Purpose Self-esteem values, with the new art of living, in the minds of Indians, lead to establish faith among the spiritual organization. Later on, the spiritual organizations brand their names and market the products in their branded name. These brands, which are inspired by faith and created by Indian spiritual gurus, have even disrupted the fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) market by being customer-centric instead of being geared by lucrative returns. It is in this context that this paper aims to find the cultural divergence factors that lead to change the consumption pattern of FMCG and how such brands of faith have been segmented in the Indian perspective by spiritual gurus. The research concludes that cultural divergence variables such as power distance, collectivism, uncertainty avoidance and long-term orientation influence the brands that are inspired by faith. Spiritual gurus in India are using sociocultural marketing activities such as social endorsement and cause-related marketing strategies for segmenting the markets.
Design/methodology/approach The primary data were collected from the 1,678 customers of the Isha products. The respondents were selected based on the snowball sampling. The responses were collected from the followers who visited the foundation at least three times during the period of two years in Coimbatore and purchased Isha products worth more than Rs 500. The data were collected between the period August 2016 and April 2018. Of 1,678 responses, 1,465 responses were validated after coding. Of 1,465 responses that were validated, 1,126 responses were found reliable.
Findings "Cause-related marketing" and "social group endorsement" activities of the firms tend to create a brand image. To find out which of the above activities highly influence the brands of faith, realistic-operating characteristic (ROC) analysis was carried out. ROC curves were drawn to assess the brands of faith centroid values with social group endorsement and cause-related marketing variables. ROC curves explored the precision of diagnostic tests and were used to find the best "cut-off" value for impressive and unimpressive cluster test results.
Research limitations/implications Cultural divergence variables such as power distance, collectivism, uncertainty avoidance and long-term orientation are influencing the brands of faith. The followers of the spiritual foundation have their own distinct culture, and their social affinity values increase the brands of faith. Social group endorsement and cause-related marketing are the marketing strategies suitable for spiritual foundation (to market their product/ service). Age, education and occupation are demographic values that influence the brands of faith. The spiritual foundations are segmenting their customers based on the occupational values, and they use the cause-related marketing strategies to increase the values of brands of faith.
Practical implications As the cultural values related to the art of living have been recognized by society as the measure of social well-being, the spiritual leaders can enhance their brands of faith. The social media communication about cause-related marketing can create trust in society. On the other hand, societal marketing activities cannot target the entire society. Hence, it is to be stratified. While stratifying, the players of diversity markets have to target a group based on the values generated by the stakeholders in the foundation. The diversified markets created by the Indian spiritual gurus are providing cultural diversity.
Social implications The business value created by spiritual foundations is increasing the social values which are essential to uplift society. The author concludes that if business values and societal values are integrated by any group of people, it improves economic value to that society and they can use the social currency in the form of "brands of faith".
Originality/value The cultural values of a society are measured and compared with national and global index. The enumerate method is an original one.
PurposeThe majority of states and school systems within the USA have implemented the Common Core State Standards, but with this implementation and focus on language arts and mathematics, many believe that social studies education has lagged. The purpose of this paper is to investigate preservice teachers' social studies self-efficacy, experiences, and beliefs. Participants were preservice teachers in a required education course. During this course, preservice teachers were required to complete a 20-hour practicum within a school. Participants completed a teacher social studies self-efficacy scale, as well as a reflection questionnaire and course discussions. Results showed that preservice teachers reported that they did not have social studies experiences within the practicum. Implications of this study support preservice teachers having additional social studies education and C3 Framework mastery experiences.Design/methodology/approachWith regard to the teacher's sense of efficacy scale, descriptive statistics (means, standard deviations) were calculated. Following qualitative tradition (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Miles and Huberman, 1994), the author used a constant comparative method to code the reflection questionnaire and group discussions. This included calculating answers and coding themes across the sources. These data gleaned insight into the participants' experiences within the course and practicum regarding the domain of social studies education.FindingsTo answer research question 1, means and standard deviations were calculated. Using the social studies teacher's sense of efficacy scale, participants reportedM=6.4, SD=1.25. Research question 2 concerned whether or not participants were given a mastery experience (practicum/tutoring) in social studies. Moreover, if they were not given such an experience, in what domain did they work? Results indicated that a few participants (19 percent) stated that they had an opportunity to tutor in social studies. Most reported that the majority of their tutoring is in reading (58 percent) or mathematics (24 percent).Research limitations/implicationsThe findings from this study inform social studies research as it focuses on teacher social studies self-efficacy and mastery experiences within a practicum. First, preservice teachers in this study had relatively low self-efficacy beliefs in the domain of social studies. Second, the participants had very few mastery experiences in social studies. Finally, preservice teachers seem to feel that they will enjoy teaching social studies, and they did learn social studies within their schools.Practical implicationsTeacher educators are constrained in the time that they have to impart knowledge, pedagogy, and efficacy beliefs on preservice teachers. While evolving legislative mandates are at the forefront of many aspects of teaching, a teacher's belief in his or her ability to teach may be what leads to perseverance in the classroom. Experiences within social studies classrooms and a use of the C3 Framework will help to highlight teachers' and students' growth within the domain of social studies. This study highlights the need for more mastery experiences in social studies as a way of strengthening new teachers' content knowledge.Social implicationsThe future of social studies education within the classroom seems to be a dire situation. The consequence of the marginalization of social studies within the classroom is twofold. First, students to do have direct social studies instruction. Second, preservice teachers do not have an opportunity to observe or teach within this domain. As stated earlier, legislation is guiding classroom instruction. However, if teachers and schools are informed, social studies education does not have to disappear from student's classroom time. School systems and teachers who have not yet done so should begin to consider using the C3 Framework.Originality/valueThe need to understand preservice teachers' social studies self-efficacy beliefs is of importance given the constraints that they will most likely be facing once they enter the classroom. In other words, if preservice teachers are expected to teach children social studies, teacher educators should understand their learning of and beliefs about teaching in this domain. This study focused on preservice teachers' self-efficacy and social studies beliefs. This study highlights the need for more mastery experiences in social studies as a way of strengthening new teachers' content knowledge. Today, there are limitations wherein preservice teachers do not have many experiences with social studies. Future approaches should focus on offering more mastery experiences to preservice teachers.
When Michael Harrington's The Other America: Poverty in the United States first appeared in bookstores in March 1962, its author had modest hopes for its success, expecting to sell at most a few thousand copies. Instead, the book proved a publishing phenomenon, garnering substantial sales (seventy thousand in several editions within its first year and over a million in paperback since then), wide and respectful critical attention, and a significant influence over the direction of social welfare policy in the United States during the decade that followed. By February 1964, Business Week noted, "The Other America is already regarded as a classic work on poverty." Time magazine later offered even more sweeping praise, listing The Other America in a 1998 article entitled "Required Reading" as one of the twentieth century's ten most influential books, putting it in such distinguished company as Sigmund Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents and Alexander Solzhenitsyn's The Gulag Archipelago. Harrington's own knowledge of poverty was, for the most part, acquired secondhand, as he would recount in two memoirs, Fragments of the Century (1973) and The Long Distance Runner: An Autobiography (1988). Born in 1928 in St. Louis, the only child of loving and moderately prosperous parents of sturdy Irish-Catholic lineage, educated at Holy Cross, Yale Law School, and the University of Chicago, he moved to New York City in 1949 to become a writer. In 1951, he joined Dorothy Day's Catholic Worker movement as a volunteer at its soup kitchen; there he got to know a small subset of the nation's poor, the homeless male alcoholics of New York City's Bowery district. Within a few years he left the Catholic Worker (and the Catholic Church) and joined the Young People's Socialist League, the youth affiliate of the battered remnants of the American Socialist Party, a party then led by Norman Thomas. A tireless organizer, prolific writer, skillful debater, and charismatic orator, Harrington succeeded Thomas as America's best-known socialist in the 1960s, just as Thomas had succeeded Eugene Debs in that role in the 1920s. Socialism was never the road to power in the United States, but socialist leaders like Debs, Thomas, and Harrington were, from time to time, able to play the role of America's social conscience. In the years since Harrington's death from cancer in 1989, at the age of sixty-one, no obvious successor to the post of socialist tribune in the Debs-Thomas-Harrington tradition has emerged. Harrington's most famous appeal to the American conscience, The Other America, was a short work (one hundred and eighty-six pages in the original edition) with a simple thesis: poverty in the affluent society of the United States was both more extensive and more tenacious than most Americans assumed. The extent of poverty could be calculated by counting the number of American households that survived on an annual income of less than $3,000. These figures were readily available in the census data, but until Harrington published The Other America they were rarely considered. Harrington revealed to his readers that an "invisible land" of the poor, over forty million strong, or one in four Americans at the time, fell below the poverty line. For the most part this Other America existed in rural isolation and in crowded slums where middle-class visitors seldom ventured. "That the poor are invisible is one of the most important things about them," Harrington wrote in his introduction in 1962. "They are not simply neglected and forgotten as in the old rhetoric of reform; what is much worse, they are not seen." That was then. Fifty years since the publication of The Other America the poor are still among us -- and in a testament to the lasting significance of Harrington's work, not at all invisible. Whether or not the poor exist is thus no longer a matter of debate; what if anything can be done to improve their condition remains at issue. Adapted from the source document.
The author brings forth a range of information on forced migration of the Serb population from the Croatian part of the Independent State of Croatia in 1941 (NDH). Almost one third of the population were Serbs in the NDH. One of the methods of solving ?the Serbia issue? in the NDH was migrating the Serbs into Serbia. The other methods were forced conversions of the Serbian population, namely physical killings. The adopted legal provisions made the terror policy over Serbian population legitimate. A conference was held on June 4th in the German legation in Zagreb. At the meeting it was agreed that Slovenians from Styria were to be moved to NDH, and Serbs from the NDH to Serbia. Deportation was to be carried out in three waves. The first wave was to last from June 7th to July 5th and 5000 Slovenian intellectuals from Lower Styria were to be deported directly to Serbia, except for catholic priests who were to be deported to the NDH. Orthodox priests from the NDH were to be deported to Serbia together with their families. In the second wave, lasting from June 10th to August 30th, 25,000 Slovenians from Slovenia were to be deported to the NDH and NDH was to deport just as many Serbs. In the last wave (from September 15th to October 31st), 65,000 Slovenian peasants from the Gorenjska region (Upper Carniola region) were to be deported to the NDH, and NDH was to migrate just as many Serbs to Serbia, as well as 30,000 Serbs whose citizenship was not acknowledged by the NDH. The government of the NDH founded an office for this purpose under the name State Directorate for Renewal. The migration of the Serbs from NDH began in June of 1941. Volunteers from the Salonika Front were then moved from their properties in Slavonia and Srem. Their total number was about 28,000. Then the Orthodox priests were migrated. According to the lists made by the NDH authorities, 327 of them were migrated from the NDH. 104 priests from the Croatian part of NDH were moved away in an organized manner. One part of them managed to escape before they were arrested. The migration of priests was carried out through transit camps in Caprag and Pozega. Massive deportations of the Serbian population through transit camps in Caprag, Bjelovar and Pozega began with the arresting of Serbs in Zagreb in the first half of July 1941, and then continued in other districts of northern Croatia and Bosnia. The total number of migrations in an organized manner from the Croatian part of the NDH up to the beginning of September 1941, according to the name list drawn up in 2012, amounted to 9875 Serbs, although that number was not final since there were greater disparities for certain districts. By the end of September 1941, the Ustashas migrated 14,733 Serbs out of the NDH in a legal way. Croatians from Dalmatia, Herzegovina and the Croatian Zagorje as well as displaced Slovenians primarily originally from Styria, moved into their houses. The authorities of NDH confiscated the property of the forced out Serbs. Other forms of the Ustasha terror, like massive killings, caused intensive illegal emigration of Serbs from NDH to Serbia, which, according to German data, had already increased to around 180,000 relocated Serbs by the end of July, although it seems this number exceeded 200,000 by the end of September. Organized migration was ceased in October 1941 after the German authorities in Serbia forbid further immigration of Serbs from the NDH mainly because of the uprising in western Serbia. Part of the banished Serbs from the Pozega concentration camp were returned home to the districts of Osijek, Garesnica, Krizevac, Virovitica and Ludbreg. However, from the documentation of the Commissariat for Refugees in Belgrade, it is evident that the research on the migration of Serbs from Croatia and the whole of NDH was not finished in 1941, so the number of 200,000 of forced migrants who have left is not final.
The article focuses on the 'suicide-martyrdom' deployed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of Sri Lanka as a political strategy for self determination and liberation from the 'Sinhala hegemony'. The protagonists have given a new political-religious meaning to the historically celebrated acts of religious martyrdom, which took place in the name of faith and belief. Suicide strikers do not believe that the suicide acts they commit are lethal. They are portrayed to be valiant acts of honour and sacrifice on behalf of the family, ethnic community, and more importantly against the 'terrorising other' whose 'acts of violence' must be terminated. It is performed not as an act of violence, but a resolute sacrifice for the sake of compatriots and their freedom. The author draws some aspects from the research and writings of Peter Schalk and Michael Roberts who have addressed the same subject area on martyrdom as a form of secular resistance, and the latter, on religious aspects in the military formation of a suicide striker and in the aftermath of the mission. He argues that the reconstruction of an astute faith in suicide and its ritualisation as a well crafted political tool and as a powerful means to instil fear psychosis in the enemy for the creation of a separate state. The concept of suicide and the suicide striker within the LTTE with its primary secular political hermeneutic has now embraced a phase of expanding into a notion of patriotic heroism, in the name of statehood of Tamil Eelam bordering on religiouscultural sentiments. This altruistic suicide is linked to liberation of their compatriots from tyranny and injustice which is considered sublime and transcendental even though there is no definitive reward of a paradise as in the case of Jihadist suicide strikers. The political rhetoric behind the war slogans with religious connotations and statements is socio-political cancer, which has infected many conflict ridden localities across the globe. Sri Lanka remains one example of a majority-minority conflict zone and displays an ardent obstinacy both by the majority and the minority in the conflict, in portraying the 'other' as the sole enemy of the 'self'. They have not only been emulated by the likes of Hamas in the Palestinian campaign against Israeli occupation but also by the Al-Qaeda terror network. A suicide striker is different to a solider who goes to the battle field, and is not focused on dying but counterattacking the enemy. The suicide striker kills so that others may live through his or her act of heroism, a devotional sacrifice for the cause of Tamil Eelam. The abandonment of a Black Tiger life is not suicide, but a gift of oneself which has Christian nuances. LTTE hero is a 'secular' hero. However, it must be noted that LTTE on their part fail to obliterate the centuries old psychosocial phenomenon of religiosity, embedded in the Tamil folk psyche with the Hindu worldview. The representational death of a Black tiger enhances and pontificates the Tamil ethnic roots and heritage as brave, courageous and surpassing those of the enemy which endows the Tamil public with a sense of heroism and national pride. He/she is a hero of the Tamil Eelam and nothing more and nothing less. Schlak relentlessly tries to separate the LTTE's ideological secularity from being 'religious' but he undermines the ethnic Tamil religiosity which is very much Saivite Hindu and Catholic which determine the parameters of a new cult, within the space provided by the LTTE, where the masses have found meaning and connectedness in times of despair and loss. It is in this sense that new religious meanings have been collated around death and dying, in the name of liberation and suicide, however violent, self destructive and undesirable, within the religious world of the popular masses.
SUMMARY: Mark von Hagen's article offers an interpretation of the changes that occurred in the study of Russian and Soviet history, and suggests the concept of "Eurasia" as an anti-paradigm facilitating the description of the region that combines the legacies of multinational empires and of Soviet-style socialism. At the same time, "Eurasia" is an anti -paradigm because it points to a variety of ways to revise many assumptions about Russian, Soviet, and Eurasian histories.
For von Hagen, three separate processes heralded the arrival of new historiographical approaches. First, there is the increasingly prominence of works interpreting the history of Russia and the USSR not as that of a national state, but rather stressing its multinational and imperial character. Second, historians are constantly paying a greater attention to borderlands in the context of the prevailing view of boundaries as porous and fluctuating. Third, diasporas – including émigrés and exiles – have been "rediscovered" and their works are now returning to their countries of origin.
Von Hagen also analyzes what he considers as "two paradigms" of the historical perception of Russia and the USSR. The first, "Russia as Orient", attempted to present the Russian-Soviet historical experience as essentially rooted in centuries long Oriental and despotic traditions of Russia. Using Edward Said's concept of Orientalism, von Hagen argues that this perception of Russia as Orient helped sustain a Western "occidental" identity. It often walked hand in hand with a belief in the unique experience of Russian history, a belief that von Hagen terms "neo-Slavophile".
The second paradigm is that equates the Soviet Union with modernization. According to von Hagen, this paradigm was partly rooted in the liberal tradition of the Russian "state school" of historiography, which saw the privileged role of the state led by an enlightened bureaucracy as the driving force of Russia's path to modernization. Opposed to attempts to "essentialize" Russian history within the "Russia as Orient" paradigm, the modernization paradigm attempted to "normalize" the Soviet experience. Assumptions of the inevitable ethnic and national homogenization of the Soviet Union became prevalent in the modernization paradigm.
Von Hagen then explores the legacy of Eurasianist thinkers, a group of Russian émigrés who offered their vision of Eurasia as a space of interaction between the Russians and the Turkic and Finnish peoples. Their vision of Eurasia also implied a positive evaluation of the Mongol presence in Russian history and a critical approach to Eurocentric assumptions. Von Hagen asserts that, in his view, the new Eurasian anti-paradigm avoids problematic apects of the Eurasianist legacy, such as the political views of the Eurasianist thinkers and their geopolitical views. The new Eurasian anti-paradigm retains their critique of "essentializing" approaches to such concepts as Europe and Asia in order to offer an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the complex pasts of Central and Eastern Europe and Northern Asia.
For von Hagen, the Eurasian anti-paradigm has been profoundly impacted by the current "decentralization" of historical narratives, which is the result of interaction between historians and linguists, anthropologists, sociologists, etc. Eurasia allows one to part with the dominance of national narratives while accepting the importance of modern nationalism in historical processes. According to von Hagen, Eurasia does not coincide with the former Russian Empire or the former Soviet Union or with any other particular state. Its chronological boundaries are also not rigidly determined. In the age of globalization, von Hagen argues, it is important to remember that the great continental empires constituted an important element of global history.
In the last part of his article, von Hagen surveys literature that he believes attests to the emergence of the Eurasian anti-paradigm in Russian-Soviet history. According to the author, the Eurasian anti-paradigm does not preclude any specific approaches to the past; even less is it meant as a judgment about the likelihood of one or another country of joining the European Union, NATO, or for that matter any of the Asian organizations. It is meant as a concept that opens up new horizons in the study of history and signifies a return of the Eurasian space into global history after almost a century of isolation.
The protests at the 1999 World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle marked a turning point in trade politics. The size and depth of the international coalition that came together to protest the WTO was striking. And then there were the television images and the stunning denouement: Teamsters marching with 'turtles,' tear gas and police charges in the darkness, the collapse of the negotiations. The author of one of the books reviewed here, Jagdish Bhagwati, was in Seattle as an adviser to the WTO's director. While trying to get to the meeting, he found himself 'confronting a tough Chinese Red Guards-style female demonstrator who was blocking my way illegally.' A colleague then 'drew me away from a confrontation that would surely have left me bloodied, saying, `You are the foremost free trader today; we cannot afford to lose you!" Bhagwati's story speaks to several things, including his considerable ego. Most important, though, it captures the embattled state in which mainstream trade economists loyal to free trade doctrines now believe they exist: 'there are not too many out there, fighting the fight for free trade,' Bhagwati worries, 'We need to change that.' Do Irwin and Bhagwati understand that this is what most of the critics believe? I'm afraid not. Both authors characterize the critics as 'anti-globalization.' Although this accurately describes some, it is not true for the majority. Both authors seem to think that the main reason critics are against globalization is that they are anticapitalist and antimarket. Irwin, for example, tells us that for many of these groups, 'Free markets and capitalism are seen as embodying and furthering environmental destruction, male dominance, class oppression, racial intolerance and colonial exploitation.' To characterize most environmental organizations, or most contemporary trade unions, as 'anticapitalist' is absurd, if that means that they are committed to the abolition of capitalism. If the term means that they are critical of the way that capitalism currently operates, the characterization is accurate, but then the authors' summary dismissal of that position becomes puzzling. The critics insist that there are better and worse forms of market economy, that the neoliberal model of regulation toward which we are currently moving (one that expands property rights while ignoring human rights) is worse than feasible alternatives, and therefore, that the current model of global economic regulation can and ought to be changed. Unfortunately, Irwin and Bhagwati, by tilting at anticapitalist windmills, fail to join the real argument. IN THEIR EFFORT to extract free trade from the wider matrix of economic globalization, the authors downplay the degree to which trade deals such as NAFTA and the WTO shape the character of the larger economic system. For example, some of the most novel and important provisions in NAFTA and the WTO--pertaining to investor property rights and the deregulation of financial services--undoubtedly increase international capital mobility. Dani Rodrik has argued that increased international capital mobility could significantly increase the 'price elasticity of the demand for labor.' That is, firms will shift production to other countries in response to smaller and smaller differences in labor costs, other things being equal. This could dampen wage growth not only in the North, but in the South as well. Bhagwati and Irwin both devote considerable effort to exploring how free trade affects wages, yet neither so much as mentions Rodrik's well-known argument. Why not? Free capital mobility is one thing, Bhagwati says, free trade is another. He favors considerably less of the former than we have today, and much more of the latter. But while conceptually distinct, the fact is that both principles are promoted in NAFTA and the WTO. If we want to assess the impacts of these international agreements, we must consider how they affect capital mobility, and how it in turn affects workers, the environment, and so on. Slippage in the way the concept of 'free trade' is employed permits Bhagwati and Irwin to evade this challenge.
This guide accompanies the following article: Nikki Khanna, 'Multiracial Americans: Racial Identity Choices and Implications for the Collection of Race Data', Sociology Compass 6/4 (2012): 316–331, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00454.x.Author's introductionIn 2010, approximately nine million Americans self‐identified with two or more races on the United States Census – a 32 percent increase in the last decade. President Barack Obama, the son of a white Kansas‐born mother and Kenyan father, was not one of these self‐identified multiracial Americans. In fact, Obama chose only to check the 'black' box, illustrating that multiracial ancestry does not always translate to multiracial identity. Since the 1990s, there has been a growing body of research examining the multiracial population and key questions have included: How do multiracial Americans identify themselves? And why? This paper reviews this research, with a focus on the factors shaping racial identity and the implications regarding the collection of race data in the US Census.Author recommendsKhanna, Nikki. 2011. Biracial in America: Forming and Performing Race. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.Looking at black‐white biracial Americans, this book examines the influencing factors and underlying social psychological processes shaping their multidimensional racial identities. This book also investigates the ways in which biracial Americans perform race in their day‐to‐day lives.Korgen, Kathleen. 1998. From Black to Biracial: Transforming Racial Identity among Biracial Americans. New York: Praeger.This book looks at the transformation in racial identity among black‐white biracial Americans over the last several decades. She finds that those born before the Civil Rights Era are likely to identify as black, while those born in the post‐Civil Rights Era identify as biracial, black, and sometimes white. She describes the declining influence of the one drop rule on shaping black identities, and the increasing importance of other factors, such as physical appearance.Perlmann, Joel and Mary Waters (eds). 2005. The New Race Question: How the Census Counts Multiracial Individuals. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.This edited volume examines how changes to the race question in the US Census affect how people are counted and the implications for public policy, enforcement of anti‐discrimination laws, and reporting of health, education, and income statistics.Rockquemore, Kerry Ann and David Brunsma. 2008. Beyond Black: Biracial Identity in America. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Drawing on interview and survey data, this groundbreaking book examines racial identity among black‐white biracial adults. The authors describe a myriad of ways in which biracial Americans understand themselves racially, while also examining why people identify the way they do.Online materialsRace: Are We So Different?http://understandingrace.org/This website explores the common misconceptions about race through several interactive activities.Race: The Power of an Illusionhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_General/000_00‐Home.htmThis website explores the question 'What is Race?' through several interactive activities.Mixed‐Race Studieshttp://www.mixedracestudies.org/This website is a useful resource for anyone interested in mixed‐race studies. Included here is information about articles, books, dissertations, videos, multimedia, and other resources related to multiracial people.Mixed Folks.comhttp://www.mixedfolks.comThis site provides information about multiracial historical figures and celebrities, as well as links to books, websites, and comics featuring biracial characters.Mixed Chicks Chathttp://www.mixedchickschat.com/This site features an award‐winning weekly podcast about the multiracial experience. Included are approximately 200 episodes of interviews with scholars, activists, journalists, celebrities, and artists.Sample syllabusPart I: IntroductionWeek 1: Defining conceptsRace & Multiraciality as Social Constructs.Spickard, Paul R. 1992. 'The Illogic of American Racial Categories.' Pp. 12–23 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Khanna, Nikki. 2011. 'A Note on Terminology.' Pp. ix–xiii in Biracial in America: Forming and Performing Racial Identity. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.Angier, Natalie. 2000. 'Does Race Differ? Not Really, Genes Show.'New York Times, August 22. http://www.nytimes.com/2000/08/22/science/do‐races‐differ‐not‐really‐genes‐show.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm.American Anthropological Association's Statement on Race (1998): http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm.Part II: Historical backgroundWeek 2: Curbing 'Miscegenation' (Part 1)Interracial Mixing in Early America.Anti‐Miscegenation Laws.Zabel, William D. 2000. 'Interracial Marriage and the Law.' Pp. 54–61 in Interracialism: Black‐White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law, edited by Werner Sollors. Oxford University Press.Kennedy, Randall. 2000. 'The Enforcement of Anti‐Miscegenation Laws.' Pp. 140–160 in Interracialism: Black‐White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law, edited by Werner Sollors. Oxford University Press.Kennedy, Stetson. 1990. 'Who May Marry Whom.' Pp. 58–71 in Jim Crow Guide: The Way It Was. Boca Raton, FL: Florida Atlantic University Press.Week 3: Curbing 'Miscegenation' (Part 2)Biological, Religious, Social Arguments.The Role of Eugenics.Tucker, William H. 'Inharmoniously Adapted to Each Other: Science and Racial Crosses.' Pp. 109–33 in Defining Difference: Race and Racism in the History of Psychology, edited by Andrew S. Winston. American Psychological Association.Nakashima, Cynthia L. 1992. 'An Invisible Monster: The Creation and Denial of Mixed‐Race People in America.' Pp. 162–72 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Visit the Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia & read about the 'Tragic Mulatto Myth': http://www.ferris.edu/jimcrow/mulatto/.Week 4: The politics of racial definitionCounting 'Mixed‐Bloods' and 'Mulattoes'.Williams, Gregory Howard. 1995. Life on the Color Line: The True Story of a White Boy Who Discovered He Was Black. New York: Plume.Morning, Ann. 2003. 'New Faces, Old Faces: Counting the Multiracial Population Past and Present.' Pp. 41–67 in New Faces in a Changing America: Multiracial Identity in the 21st Century, edited by Loretta I. Winters and Herman L. DeBose. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Davis, F. James. 1991. Who is Black? One Nation's Definition. (Excerpt). http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/jefferson/mixed/onedrop.html.Week 5: Resistance and subversion to the American binaryIndividual & Collective Strategies.Daniel, G. Reginald. 1992. 'Passers and Pluralists: Subverting the Racial Divide.' Pp. 91–107 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Valdez, Norberto and Janice Valdez. 1998. 'The Pot that Called the Kettle White: Changing Racial Identities and US Social Construction of Race.'Identities 5: 379–413.Maillard, Kevin. 2000. 'We are Black Indians.' Pp. 81–86 in What Are You? Voices of Mixed‐Race Young People, edited by Pearl Fuyo Gaskins. New York: Henry Holt and Company.Read first‐hand narratives of people who 'passed' as white during the Jim Crow Era: http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources/lessonplans/hs_es_passing_narratives.htm.Week 6: The 'Biracial Baby Boom'Explanations.The Loving Myth?LISTEN: 'Loving Decision: 40 Years of Interracial Unions.' National Public Radio. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10889047.Spencer, Rainier. 2006. 'White Mothers, the Loving Legend, and Manufacturing of a Biracial Baby Boom' in Challenging Multiracial Identity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Week 7: The multiracial movementPlayers and Agendas.Public Policy Issues.White, Jack E. 1997. 'I'm Just Who I Am.'Time.http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,986278,00.html.Graham, Susan. 1995. 'Grassroots Advocacy.' Pp. 185–9 in American Mixed Race: The Culture of Microdiversity, edited by Naomi Zack. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Spencer, Rainier. 1999. 'The Multiracial Category Initiative.' Pp. 125–60 in Spurious Issues: Race and Multiracial Identity Politics in the United States. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Wright, Lawrence. 1999. 'One Drop of Blood.'The New Yorker, July 24, 1994. http://www.afn.org/~dks/race/wright.html.Week 8: Critiquing multiracialitySpencer, Rainier. 1999. 'Thinking About Transcending Race.' Pp. 192–9 in Spurious Issues: Race and Multiracial Identity Politics in the United States. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Spencer, Rainier. 2006. Challenging Multiracial Identity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Week 9: Mixed‐race people abroadConceptualizations & Status of Multiracial People.South Africa, Brazil, Australia, Vietnam, Japan, India.Davis, F. James. 2006. 'Defining Race: Comparative Perspectives.' Pp. 15–31 in Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the 'Color‐Blind' Era, edited by David L. Brunsma. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Daniel, G. Reginald. 2003. 'Multiracial Identity in Global Perspective: The United States, Brazil, and South Africa.' Pp. 247–86 in New Faces in a Changing America: Multiracial Identity in the 21st Century, edited by Loretta I. Winters and Herman L. DeBose. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Murphy‐Shigematsu, Stephen. 2001. 'Multiethnic Lives and Monoethnic Myths: American‐Japanese Amerasians in Japan.' Pp. 207–16 in The Sum of Our Parts: Mixed‐Heritage Asian Americans, edited by Teresa Williams‐Leon and Cynthia L. Nakashima. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.Week 10: Intermarriage, multiracial people, and the future of race relations in the USCensus Trends.Future of Race in America?Humes, Karen R., Nicholas A. Jones, and Roberto R. Ramirez. (2011). 'Overview of race and Hispanic origin: 2010.' 2010 Census Briefs. http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br‐02.pdf.Bonilla‐Silva, Eduardo and David G. Embrick. 2006. 'Black, Honorary White, White: The Future of Race in the United States?' Pp. 33–48 in Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the 'Color‐Blind' Era, edited by David L. Brunsma. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Lind, Michael. 1998. 'The Beige and the Black.'New York Times.http://www.nytimes.com/1998/08/16/magazine/the‐beige‐and‐the‐black.html?pagewanted=all.Part III: Scholarly researchWeek 11: Identities (Part 1)Methodological Issues in Research.Typology of Identities.Racial Fluidity.Root, Maria P. P. 1992. 'Back to the Drawing Board: Methodological Issues in Research on Multiracial People.' Pp. 181–9 in Racially Mixed People in America. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Tashiro, Cathy J. 2002. 'Considering the Significance of Ancestry through the Prism of Mixed Race Identity.'Journal of Advanced Nursing Science 25: 1–21.Harris, David R. and Jeremiah Joseph Sim. 2002. 'Who is Multiracial? Assessing the Complexity of Lived Race.'American Sociological Review 67: 614–27.Week 12: Identities (Part 2)Factors Shaping Identity.Implications for Census Statistics.Morning, Ann. 2000. 'Who is Multiracial? Definitions and Decisions'. Sociological Imagination 37: 209–29.Khanna, Nikki. 2004. 'The Role of Reflected Appraisals in Racial Identity: The Case of Asian‐White Adults.'Social Psychology Quarterly 67: 115–31.*Khanna, Nikki. 2012. 'Multiracial Americans: Racial Identity Choices and Implications for the Collection of Race Data.'Sociology Compass 6(4): 316–31.Week 13: Psychological and social well‐beingThe 'Tragic Mulatto' & Other Stereotypes (revisited).Campbell, Mary E. & Jennifer Eggerling‐Boeck. 2006. 'What about the Children? The Psychological and Social Well‐Being of Multiracial Adolescents'. The Sociological Quarterly 47: 147–73.Suzuki‐Crumly, J. and L. L. Hyers. 2004. 'The Relationship among Ethnic Identity, Psychological Well‐being, and Intergroup Competence: An Investigation of Two Biracial Groups'. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 10: 137–50.Phillips, Layli. 2004. 'Fitting in and Feeling Good: Patterns of Self‐evaluation and Psychological Stress among Biracial Adolescent Girls.'Women & Therapy 27: 217–36.Seminar/Project ideasCensus Exercise and Discussion: Have students visit the webpage: http://racebox.org/, which shows what the race question looked like in the U.S. Census from 1790 to 2010. Next, they should visit http://understandingrace.org/lived/global_census.html to see how different countries collect census information about race. After students view both sites, they should answer the following questions: In what years in the US were multiracial Americans counted as multiracial? What types of categories were used? What other countries use multiracial categories and what categories are used? Finally, after reading Lawrence Wright's 'One Drop of Blood' and Rainier Spencer's 'The Multiracial Category Initiative' (see above), pose the following question for class discussion: What are the pros and cons of including a multiracial category in the Census (or allowing Americans to check multiple boxes)? Then ask: Should we even ask Americans their race in the US Census? While some students will emphatically answer 'no!' because they believe the Census categories only serve to reify racial categories and racial divisions, this question should open up an informed debate about the function of the Census and race question.Examining the Politics of Race in Comic Strips: To provide context for this assignment, student should first read the following on‐line excerpt from F. James Davis'Who Is Black: One Nation's Definition: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/jefferson/mixed/onedrop.html. Next, have students visit the site: http://www.mixedfolks.com/comics.htm, which features The Boondocks comic strip with a biracial character (Jazmine). Have students read and analyze the 17 posted comic strips and answer the following questions (via class discussion or an out‐of‐class assignment): How is Jazmine's character portrayed? How is blackness portrayed? What message does the artist convey in these comic strips regarding biraciality and internal and external perceptions of Jazmine's race and racial identity?Film and Discussion: Show students the movie, Guess Who's Coming to Dinner– a 1967 film starring Spencer Tracy, Sidney Poitier and Katharine Hepburn, which looks at the controversy surrounding interracial marriage. In the year that the film was released, 16 states still prohibited interracial marriage in the US (although the Supreme Court would abolish these laws in the same year with their landmark ruling in Loving v. Virginia). This film is useful to discuss the controversy surrounding interracial marriage, and how the same scenario might play out in the present‐day.Small Group Activity: Analyzing Anti‐Miscegenation Laws: Before coming to class, have students listen to the following NPR story: 'Loving Decision: 40 Years of Interracial Unions' (http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10889047) – it describes the case Loving v. Virginia (1967). Next, using an interactive map of the United States (see http://www.lovingday.org/legal‐map), have students, in small groups, examine and analyze anti‐miscegenation laws in the US prior to the Loving decision. Some questions to have them consider: Which states were the first to make interracial marriage illegal? Which racial groups were targeted in those early laws? By 1913, how many of the then 48 states had anti‐miscegenation laws? Which states made interracial marriage legal? How many states had anti‐miscegenation laws in the year preceding Loving? Students can also click on individual states to see an example of its laws. Looking at the laws, ask students: What was criminalized (e.g. interracial marriage, sex, performing the wedding, cohabitation)? What types of punishments did those who violated the law receive? What racial groups are targeted in these laws? How are racial categories (e.g. black, white) defined in these laws? What do these laws reveal about the social construction of race?
In: Politička revija: časopis za politikologiju, komunikologiju i primenjenu politiku = Political review : magazine for political science, communications and applied politics, Band 76, Heft 2, S. 189-217
At the center of this work is the analysis of the consequences of implementing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (also known as - the Iran nuclear deal) on divergent foreign policy approaches as the main indicators of the mismatch in relations between the United States and the European Union during the administration of the 45th US President Donald Trump. While the US unilaterally withdrew from this agreement, EU member states remained in it. The United States and the European Union, on the one hand, and Iran, on the other, had completely different definitions of their own national security, insisting on their unilateral security, while failing to redefine the problem in the direction of mutual security. However, in addition, the US and EU member states, although both concerned about their own security due to the possible emergence of a nuclear-armed Iran, instead of a complementary approach to the issue had a mutually competing one. Using the case study method, as well as the analytical-deductive method and the content analysis method, the author explains the difference in this approach through the concept of the strategic culture of the US and the EU and concludes that they are a consequence of the different understanding of international relations, but also due to the different identity characters of these two actors. The main thesis of the paper is that the US administration of Donald Trump, with its more realistic and Hobbesian view of international relations, and a different understanding of the US national interest in the Middle East, adopted a different approach to curbing Iran's nuclear armament ambitions compared to the approach of the European Union, which is conditioned by a more liberal and Kantian nature of its view on international relations. With unilateral foreign policy actions, Trump's administration risked causing damage and shaking its own credibility in relations with the European Union. On the other hand, the European Union remains committed to multilateralism and the preservation of the Iran nuclear deal. The subject of this research is the direction of the foreign policy actions of the United States and the European Union, in the period from the unilateral withdrawal of Trump's cabinet from the Iran nuclear agreement on May 8th, 2018, until the assassination of Qasem Soleimani, a general of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard on January 3rd, 2020 in the Republic of Iraq. The current state and perspective of contemporary transatlantic political relations in the context of unilateral withdrawal will be taken into consideration. In accordance with its new foreign policy agenda and strategy, and more inclined to a realistic view of international relations, the Trump administration risked deeper conflicts and divergence with the European Union over regional security issues. Thus, there was a threat to limit the further deepening and strengthening of the transatlantic partnership with the leading member states of the European Union, especially with the government of the Federal Republic of Germany and the government of the Republic of France. Additionally, the subject of research will be the patterns of behavior, embodied in speeches and foreign policy actions, which are consistent with the different approaches of the US and the EU to the problem of preventing the theocratic regime in Iran from developing its nuclear program. Accordingly, the focus will be on the period of the Trump administration, which, with its political will to break off with the legacy of the Obama administration, began to perceive Iran as a factor causing instability in the Middle East region. The Trump administration did not ratify the Iran nuclear agreement and continued to act under its obligations, solely because of the unfavorable benefits and a large number of shortcomings for the US. Thus, the paper will analyze whether the US administration of Donald Trump had a concrete foreign policy strategy in relations with the European Union and Iran. Also, the paper will try to answer the question of whether a unilateral or multilateral approach to regional security problems is more fruitful, taking into consideration the question of whether the unilateral approach of the only superpower in the world is more effective or, on the other hand, an international coalition of states is needed to suppress the Tehran's nuclear ambitions.
Purpose This paper aims to suggest that gender inequality plays a significant role in explaining the prevailing magnitudes of food insecurity in the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. It provides empirical evidence for the underlying hypothesis that removing discrimination against women, particularly, with respect to their reproductive health and rights, depicted in high adolescent fertility rates and maternal deaths, will be an important pre-condition for addressing the hunger and undernourishment challenge in the region. A theoretical linkage has been conceptualised and supported through findings from panel data analysis of a set of 20 countries in the region, over a period of 16 years (from 1999 to 2015). The key result is that the relative impact of health inequality on food insecurity is higher and significant, in comparison to disparities in education and economic participation of women. A unit increase in adolescent fertility rate leads to an increase in undernourishment by 19.4 per cent, depth of food deficit by 1.15 per cent and a decline in average dietary energy adequacy by 0.21 per cent.
Design/methodology/approach In the paper, time series data set for 20 countries of Sub-Saharan Africa is generated by using world development indicators (World Bank) of gender inequality and food security statistics of Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). Data set involves trends in variables over a period of 16 years (1999 to 2015). A panel regression analysis with fixed effects is undertaken for testing the underlying hypothesis. To capture the linkage in a detailed manner, the author has fitted four models for each of the three measures of food security. First model captures the specific impact of gender differences in secondary school enrolment on food security in the region. Second model assesses the impact of gender inequality in labour force participation, and the third model explores the impact of health inequality in terms of adolescent fertility and maternal mortality on food security indicators. In the final model, the relative impact of all the four gender inequality indicators on magnitude of food insecurity in the study region is assessed.
Findings The findings from panel data analysis provide empirical support to our hypothesis that gender disparities prevailing in Sub-Saharan Africa have an adverse impact on the level of food security in the region. Individually, increase in both, gender parity in secondary education and ratio of female to male labour force participation rate, has a negative influence on prevalence of undernourishment and depth of food deficit in the region. But, when the relative impact of gender inequality in education, economic participation and health are considered together in a single model, adolescent fertility rate, followed by maternal mortality ratio became the two most important indicators negatively influencing the magnitude of food security in SSA. A unit increase in adolescent fertility rate, leads to an increase in undernourishment by 19.4 per cent, depth of food deficit by 1.15 per cent and a decline in average dietary energy adequacy by 0.21 per cent.
Research limitations/implications Scarcity of continuous time series data for the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa limits the scope of analysis.
Social implications Government policies and programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa must focus on successful implementation of sexual and reproductive health and rights of women, as underlined in Goal 3 of sustainable development goals (SDGs). This would require deeper levels of interventions aimed at transforming gender roles and relations through involvement of men and boys as partners. Elimination of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls, and ensuring easy and affordable access to sexual and reproductive health services, particularly in fragile and conflict affected areas, are some of the important measures which may facilitate movement of the countries in the region, towards the target set by SDG 3.
Originality/value Indisputably, women play a key role in a nation's food economy, not only as food producers and income earners but also as food distributors and consumers. Nevertheless, they face discrimination in every dimension and phase of life, which hampers their ability to successfully fulfill this responsibility. The paper provides a theoretical linkage and empirical evidence on the underlying hypothesis that targeting various forms of gender disparities in the African sub-continent, particularly those relating to reproductive health and rights of women will pave the way for reducing the magnitude of hunger and food insecurity in the region of Sub-Saharan Africa. Few papers in my knowledge have explored the linkage between gender inequality and food insecurity, but none have empirically emphasised the reproductive health dimension of this association.
African countries seem to be constantly groping for the distinctive political paradigm as evinced by the fact that forms of political order have followed each other in rapid succession—the multi-party state, the one party syndrome, the charismatic presidency, the military coup d'etat and in some cases, like that of Nigeria and for a short while in Ghana, a return to civilian rule. The future of the African continent is thus viewed with deep rooted pessimism by political analysts, economists and literary writers. They prophesy in symphony that African countries are catapaulting down the path of political unrest—economic disorder, suspension of human rights, a breakdown of law and order—towards instability and general anomie. In the words of the noted author Chinuah Achebe, in Africa "things fall apart."1 Dennis Austen using the title of this book for his article, writes that since their inception African states have been in a state of flux moving with regularity in and out of misfortune: The treachery of political life has been very real: armed coups, civil wars, public executions, the threat of secession, the recurrence of famine, the fanaticism of religious beliefs, regional wars, the near genocide of entire communities, the transitory nature of military and party regimes and the indebtedness not only of corrupt dictatorships (as in Zaire) but also of governments that still struggle to preserve an element of political decency in their public life (as in Tanzania).2 The keynote of the criticisms made in this vein3 is the absence of stability and the consequent destabilization, disorganization and anarchy. However, all evidence in the African countries points to the centralization of power and authority which can lead to a kind of stability—i.e. if stability is the only end of government and politics. The post-colonial state in Africa has created strong centralized administrations to weld the various social groups in common structures. The striking feature of post-independence politics to Markovitz, is not the lack of stability, but "indeed from any long range historical perspective the rapidity with which stability has been achieved…. The military coup d'etats and civil wars, appearence of anarchy notwithstanding, have furthered this process of consolidation."4 The modern African state is one which is increasingly dominated by a powerful public sector, an overpowering bureaucracy and increasing militarization.5 The highly centralized nature of the African state is almost a throwback to the early colonial state. The colonial state was based on patterns of domination, its very raison d'etre was domination. The colonial institutional form consequently was aimed at establishing hegemony over the subject population, together with its essential militarised character and the system of irresistable power and force associated with it. In the Belgian case, the state was known as "Bula Matari" (the crusher of rocks).6 The pre-independence state forms have persisted. The observations of De Tocqueville are brought to mind. To De Tocqueville the 1789 Revolution did not bring an end to the ideas and order of the old regime in France. Springing from the chaos created by the revolution was a powerful institutional framework. Never since the fall of the Roman Empire, he commented, had the world seen a government so highly centralized. This new power was created by the Revolution, or, rather grew up almost automatically out of the havoc wrought by it. True, the governments it set up were less stable than any of those it overthrew; yet paradoxically they were infinitely more powerful.7 In Africa the heritage of colonial politics, namely power-politics, has been taken up by the post-colonial state. The colonial tradition has led to a scheme of affairs in African states where a premium has been placed on the holding and consolidation of political power. Politics has been construed strictly as a "struggle for rulership."8 Political power is seen as a means of controlling the socio-economic structures of society. What becomes important in this context is the identification of the group that wields power. What is the nature and social basis of this ruling elite? As a pre-requisite to this, is the question as to what is the nature of class in Africa, so that the nature of class domination can be comprehended,
In: The economic history review, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 295-340
ISSN: 1468-0289
Book reviewed in this articleGREAT BRITAINHenry Cleere and David Crossley (Eds.). The Iron Industry of the Weald. (Leicester: Leicester University Press. 1985. Pp. xvi + 395. 74 figs. £47‐50.)C. G. A. Clay. Economic Expansion and Social Change: England 1500‐1700. (Cambridge, 1984. Vol. I, Pp. xiv + 268. 6 tables, 4 figs. 6 maps; Vol II, Pp. xii + 324. 15 tables, 4 figs. 5 maps. £20 each vol.; paperbacks £6‐95 each vol.)Bernard Rudden. The New River: A Legal History. (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1985. Pp. xiv + 335. 2 plates. 18 figs. 9 appendices. £20‐00.)Norma Landau. The Justices of the Peace, 1679‐1760. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, and London: University of California Press. 1984. Pp. xv + 422. £35‐40.)Robin D. Gwynn. Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 1985. Pp. xii + 220. 8 Plates. 4 Tables. 10 Maps. £15‐95.)David Ormrod. English Grain Exports and the Structure of Agrarian Capitalism, 1700‐1760. (Hull: Hull University Press. 1985. Pp. xii + 145. £8.95.)N. F. R. Crafts. British Economic Growth during the Industrial Revolution. (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1985. Pp. 193. £19.50.)Maxine Berg. The Age of Manufactures: Industry, Innovation, and Work in Britain,M. E. Rose (Ed.)‐ The Poor and the City: The English Poor Law in its Urban Context, 1834‐1914. (Leicester: Leicester University Press. 1985. Pp. xi + 175. 1 fig. 5 tables £22‐00.)Neville Kirk. The Growth of Working Class Reformism in Mid‐Victorian England. (Beckenham: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. xiii + 369. £22.50.)Derek J. Oddy and Derek S. Miller (Eds.). Diet and Health in Modem Britain. (London: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. vi + 326. £22.00.)Roger Middleton. Towards the Managed Economy: Keynes, the Treasury and the Fiscal Policy Debate of the 1930s. (London: Methuen 1985. Pp. xii + 244. £25‐00.)GENERALPeter Clark (Ed.). The European Crisis of the 1590s. (London: George Allen & Unwin. 1985. Pp. xiv + 324. £25‐00.)L. A. Clarkson. Proto‐Industrialization: The First Phase of Industrialization? (London: MacMillan. Studies in Economic and Social History. 1985. Pp. 71. £395.)Tommy Bengtsson, Gunnar Fridlizius and Rolf Ohlsson (Eds.). Pre‐Industrial Population Change: The Mortality Decline and Short‐Term Population Movements. (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell. 1984. Pp. 419. S.Kr.280.)Richard Smith (Ed.)‐ Land, Kinship, and Life‐cycle. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1984. Pp. xiii + 547. £40‐00.)David Levine (Ed.). Proletarianization and Family History. (London: Academic Press. 1984. Pp. xii + 315. £38‐50.)Robert R. Locke. The End of Practical Man: Entrepreneurship and Higher Education in Germany, France, and Great Britain, 1880‐1940. (Greenwich, Connecticut and London: JAI Press. 1984. Pp. xii + 363. 31 tables. £46.50.)Harold James. The Reichsbank and Public Finance in Germany, 1924‐1933: A Study of the Politics of Economics during the Great Depression. (Frankfurt am Main: Fritz Knapp Verlag. 1985. Pp. 426. n.p.)Joseph Harrison. The Spanish Economy in the Twentieth Century. (London: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. 207. 27 tables. £1995.)Ivan T. Berend and Gyorgy Ranki. The Hungarian Economy in the Twentieth Century. (London: Croom‐Helm. 1985. Pp. 316. £25.)HUGH BROGAN. Longman History of the United States of America. (London: Longman. 1985. Pp. viii + 470. £19‐95.)C. Cochran. Challenge of American Values: Society, Business, and Religion. (New York: Oxford University Press. 1985. Pp. 147. $13.95.)Hasia R. Diner. Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century. (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1983. Pp. xvi + 192. $2000; paperback $9‐95.)Humbert S. Nelli. From Immigrants to Ethnics: The Italian Americans. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1983. Pp. viii + 225. £19‐50.)Martin V. Melosi. Coping with Abundance: Energy and Environment in Industrial America. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1985. Pp. xii + 355. $1095.)Carole Haber. Beyond Sixty‐Five: The Dilemma of Old Age in America's Past. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. Pp. ix + 181. Paperback, £6‐95.)Ruth Schwartz Cowan. More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave. (New York and London: Harper & Row. 1983. Pp. xiv + 257. 46 plates. £19‐75; paperback £8‐75.)Christopher L. Tomlins. The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law, and the Organized Labor Movement in America, 1880‐1960. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. Pp. xvi 4‐ 348. £30; paperback £1095.)Gary A. Puckrein. Little England: Plantation Society and Anglo‐Barbadian Politics, 1627‐1700. (New York and London: New York University Press. 1984. xxiv + 235. $51.50.)Kenneth F. Kiple. The Caribbean Slave: A Biological History. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1984. Pp. xiii + 274. £27.50.)Linda Alexander Rodriguez. The Search for Public Policy: Regional Politics and Government Finances in Ecuador, 1830‐1940. (Berkeley & London: Univ. of California Press. 1985. Pp. xv + 281. $32.50.)K. N. Chaudhuri. Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. Pp. xiv 4‐ 269. 18 maps. 23 plates. £25; paperback £895.)Christopher John Baker. An Indian Rural Economy, 1880‐1955: The Tamilnad Countryside. (Oxford: The Clarendon Press. 1984. Pp. xvii + 616. 9 maps. 30 tables. 16 graphs. £28‐00.)David K. Wyatt. Thailand: A Short History (New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1984. Pp. xviii + 351. £27‐50.)Joseph Needham (Ed.)‐ Science and Civilisation in China, Volume VI, Biology and Biological Technology: Part II: Agriculture by Francesca Bray. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1984. Pp. xxvii + 724. £50.)William D. Wray. Mitsubishi and the N.Y.K., 1870‐1914: Business Strategy in the Japanese Shipping Industry. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press (Harvard East Asian Monographs No. 108). 1984. Pp. xx + 672. £21‐95.)Raymond W. Goldsmith. The Financial Development of Japan, 1868‐1977. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1983, Pp. xv + 231. £27.00.)Raymond W. Goldsmith. The Financial Development of India, Japan, and the United States: A Trilateral Institutional, Statistical, and Analytic Comparison. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1983. Pp. xiv + 120. £1095.)Tsunehiko Yui and Keiichiro Nakagawa (Eds.). Business History of Shipping: The International Conference on Business History 11: Proceedings of the Fuji Conference. (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. 1985. Pp. xxix + 330.£ 6000.)David Mackay. In the Wake of Cook: Exploration, Science & Empire, 1880‐1801. (London: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. vi + 216. £18.95.)D. C. M. Platt and Guido Di Tella (Eds.). Argentina, Australia, and Canada: Studies in Comparative Development, 1870‐1965. (London: Macmillan. 1985. Pp. xi + 237. 25‐00.)Charles Lipson. Standing Guard: Protecting Foreign Capital in the Ninteteenth and Twentieth Centuries. (Berkeley, Los Angeles & London: University of California Press. 1985. Pp. xvii + 332. 13 tables, 3 figs. £3325; paperback £11‐25.)Bill Albert and Adrian Graves (Eds.). Crisis and Change in the International Sugar Economy, 1860‐1914. (Norwich and Edinburgh: ISC Press. 1984. Pp. xii + 381. £12‐00.)Michael D. Bordo and Anna J. Schwartz (Eds.). A Retrospective on the Classical Gold Standard, 1821‐1931. (London: University of Chicago Press. 1984. Pp. xi + 681. £59‐80.)E. J. Hobsbawm. Worlds of Labour: Further Studies in the History of Labour. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1984. Pp. x + 369. £15.95; paperback £7‐95.)
