用比(ICUR, 表述為每挽救一個質量調整生命年消耗的成本)及增量成本效果比(ICER, 表述為每挽救一個生命年消耗的成本)等。與無篩查幹預相比,我們界定ICUR及ICER小於三倍人均國內生產總值(76,824元,2009年)的優勢策略為'具有成本效益'的選擇,並將其中ICUR和ICER最低的策略,定義為'最具成本效益'的策略,將具有最大健康效益的策略(挽救最多質量調整生命年或生命年的策略),定義為'最有效'的策略。同時,我們對可能影響決策的不確定因素進行了敏感性分析。 ; 結果: ; 與無篩查幹預相比,肉眼觀察及巴氏塗片篩查均能夠減少宮頸癌患病例數,進而顯示出一定的健康效益。較短的篩查間隔具有更高的健康效益。模型預測在不同的篩查策略幹預下,宮頸癌死亡率和發病率分別有望降低6.67-31.95%和5.12-24.71%,預期CIN發病相對風險為0.89-0.98,預期宮頸癌發病相對風險為0.73-0.95。篩查幹預對健康的保護作用在本研究中得到了證實。 ; 成本效用分析顯示,10年一次的肉眼觀察策略最具成本效益,其次為5年一次、3年一次、1年一次的肉眼觀察篩查策略及1年一次的巴氏塗片篩查策略。與無篩查幹預相比,如上策略每挽救一個質量調整生命年消耗的成本為11,921至26,069元(1,892-4,138美元,2012年)。同時成本效果分析也顯示,10年一次的肉眼觀察策略最具成本效益,其次為5年一次的肉眼觀察策略及5年一次的巴氏塗片篩查策略。同樣與無篩查幹預相比,如上策略每挽救一個生命年消耗的成本為37,211至68,226元(5,906-18,830美元,2012年)。 ; 對於某一既定策略,相應的ICUR和ICER受當地經濟狀況相關因素的影響最大,這些因素包括治療成本、篩查成本和成本貼現率。從檢測技術水平上看,肉眼觀察對分析結果的影響小於巴氏塗片,原因是前者敏感度範圍較小。篩查覆蓋率、初篩陽性隨訪率、診斷陽性治療率也都與相應的ICUR和ICER呈負相關性。敏感性分析結果顯示本文中模型對於健康結局的預測,及相關的衛生經濟學分析,受自然史模型中HPV感染和CIN之間轉移概率的不確定性的影響最大。HPV感染與CIN間的進展和逆轉概率是該項模型研究的核心參數。 ; 結論: ; 本文中成本效用和成本效果分析均顯示,相較於傳統的細胞學篩查策略,採用間隔時間較長(10年或5年)的肉眼觀察篩查策略,對一般發病地區的35-59歲的農村婦女來說,是更具'成本效益'的選擇。對於宮頸癌高發地區,其篩查頻率可以提高到1年一次。1年一次的巴氏塗片篩查策略,是最有效的篩查策略,可以挽救最多的生命。但採用該策略時,應在財政預算允許的前提下,確保篩查技術和項目完成的質量。 ; 篩查項目的高覆蓋率,對篩查陽性患者良好的隨訪和診治,初篩檢測技術平均水平以上的表現,以及較低的篩查和治療成本是確保篩查項目具備成本效益優勢的核心因素。本文完成的成本效用及成本效果分析,能夠為公共衛生決策提供重要的輔助作用。 ; Background: ; A Chinese government-sponsored cytology/visual inspection pilot cervical cancer screening program covered 10 ...

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段?本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素:交換、強制、動員,重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念,進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下,三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型,它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 ; 運用這一理論分析框架,作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性,這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化,決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後,仍舊是行之有效的治理手段,並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是,隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長,以及黨組織自身的日益科層化,在改革開放時期,動員逐漸被有意識的弱化,由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 ; Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term 'mobilization' in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior's motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. ; Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party's political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ...

在过去十年间里,中国立法机关及政府机关已制定颁布了大量新的法律法规。这些法律从数量和质量上而言,和过去相比都有了很大飞跃,公司法和证券法领域尤为如此。 法律从业人员数量的增多满足了人们多元化的法律需求。财经媒体的迅速发展使得大众对商业和市场运行、以及相关法律法规产生了更加深刻的认识。 然而,这些方面的改善并不意味着中国上市公司小股东保护也得到了相应的加强。 ; 本文主要围绕以下三部分内容进行了探讨:1.中国现行法律下规制小股东保护的法律原则及规则;2.从政治环境的角度分析政治对部分规则形成的影响以及一些规则在实践中未能达到其立法旨意的原因;及3.小股东积极通过诉讼保护自身权利的现状及困境。作者评估了法律在小股东保护方面的实际效果,并分析中国的当代政治对法律达到其原本立法旨意的影响。虽然保护小股东及上市公司治理的法律框架已越来越全面,但实践中,小股东通过诉讼途径来有效实现自身权利却仍困境重重。本文认为,法院拒绝受理针对政治背景深厚的公司提起的诉讼、小股东面临的举证困难、法院收取的高额诉讼费用等因素都是小股东在实践中所要克服的障碍。 ; 本文认为,影响众多中国上市公司治理的最大问题以及小股东通过诉讼途径保护自身权益的最大障碍正是党国体制对经济活动的干预,尤其是对于部分上市公司和法律程序的干预。为论证该观点,文本首先分析了党国是如何参与并影响中国上市公司的治理。文章发现,党组织在那些由国家直接或间接控股的上市公司发挥了重要的决策及监督作用。此外,文章还分析了民营性质的上市公司是如何受到地方政府的干预。文章认为,针对上市公司的政治干预消弱了法律治理的作用,同时也损害了小股东的合法权益。为了实现对小股东的保护,法律不但要保护小股东不受私权的侵犯(比如私人或私人实体对小股东作出的欺诈或不当行为),更重要的是保护小股东权利不受到来自党国体制默许、支持、甚至实际参与的行为的侵犯。 ; In the past decade, China has experienced an exponential increase in the quantity and quality of new laws and regulations promulgated by the state and its agencies, especially in the area of company law and securities regulation. The legal profession grows and provides ever more diversified services to a public, whose awareness of business and market practices, as well as to some extent the legal rules and principles governing these, are being strengthened by the burgeoning financial media. Yet, these improvements do not necessarily translate into better protection for minority shareholders of Chinese listed companies. ; This thesis discusses the legal rules and principles governing minority shareholders' protection, the political realities that have shaped some of the rules and, as argued here, threaten to undermine some of the principles, and minority shareholders' activism to enforce their rights through litigation. The author has sought to test how law functions in the area of minority shareholder protection and how political practice affects the functioning of law in this area. While the legal framework for minority shareholders' protection and for the corporate governance of Chinese listed companies is becoming increasingly ...