Suchergebnisse

In the study the author first makes clear the notion of nutrimarketing, and its place in modern marketing. He states that there are several factors that are responsible for the spread of the civilization diseases; one of the most important ones is the quality of nutrition. The health state of the Hungarian population is among the worst ones in the world, and it is well reflected in the unfavourable life expectancy at birth and the death rate. It is also proved that the mortality indexes are a lot more unfavourable than they would be justified by the food consumption, but in spite of this the quality of our nutrition is still far behind the optimal. He also reports that the nutrition of the Hungarian population is unfavourably formed by the consumers' misbelieves, as well as the distrust towards different foods. The strategic foods of the future – from among them the author analyses the market situation of and the opportunities of functional, organic and regional foods – can have a key role in putting an end to the health and nutrition anomalies. He states that the examined food-groups have distinctive and well-communicatable product properties and nutrition advantages, and their improvement potential is far behind that of the traditional products. The so-called nutrimarketing activity has a key role in the market positioning of the outlined foodcategories, that is why the most important fields of the nutrimarketing strategy will be defined as well. The author hopes that the results of the research will help the nutrition of the Hungarian population reach the optimal level. ; A tanulmányban a szerző elsőként tisztázza a táplálkozásmarketing fogalmát, illetve helyét a modern marketingben. Megállapítja, hogy a civilizációs betegségek terjedéséért számos tényező felelős, köztük az egyik legfontosabb a táplálkozás milyensége. A magyar lakosság egészségi állapota világviszonylatban a legrosszabbak közé tartozik, amelyet, jól tükröz a születéskor várható élettartam és a halálozási ráta kedvezőtlen alakulása. Bizonyítást nyert az is, hogy a halandósági mutatók sokkal kedvezőtlenebbek, mint azt az élelmiszerfogyasztás szerkezete indokolná, ennek ellenére táplálkozásunk minősége még messze elmarad az optimálistól. Megállapítja azt is, hogy a magyar lakosság élelmiszerfogyasztásának alakulását kedvezőtlenül befolyásolják a fogyasztói tévhitek, valamint az élelmiszerekkel kapcsolatos bizalmatlanság. A vázolt egészségügyi és táplálkozási anomáliák felszámolásában kulcsszerepet tölthetnek be a jövő stratégiai élelmiszerei, amelyek közül a szerző a funkcionális, az organikus és a regionális élelmiszerek piaci helyzetét és lehetőségeit elemzi. Megállapítja, hogy vizsgált élelmiszercsoportok megkülönböztető és jól kommunikálható termékjellemzőkkel, táplálkozási előnyökkel rendelkeznek, éves növekedési potenciáljuk pedig messze meghaladja a hagyományos termékekét. A vázolt élelmiszerkategóriák piaci pozícionálásában kulcsszerepe van az ún. táplálkozásmarketing-tevékenységnek, ezért meghatározásra kerülnek a táplálkozásmarketing stratégia fontosabb területei. A szerző bízik abban, hogy a kutatás eredményei elősegítik a magyar lakosság táplálkozásának közelítését az optimális értékekhez.

The Trianon Peace Treaty had a profound effect on the social and governmental structure of Hungary. These changes, of course, also influenced the field of corrections and actually altered some of its key aspects as well. The author will recall several key penological concepts and ideas from the era to provide an introduction to the philosophical foundations of the establishment of correctional legislation and the resulting substantive changes that occurred. Moreover, a detailed analysis will be provided on the system of enhanced severity workhouses, an emblematic punitive measure that addressed the unfavourable criminological tendencies of the 1920s, which emerged as consequences to the Trianon Peace Treaty. The essay will conclude with deducing the generalized historical, legal, and moral lessons and conclusions pertaining to this peculiar period of Hungary.

This research investigates the interaction between the effects of wording and other elements of framing on public attitudes toward asylum policies. In particular, we focus on the labels of asylum-seekers and the discourse about the recent refugee crisis in Europe. In 2015 and 2016, we conducted two survey-experiments in Hungary where mass migration was the major issue on the political agenda at the time of the surveys. The salience of the issue was manipulated in both studies. Earlier findings have indicated that even words with the same meaning could prompt different interpretations in specific contexts. In contrast, we show that even large effects of wording, even if they are driven by differential meaning, can be suppressed by other elements of framing. The paper with the scientific results of this collection are currently under anonymous review. After the review process, the author of this collection will be revealed.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.

Before 1990, the reform-opposition criticizes the government that they want to stimulate the capital inflow instead of real reforms. The author in her earlier work published in January 1990 underlined, that there is no royal way which is without suffering. To control the inequilibrium in the economy one has to introduce real reforms of ownership, in public financ to create a more balanced budget and liberalize the role of prices. After the political changes one political wing urged the quick privatisation saying that the state is no good owner. Because there was no financing capacity at the housholds, saving was very limited, the quick privatisation led to a high foreign ownership int he enterprise sector. The country- as other Central European Countries (CEC-s) relied havily on foreign capital both FDI and lending. It was partly necessary, partly dangerous. Technical modernisation was important but the foreign – owned firms often repatriate their profit. Hungarian GDP difers from GNI strongly, compared to OECD countries. The over-reliance on foreign capital coases problems for both economy and society.

As a starting point, the study underlines that one cannot speak about a homogenous Slovak nation and politics in the middle of the 19th century; therefore, it gives an overview of the plebeian-middle-class movement, of its system of values, programme, and documents in 1848—1849, 1861, and in the period of the Compromise negotiations. Afterwards, it presents the nobility of Upper Hungary, with a Slovak mother tongue and ethnic feeling, who, according to its identity in the framework of the states, has belonged to the feudal Natio Hungarica. As the narrower focus of the study, the author takes the Slovak perspective and summarizes the ethnic dimensions of the activity of parliaments in 1861 and from 1865 on. The Slovak national movement could not send its own deputy, the interests of the Slavs of northern Hungary thus being represented by Adolf Dobriansky, born as a Ruthenian; however, the Nationalities Law, Art. 1868: XLIV. could be codified rather due to the mentioned Slovak-speaking nobility, standing behind the party of Ferenc Deák. Finally, we are provided a picture of the rival programmes of different newspapers that divided the Slovak public opinion, and in connection with the law we can read about their first reactions and experiences.

The study presents in brief the life of Imre Mikó, lawyer, author of several significant works of legal literature in the field of minority rights in inter-war Transylvania, who was also, briefly, a member of the Hungarian Parliament. The life and activity of Imre Mikó may be divided into two major periods. Before the Second World War, as a student of law and theology, and later as a minority rights advocate he distinguished himself with a wide array of interests, both in the field of law and politics. He was appointed to the minority protection service of the Hungarian Community in this period. His activity was interrupted by the advent of World War Two. During the war, he fell into captivity, and, after his release from the Soviet Union, he attempted to resume his political and advocacy carrier only to be side-lined, spending almost two decades in the menial occupation of bookshop clerk. His belated and partial rehabilitation following his appointment as chief curator of the Unitarian Church is described in the study. The study also makes mention of the newly discovered information regarding the fact that Imre Mikó, under significant duress, collaborated with the Securitate, while at the same time he was himself under surveillance.

"The case known in the public discourse as the Roma murders was a series of attacks on Roma committed with a distinctly anti-Gypsy, racist motive by Árpád Kiss, István Kiss, Zsolt Pető, and István Csontos – the latter having joined them later – between July 2008 and August 2009.
The perpetrators had previously committed a gun robbery in Besenyszög and then carried out firearm and Molotov cocktail attacks on Gypsies in a total of nine settlements across five counties, killing a total of six people. The investigation revealed that several of the offenders were related to the skinhead community in Debrecen, and their motive was retaliation for crimes related to gypsies and incitement of anti-Gypsy sentiments among the population.
They were arrested on 21 August 2009, in a nightclub in Debrecen, where two of the perpetrators worked as bouncers. Their criminal proceedings began on 25 March 2011, and the verdict was pronounced on 6 August 2013. The first-, second-, and third-degree defendants were sentenced to actual life imprisonment, while the fourth-order defendant was sentenced to 13 years in prison, of which he could not be released on parole, so he is expected to be released at the end of August 2022.
The publication presents the events, the process of the investigation, the arrest, and the perpetrators. The author seeks to find motivation for the events and broader social aspects."

The present study strives to examine a less know reform plan, the so-called "SZ agenda" from the second term (1939–1941) of PM Pál Teleki. The file labeled as "highly classified", which turned up in the secretary of the foreign office, Elemér Újpétey's legacy, encompasses a series of papers comprising a complete plan to reform the public administration, the government, and the economy. None of these papers indicates neither the name of its author nor the date of its creation, nonetheless it is fair to assume that they were laid down around November/December of 1940, and that the Service for National Policy, which used to orchestrate Teleki's secret domestic actions, was hugely involved in their making. The most important piece of these papers concentrates on the so-called State Staff, which, at its core, would have been an organization akin to the Council of Ministers assisting the PM and the government. An organization of this kind could have worked as a kind of shadow government in the event of a possible German occupation. By and large, these papers reveal that the outlined reforms were interrelated with Teleki's corporatist ideas, nevertheless their paramount importance was to beef up an independent and sovereign Hungary first and foremost vis-à-vis the Third Reich. It is uncharted, which stage of its realization the "SZ agenda" arrived at, but it is fairly feasible that the main hurdle to its implementation was Pál Teleki's death on April 3, 1941.