Suchergebnisse

Grkokatolici su u Hrvatskoj živjeli u malim skupinama, u raznim dijelovima Hrvatske. No od 1771. sjedište njihove biskupije je u Križevcima gdje imaju prekrasnu crkvu Presvete Trojice. Dakako da za uzdržavanje biskupije trebaju materijalna sredstva i biskup Julije Drohobeczky je na prijelazu iz 19. u 20. stoljeće osmislio stočarstvo kao najpogodniju gospodarsku granu za grkokatolike, te je pomagao uzgoj a onda i prodaju stoke za izvoz. Političke prilike nisu pogodovale ravnomjernom razvoju i tek 1928. Đuro Predović podiže u Gjurgjištu tvornicu za preradu mesa, a potom i proizvodnju seruma. Ova tvornica prosperitetno radi do 1943. godine kada je devastirana od partizana, no industrijski kompleks ostaje skupljalište plodina do kraja rata, kada je tvornica konfiscirana, a Đuro Predović izbjegao u Argentinu. Predović je od 1935. dio tvornice seruma preselio u Zemun. ; Despite the fact that Uniates had been living in small groups in different parts of Croatia, Križevci – home of the stunning Greek Catholic Cathedral of the Holy Trinity – became the seat of their diocese in 1773. Since considerable resources were needed to support the diocese, Bishop Julije Drohobeczky envisaged stock-farming as the agricultural branch best suited for Uniates at the turn of the 19th century and supported the breeding and selling of stock. Since political conditions at the time resulted in uneven development, Đuro Predović built a meat curing factory as late as 1929 in Gjurgjišće and later established the production of serum for the vaccination of pigs. The majority of the produced meat was exported to Germany. He also established Vetserum in Zemun, a big chemical production plant. Despite frequents clashes with the workers, the plant functioned successfully until 1943 when it was ransacked and devastated by partisans. The industrial complex was used as a crop storage unit until the end of the war, when the company was nationalized and Đuro Predović fled to Argentina. The factory being built on the main railway line Rijeka – Zagreb – Central Europe points to the fact that Uniates took up stock-farming, which was the most successful agricultural branches in terms of export.

Sve je uobičajenije za web aplikacije i poslužitelje za pohranu podataka rukovanje putem programskog rješenja u oblaku; stoga je sve veći broj ljudi koji svoje privatne podatke stavljaju na internet, motivirajući istraživanje mogućnosti programskog rješenja u oblaku, sigurnosti baza podataka i kodiranih nadležnosti. U procjeni Open Web Application Security Project (OWASP)-a, ubacivanje SQL-a jedan je od najopasnijih napadnih vektora na sigurnost interneta. Imajući to u vidu, uveli smo sustav nazvan sustav za probijanje sigurnosti web mjesta, koji pokreće algoritam za pretraživanje weba kako bi analizirao propuste na zaštiti URL-a i adresa e-pošte ispitivanjem crnih kutija web mjesta 20 poznatih sveučilišta. Na temelju naših podataka, održavatelji akademskih web mjesta mogu saznati kakvoj su opasnosti izloženi, kojim URL-ovima prijeti veća opasnost i što učiniti kako bi uredili web stranicu za zaštitu od ranjivosti i sprijećili napade na akademske resurse. Nadamo se da će se u budućnosti veća pažnja posvetiti sigurnosti informacija na akademskim mrežama, kako se to danas čini s komercijalnim i vladinim mrežama. ; It is becoming increasingly common for web application and data storage services to be handled by cloud computing; therefore, more and more people are putting their private information on the internet, motivating research into cloud computing, database security and authority encryption. In the Open Web Application Security Project (OWASP) assessment, SQL injection is one of the most dangerous attack vectors in internet security. With this in mind, we have implemented a system named the website security mining system, which leverages a web crawling algorithm to analyze web URL and e-mail address leaks through black-box testing of 20 well-known universities' websites. Based on our data, academic website maintainers can be clearly informed about what kind of danger they are exposed to, which URLs are highly in danger, and the need to patch the website to protect against vulnerabilities and prevent academic resources from attacks. We hope that in the future, academic networks will gain more attention in the information security community, just like commercial and government networks today.

U Hrvatskom povijesnom muzeju čuvaju se odlikovanja i diplome kojima je odlikovan mađarski državljanin Nándor Taróczy-Szmazsenka, zagonetna osoba iz vojno-obavještajne sredine. Rodio se u Debrecenu 20. prosinca 1874. U Prvom svjetskom ratu dvaput je ranjen te je pošteđen službe na bojištu i premješten u administrativnu službu na okupiranim područjima Srbije, Poljske i Italije. Od sloma Austro-Ugarske Monarhije (1918.) do 1928. godine služio je vojsku Kraljevine Mađarske, a zatim je umirovljen. Znao je šest jezika i bio je vrlo obrazovan. Bavio se društvenim i političkim temama. U travnju i svibnju 1925. obišao je Sovjetski Savez i ondje sklopio poznanstva i veze. Već je tada predvidio da će ta zemlja postati svjetskom silom, a Zapad je kritizirao zbog "sebičnog materijalizma". Sovjeti su mu se kasnije odužili; u veljači 1945. uspio je sklopiti sporazum s jednim od zapovjednika Crvene armije i njegovi vojnici nisu dirali ljude i imovinu četvrti Budimpešte u kojoj je Taróczy živio. Pedesetih godina 20. stoljeća Mađari su mu oduzeli mirovinu i kuću te je radio kao noćni čuvar. Preživio je nekoliko političkih sustava i umro je u Budimpešti 1973. godine u dobi od 99 godina. Nándor Taróczy-Szmazsenka boravio je u baltičkim državama Estoniji, Latviji i Litvi nakon umirovljenja, vjerojatno u vojno-obavještajnoj službi. Ondje je odlikovan ordenima tih zemalja. Godine 1929. dobio je od Latvije Komanderski znak Ordena triju zvijezda. Godine 1931. dobio je od Estonije Orden orlovog križa II. stupnja. Godine 1933. dobio je od Litve Komanderski znak Ordena velikog litavskog kneza Gedimina. Ta odlikovanja i diplome prikupio je zagrebački kolekcionar i donator dr. Veljko Malinar još za života Nándora Taróczyja-Szmazsenke. Dana 4. lipnja 1971. dr. Malinar zamijenio je sva tri odlikovanja s odlikovanjima Povijesnog muzeja Hrvatske, današnjeg Hrvatskog povijesnog muzeja. Zanimljivo je spomenuti da pritom nisu zamijenjene i pripadajuće diplome, ali one su ipak dospjele u muzej nakon smrti dr. Malinara 1990. godine. ; The Croatian History Museum keeps orders and diplomas issued to the Hungarian citizen Nándor Taróczy-Szmazsenka, a mysterious figure from the milieu of military intelligence. He was born in Debrecen on 20 December 1874. Wounded twice in World War I and released from duty on the front lines, he was posted to administrative service in the occupied regions of Serbia, Poland and Italy. After the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1918) he served in the army of the Kingdom of Hungary until 1928, and then retired. He spoke six languages and was highly educated. He was interested in social and political subjects. In April and May 1925 he visited the Soviet Union and made many acquaintances and connections there. He foresaw, in those early days, that the country would become a world power and criticised the West for "selfish materialism". The Soviets later repaid him, in February 1945 he managed to make an arrangement with a Red Army commander and his soldiers did not touch the people or property in the Budapest quarter where Taróczy lived. In the 1950s the Hungarians stopped his pension and took away his house and he worked as a night guard. He survived several political systems and died in Budapest in 1973 at the age of 99. After his retirement Nándor Taróczy-Szmazsenka spent time in the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, probably in military intelligence. There he was decorated with the orders of those countries. In 1929 Latvia made him Commander of the Order of the Three Stars. In 1931 Estonia awarded him the Order of the Cross of the Eagle, 2nd class. In 1933 Lithuania awarded him the Commander's Cross of the Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Gediminas. The Zagreb collector and donor Dr Veljko Malinar acquired these decorations during Nándor Taróczy-Szmazsenka's lifetime. On 4 June 1971 Dr Malinar exchanged all the three orders with orders in the History Museum of Croatia, today the Croatian History Museum. It is interesting to mention that the diplomas belonging to the orders were not exchanged at the time, but they did come to the museum after Dr Malinar's death in 1990.

U radu se analizira koncepcija etnografskog filma iz rakursa dviju institucija s početka 20. stoljeća: Etnološkog seminara pri Filozofskom fakultetu zagrebačkog Sveučilišta i Škole narodnog zdravlja. Pritom se poseban naglasak u analizi stavlja na etnografičnost filmskih proizvoda dviju različitih institucija koje u svojim filmovima direktno i indirektno reprezentiraju kulturu sela. Raznolika filmska produkcija, nerijetko nekritički svedena pod zajednički nazivnik etnografskog filma, preispitat će se analizom filmskog sadržaja te problematiziranjem naknadnih preispisivanja njihova značenja i recepcije u onodobnom društveno-političkom kontekstu. ; This paper analyses the concept of ethnographic film from the position of two institutions from the beginning of the 20th century: Ethnological Seminar at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Zagreb and the School of Public Health. This analysis explains the importance of ethnographic qualities of films made by these two different institutions that (in)directly represent the culture of the village. Diverse film production, very often uncritically brought under the common denominator of ethnographic film, will be reassessed by analysing the content of the film and discussing additional rewritings of their meaning and reception in the social and political context of the time.

Velika kriza sedamdesetih u Velikoj Britaniji je poprimila dramatične razmjere u zimi 1978./1979., poznata kao Winter of Discontent. Nezadovoljstva izražena u štrajkovima nisu bila samo znak radničkih previranja radi ostvarivanja socijalnih prava već puno dublji pokazatelj ozbiljne državne krize. Kao odgovor na poremećaj u ekonomskome, političkome i društvenome životu pojavio se tačerizam i označio početak transformacije britanske države. Tačerizam je utemeljen prvenstveno na snažnim uvjerenjima i jakoj političkoj volji da se provedu u život. Internaliziranje i odanost idejama poput slobodnoga tržišta, individualizma, slobode i samoodgovornosti rezultirali su tačerizmom i respektabilnom političkom dugovječnosti. Svaka politika određena je vrijednostima koje zagovaraju političke vođe, a uspjeh je dobrim dijelom ovisan o tome koliko su vođe istinski odane vrijednostima koje sami zagovaraju. Revolucionarne promjene koje je provodila, učinile su Thatcher jednom od najvećih političkih ličnosti 20. stoljeća, ali neizbježno i kontraverznom. ; The crisis in Great Britain during the 1970s became dramatic in winter 1978/1979 known as Winter of Discontent. Dissatisfactions expressed in strikes were not only the sign of workers' turmoil for realization of social rights but also a deeper indicator of serious state crisis. Thatcherism appeared as the answer to disorder in economic, political and social life and it marked the beginning of the Great Britain transformation. Thatcherism is based on strong beliefs and political will to implement them into life. Internalization and loyalty to ideas such as free market, individualism, freedom and self-responsibility resulted in Thatcherism and respectful political longevity. Every politics is determined by values advocated by political leaders and success greatly depends on how much leaders are truly devoted to values they advocate. Revolutionary changes, Thatcher conducted, made her one of the greatest but also controversial political personalities of the 20th century.

Ideologija liberalizma obilježena je protuslovljima. U ime slobode nametano je ropstvo jednih drugima. Odnos liberalizma prema državi obilježen je protuslovljem između negativne i pozitivne slobode. Državu blagostanja razvijenu na Zapadu u drugoj polovini 20. stoljeća, zasnovanu na konceptu pozitivne slobode, zamijenio je neoliberalizam zasnovan na konceptu negativne slobode. Rezultat je povećanje ekonomskih razlika između bogatih i siromašnih. Na međunarodnom planu liberalizam je obećavao svijet bez rata uređen na načelima razuma. Nakon prestanka Hladnoga rata, kad su stvorene pretpostavke za ostvarivanje liberalnih obećanja, bogate zemlje Zapada odlučile su ostatku svijeta nametnuti neoliberalne modele funkcioniranja ekonomije i društva. Umjesto win-win situacije svijet je suočen sa sukobima i krizama. Liberalizam može opstati kao kredibilna ideologija ako se na unutrašnjem i na međunarodnom planu budu primjenjivale sve njegove sastavnice. ; The ideology of liberalism is marked by contradictions. Slavery has been imposed to some in the name of liberty for others. The relationship of liberalism toward the state is determined by the contradiction between negative and positive liberty. Welfare state was developed in the West in the latter half of the 20th century and based on the concept of positive liberty, but it has since been replaced by neoliberalism based on the concept of negative liberty. The result was the exacerbation of the economic gap between the wealthy and the poor. On the international level, liberalism promised a world with no wars and arranged according to reason. Following the end of the Cold War and the realization of the preconditions for the fulfillment of liberal promises, the rich countries of the West decided to impose the neoliberal model of society and economy on the rest of the world. Instead of a win-win situation, the world is faced with conflicts and crises. Liberalism can survive as a credible ideology only if all of its components are implemented both on the domestic and international levels.

U ovoj se studiji analizuju normativni učinci odnosa konstitutivne moći i konstitucionalnog identiteta u osnivačkim ustavima. Uvodni deo naglašava centralnost ustava u procesu normativne integracije postkomunističkih poredaka, a u drugom delu analizuju se konkurirajući konstrukti "konstitutivne moći" u procesu izgradnje moderne evropske države. Treći deo je oslonjen na teorijsku i normativnu mapu prof. Ivana Prpića, i u njemu se analizuju strukturni deficiti osnivačkih ustava i osobita forma napetosti između "konstitutivne moći" i konstitucionalnog identiteta. Argumentira se da ova strukturna napetost proizvodi podjednako liberalne i demokratske deficite ovih poredaka. ; The author analyses the normative consequences of the relationship between constituent power and constitutional identity in founding constitutions. In the first part of the article, the author points to the centrality of the constitution in the normative integration process of post-communist regimes, while in the second part he analyzes competing constructs of 'constituent power' in the modern state building processes in Europe. In the third part the author uses the normative theoretical map of professor Ivan Prpić to analyze the structural deficits of post-communist founding constitutions and the specific form of tension between 'constituent power' and constitutional identity. The argument is that this tension can produce both democratic and liberal deficits of these regimes.

U članku predstavljamo kvalitativno istraživanje svakodnevne građanske prakse dijela Čeha, s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu novih medija. Temi smo pristupili tako da smo se orijentirali na sadržaj, a ne na medije. U fokusu našeg istraživanja jesu načini na koje su građanske prakse strukturirane u užem i širem društvenom i političkom kontekstu te kako te kontekste doživljavaju postsocijalistički građani iz sela i velikih gradova. Uzimajući u obzir navedene kontekste, analizirali smo ulogu novih medija i građanske prakse u svakodnevnom životu. Istraživanje se temelji na polustrukturiranim dubinskim intervjuima s 22 politički i javno aktivna građanina, a pokazalo je da se Česi suočavaju sa sličnom krizom u institucionalnoj politici kao što je to slučaj i u starijim demokracijama. Istraživanje je također otkrilo razlike u načinu informiranja između sela i gradova, kako u participacijskim praksama tako i u načinima kako građani koriste nove medije. Međutim, istraživanje nije dokazalo da su novi mediji radikalno transformirali građanstvo, već je pokazalo da je došlo do suptilnih pomaka u praksi i do pragmatičnog miješanja komunikacije licem u lice i tradicionalnih medija (tiskani mediji, sustavi razglasa, oglasne ploče) s novim komunikacijskim tehnologijama. ; The article discusses qualitative research on the mundane civic practices of some Czechs, with a specific focus on the role of new media. It works with a context-oriented approach in order to avoid media-centrism. Our research is focussed on the ways in which civic practices are structured by immediate and wider social and political contexts and how they are experienced by post-socialist citizens from villages and large cities. The role of new media and the place of civic practices in everyday life is analysed with respect to these contexts. The research based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with 22 politically and publicly active citizens indicates that Czechs experience a similar crisis in relation to institutional politics as their counterparts in long established democracies and it reveals tell-tale differences between the social spaces of villages and cities both in participatory practices and in civic uses of new media. However, the study does not indicate a radical, new media-driven transformation of citizenship, rather it suggests subtle shifts in practices and a pragmatic mixing of face-to-face communication and traditional media (print, public address systems, noticeboards) with new communication technologies.

Autor u članku komparira dvije stranke, jednu iz Istočne, odnosno Srednje, a drugu iz Zapadne Europe – mađarski Jobbik i nizozemsku Slobodarsku stranku Geerta Wildersa – kako bi se prikazale sličnosti, ali i neke od razlika, između radikalno desnih stranaka zapadnih te istočnoeuropskih zemalja. Članak je podijeljen u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu autor prikazuje suvremenu radikalnu desnicu. Suvremena radikalna desnica, za razliku od međuratne (1918.-1939.), nije nužno protusustavska, već se pretežno radi o ultranacionalističkim, ksenofobnim te homofobnim strankama i pokretima. Iako označava jednu stranačku obitelj, termin radikalna desnica prilično je širok te unutar te grupacije postoje značajne razlike između stranaka. Zbog toga postoji i mnoštvo definicija koje žele obuhvatiti taj politički fenomen. U drugom dijelu članka autor analizira mađarski Jobbik. Zaključuje kako Jobbik zadovoljava sve karakteristike radikalne desnice te se bez sumnje može reći da je jedna uistinu radikalno desna stranka. Treći dio članka posvećen je nizozemskoj Slobodarskoj stranci. Autor smatra kako Slobodarska stranka također zadovoljava sve kriterije, te se može svrstati u radikalnu desnicu. ; The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe – Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders – to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party.

Članak propituje doprinos hrvatske politologije razvoju demokracije u Hrvatskoj. Fokus analize je pojam kulture o kojem autor govori u pet koraka. U prvom koraku je određena u modernom ključu, u drugom kao različita od prirode, a u trećemu kao različita od društva. U četvrtom se unutar politike razlikuje politička kultura od političke ekonomije i političkih ustanova, no u petom se pokazuje da je kultura nosivi dio politike i kao politics i kao policy i kao polity. Na temelju tih odredaba pokazuje se da je matica hrvatske politologije zaokupljena pretežito i u sve većoj mjeri izučavanjem upravo predmeta koji na prvi pogled pripadaju politici kao kulturi, i to u užem smislu političke kulture, te da se ona sama reproducira kao politička kultura. ; The article discusses the contribution of Croatian political science to the development of democracy in Croatia. The focus of the analysis is the concept of culture which author talks about in five steps. In the first step it is understood in the modern key, in the second step as different for nature and in the third as different from society. In the fourth step author differentiates political culture from political economy and political institutions, but in the fifth part there is an attempt to show culture as a fundamental part of politics, policy and polity. On the basis of these insights author shows that the matrix of Croatian political science is more and more devoted to scientific investigation of politics as culture as both study of political culture and as a source of development as politics as culture.

Suprotstavljanje društveno neprihvatljivim postupanjima, poglavito činjenju korupcijskih kaznenih djela, u koje spada i davanje mita, važno je pitanje svakog uređenog pravnog poretka. Središnji dio te politike predstavlja kaznena politika. U ovom radu autor obrađuje kazneno zakonodavstvo Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske s obzirom na pitanje aktivnog podmićivanja kao jednog od temeljnih oblika koruptivnog ponašanja. Prikazujući poredbeno uređenje kaznenog sustava navedenih zemalja, autor će se osvrnuti na osnovne sličnosti i razlike pravnog uređenja pasivnog podmićivanja u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu u odnosu na domaći pravni sustav. ; Confronting socially unacceptable activities, especially corruptive criminal acts, including bribing, makes an important issue of every regulated legal system. The crucial part of such policies are the criminal polices. In this paper, the author deals with the criminal legislation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, related to the matters of active bribing as one of the basic forms of corruptive behaviour. While comparing the way the penal system is regulated in the said country, the author comments basic similarities and differences of the passive bribing legal regulation in the United Kingdom and the Republic of Croatia.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

Analizirajući 28 većinom cjelovitih natpisa iz Salone koji spominju osobe iz rimskog vojnog sustava i oslobođenike, odnosno oslobođenice iz doba principata, autor je nastojao doći do što većeg broja podataka o odnosima između oslobođenika i njihovih patrona, o značajkama oslobođeničkih kognomena i o statusu vojnika koji su imali oslobođenike. ; In analysing 28 largely whole inscriptions from Salona which mention persons from the Roman military system and freedmen or freedwomen dated to the time of the Principate, the author attempted to obtain the most possible data on relations between freed individuals and their masters, the features of the cognomina of freedmen/women and the status of soldiers who had freedmen/women.

Kao analiza podataka iz važećih strateških i planskih dokumenata Republike Hrvatske te jedinica lokalne i područne (regionalne) samouprave ovaj rad predstavlja prvu dosad objavljenu sistematizaciju potencijala u zdravstvenom turizmu regije s najduljom i kvalitativno najpotvrđenijom tradicijom pružanja zdravstvenih usluga u hrvatskom turizmu. Pregledom zapuštenih i devastiranih lokaliteta na području Krapinsko-zagorske i Varaždinske županije te isticanjem njihovih prednosti i perspektiva, autor je razradio temelje za usmjeravanje kreiranja politike razvoja turizma i zdravstva ovog dijela Republike Hrvatske pozicioniranjem Hrvatskog zagorja kao termalno-turističkog brenda dominantnog u nacionalnim i konkurentnog u međunarodnim tržišnim okvirima. ; As an analysis of the data from the existing strategic and planning documents of Republic of Croatia and local and regional governments, this paper presents the first ever published systematization of potentials in health tourism of the region with the longest tradition and highly acknowledged quality in providing health services in Croatian tourism. By examining abandoned and devastated sites in the Krapina-Zagorje and Varaždin County and highlighting their strengths and perspectives, the author has developed a foundation to guide policy-development of tourism and health care system in this part of the Republic of Croatia positioning Hrvatsko zagorje as a thermal-tourism brand dominant in national and competitive in international trade frame.