In this article are studied the disputes or conflicts between the ecclesiastic hierarchy and the aristocracy of the country of Girona in the era of the feudal change. The sources of information are the documents of the XI-XII Century of the Chartulary call of "Carlemany", of the bishop of Girona, edited by J. M. Marqués, and the documents of the XI Century of the cathedral of Gerona, edited by R. Marti. The article is split into two parts of unequal extension. In the first, the shortest, it is summarised the problem of the relationships between the Church and the civil power in the Late Antiquity and the High Middle Ages, until the XIXII Century. The approach is general, European, but is ended this part carrying the problems to the case of Catalonia. It is a study of the context in the one which the author attempts to find the bases of the attitude of the feudal nobility in theirs disputes with the Church. In the second part of the article are studied the disputes and the engagements (more the first tan the seconds) between the cathedral of Gerona and the nobility. The analysis and the description are not effected in a way concrete, examining a dispute after other, that is to say. there is no studies of cases with lineages and personages identification, because prevails the global vision and the will of identifying the principal disputes and the general and dominant reasons of each part. The questions that they have guided the investigation are: With what obstacles stumbled the reform of the Church? Which were the concrete causes of the disputes? How they were solved these disputes? Which were the political bases, material, spiritual and cultural on those which the Church of Gerona sustained their engagements with the nobility? How they were articulated these engagements? Turned out to be it a work that interprets the reform of the Church in the framework of the feudal change process, and arrives to the conclusion of the fact that the reform was an essential component of this process, by the mutations that introduced in the relationships between the Church and the Nobility as well as by the social and political answers that unfettered. ; [fr] Dans cet article on étudie les disputes ou conflits entre la jerarcliie ecclésiastique et l'aristocratie de la diocèse de Girona à l'époque du changement féodal. Les sources d'information sont les documents d'XIème et XIIème siècles du cartulaire, appelé de Charlemagne, de l'évêque de Girona, edité par J. M. Marqués, et les documents d'XIème siècle de cette siège, édités par R. Marti. L'article a été divisé en deux parts. Dans la première, la plus générale, il y a le resumé du problème des relations parmi l'Eglise et le pouvoir civil dans l'Antiquité Tardive et l'Haut Moyen Âge, jusqu'à l'XI ème et le XIIème siècles. Le point de vue est général, européen, mais on termine cette partie avec une projection sur la Catalogne. Il s'agit d'une mise en contexte dans laquelle l'auteur essaie de trouver une explication à l'attitude de la noblesse féodale à l'égard de son conflit avec l'Eglise. Dans la deuxième partie de l'article on étudie proprement les disputes et compromis parmi la siège de Girona et la noblesse. Ici on ne fait pas l'analyse et la description de façon concrete, en examinant une dispute après l'autre, c'est à dire, il n'y a pas études de cas avec identificaction de lignages et personnages, parce que prévaut la vision globale et la volonté d'identifier surtout les conflits principaux et les raisons générales et dominantes d'une et autre part. Parmi autres, les questions qu'on guidé la recherche sont: Quels obstacles a trouvé la réforme de l'Eglise? Quelles ont été les causes des disputes? Comme ont été résolus ces conflits? Quels ont été les fondements politiques, matériaux, spirituels et culturels sur lesquels l'Église de Girona a axé leurs compromis avec la noblesse? Comme se sont articulés ces compromis? Le résultat est un travail que fait l'interprétation de la réforme de l'Église dans le quadre du processus de changement féodal, et qui amene à la conclusion que la réforme fut une partie essentiel de ce processus à cause des mutations que a contribué à introduire dans les relations parmi l'Église et la noblesse et à cause des réponses sociales et politiques qu'elle a suscité.
THE RISE AND FALL OF JAPAN'S DEVELOPMENTAL INSTITUTIONSABSTRACTIn this dissertation, the rise and fall of Japan's developmental institutions are analyzed. The main thesis is that Japan's developmental ideology and developmental institutions of the post-war years have strongly fostered the miraculous industrial achievements of Japan. The established hegemonic world system and its institutions, as well as domestic structures, have also supported Japan's system to achieve its main targets. With the radical chances in the external political and economic environment surrounding by the late 1970s, the institutions and the ideology of the "old" system have started to lose their relevance. In explaining the under-achievements of the system, the role of the established interest-seeking coalitions among politicians, bureaucrats, and big business should be given special reference.Japan's developmental institutions of the post-war period were based on production priorities aiming to achieve fast growth, and in turn to generate sufficient employment and income. It was believed that this target could be achieved through maximum foreign trade performance of the industrial structure. Therefore, Japan's industrial institutions and policies have been increasingly characterized by higher savings, investments, and exports. In order to create the domestic winners and champions in the world league, particularly in the strategically chosen sectors, domestic markets were sheltered from foreign competition and the organization of economic activity was left to the guidance, control and discretion of the triple compromise between bureaucrats, big-business, and politicians. Considering the recent situation, it is getting clearer that it has turned out to be against the interest of the whole society. The system has been increasingly hindered due to its lack of transparency, accountability to the people, and isolation from foreign competition in order to maximize the gains of producers. Although the need for structural transformations at the systemic level have become evident, particularly after the burst of the bubble economy in the early 1990s, such demands, however, have been strongly resisted by the beneficiaries of the existing system. Two other important reasons for the slow pace of reforms are, first, the existence of potential uncertainties surrounding the coming changes, and therefore Japan still is in the process of trial and error. Second, because of the strong belief in the existing system that has proved its competence and strength in overcoming bottlenecks of the earlier crisis and brought Japan "the number one status". Although the author of this dissertation expects that Japan's system will converge to the Western style market economies, at least to a certain degree, under the existing "fears" and "hopes", however, it is not possible to make a long term reliable prediction for the future discourse of the system. ÖZETBu çalışmada Japon sanayileşmesini mümkün kılan kurumsal yapıların yükseliş ve çöküşleri ele alınmaktadır. Çalışmada savunulan tez, Japon başarısının mimarı olan "kalkınmacı modelin" şimdi bizatihi problemin kaynağı haline geldiği şeklinde özetlenebilir. Japon kalkınmacılık ideolojisi ve bu ideolojiye uygun kurumlar sayesinde Japonya, 1970'li yılların sonuna kadar hızlı bir iktisadi büyüme, istihdam ve gelir performansı göstermiştir. Sanayileşme sürecinde "önde gidenleri yakalama" şeklindeki belirgin bir hedefin olduğu, bu hedefin yakalanması için içerideki kurumsal yapılar kadar uluslararası sistemin de elverişli olduğu bir süreçte, kalkınmacı model hedeflerini elde edebilmiştir. Üretim öncelikli iktisadi ve toplumsal örgütlenmenin başarılı olabilmesi için sistem mümkün olduğu ölçüde dış rekabetten yalıtılmış, sistemin geleceği de neredeyse büyük sermaye-bürokrasi-siyasetçi arasında kurulan mutabakata dayananmıştır. Bu şekliyle sistem sadece dış rekabetten değil, aynı zamanda içeride şeffaflıktan, halkın denetim ve iştirakinden yalıtılmıştır. Sözkonusu mutabakatın zaman içerisinde sistemi denetleyenlerin kendi aralarında kurmuş oldukları çıkar birlikteliğine dönüştüğü anlaşılmaktadır.1970'li yılların sonu itibariyle, Japon sistemini mümkün kilan iç ve özellikle de dış değişkenlerin geçerliliğini kaybetmesine rağmen, sistemi denetleyenlerin bu değişimi algılayamadığı ve/veya buna direndiği anlaşılmaktadır. Bu direnişin arkasında kurulu ahbap-çavuş ilişkilerinin etkili olduğu bilinmektedir. Belki bundan daha önemlisi ise şudur: Japonya artık diğer gelişmiş ülkeler ile olan gelişmişlik farkını kapattığından artık kolayca taklid edilebilecek öncü örnekler kalmamış, Japonya için artık bir "deneme-yanılma" süreci başlamıştır. Bu nedenle değişimin Japon kalkınmacılığının öncülleri açısından getireceği belirsizliklerden çekinilmesinin payı çok büyüktür. Son olarak da, geçmiş sistemin başarının yarattığı illüzyon nedeniyle, önceki dönemlerdeki krizlerin aşılmasında rüştünü ispat etmiş modele olan güven devam etmekte, bu modelin artık geçerliliğini kaybettiğinin anlaşılması için de yaşanan krizin biraz daha derinleşmesi gerekmektedir.Sonuç olarak bir yandan kriz sürerken bir yandan da ilgili reformlar yapılmaktadır. Bu sürecin sonunda Japon sisteminin saf piyasa modelinin savunucularının beklediği gibi Batı'lı piyasa mıodellerine tam bir "yakınsama" ya mı, yoksa kapitalizmin yine Japonya'nın kendine has bir yorumuna mı götürecegi konusu mevcut belirsizlik ortamında tahmin edilmesi güç bir sorundur. Yazarın kişisel beklentisi ise Japon sistemin belirgin bir "yakınsama" sürecinin akıntısına kapılduğı şeklindedir.
One of the primary purposes of The John Marshall Journal of Computer Information Law is to focus on recent developments, on an international basis, in computer and information technology law. The themes that are developed in each issue of Volume Sixteen, present problems in computer and information technology law, and hopefully help answer questions in this dynamic field of law. The first issue of Volume Sixteen is a perspective issue on cyberspace governance, standards, and control. The lead articles of this issue discusses the challenge to develop international trademark law with regard to the Internet, Internet regulatory zoning of obscene content, Internet service providers' obligations under the Telecommunications Act of 1996, electronic commerce in Taiwan, and a commentary on NBA v. Motorola and STATS, Inc. The second issue of Volume Sixteen is a symposium issue on The Uniform Commercial Code ("U.C.C.") Proposed Article 2B. U.C.C. Proposed Article 2B is a legal framework for the licensing and transfer of rights in the intellectual property of computer technology. This issue is a detailed discussion of the problems facing the computer industry and the Proposed Article 2B drafting committee. The lead articles of this issue discusses generally, the law of the information age and the path of commercial law to cyberspace. Specifically, this issue discusses the treatment of consumers, express warranties and published information content, implied warranty of merchantability, and development contacts under the Proposed Article 2B. The third issue of Volume Sixteen is a perspective issue on privacy, information technology, and the Internet. The lead articles of this issue discusses issues of encryption and liberty on an international basis, legislation and decisions as to the control of the use of social security numbers as personal identifiers, and the mapping of legal metaphors in cyberspace. Additionally, this issue featured the bench memorandum, petitioner brief, and respondent brief on First Amendment and Freedom of Information Act issues associated with Internet blocking software in a public forum from the 1997 John Marshall National Moot Court Competition in Information Technology and Privacy Law. This issue, the fourth issue of Volume Sixteen, is a general issue that presents an array of topics. First, G. Peter Albert, Jr., an intellectual property practitioner and author of a treatise on intellectual property and information technology discusses the domain name registration system. Mr. Albert examines the dispute resolution policies of the leading proposals for the registration of domain names and proposes an alternative solution to "cybersquatting" and other trademark-related domain name issues. Keith Kupferschmid, an instrumental practitioner in Washington D.C. on intellectual property issues and the Internet discusses the fist-sale exception in view of copyrighted works on the Internet. Mr. Kupferschmid argues that the first-sale exception is not applicable to network transmissions and recommends that Congress take steps to limit the applicability of the first-sale exception, and that in order to receive the correct balance between the public's fair use of the work and a copyright owner's right to exploit is the grant of a rental right to the copyright owner is in order. Rinaldo Del Gallo, III, an intellectual property practitioner, discusses the dynamics associated with web site designers and the ownership of a web site under the guise of the work for hire doctrine and joint authorship doctrine. Caroline Uyttendaele, an associate research fellow at Katholieke Universiteit Leuven reviews and analyzes from a European point of view, the need for new free speech legislation regarding the Internet. Ms. Uyttendaele addresses the need for additional legislation protecting free speech and the relevance of the present restrictions on free speech. The student Comments in this issue discuss various important topics with regard to intellectual property and information technology issues. First, Laura McFarland-Taylor proposes adopting an internationally recognized standard of due diligence in reporting lost or stolen artworks utilizing the Internet. Second, Timothy Hofmeyer analyzes and examines the legal issues surrounding the patentability of cloned organisms, yet remains silent regarding the moral issues involved with the "hot topic" of cloning. Last, Steven Hanley on an international topic of Internet regulation, proposes that every country utilizing the Internet has a right when regulating the Internet to uphold its national values, and Internet Service Providers' shall work with each country's government to provide an Internet service that is in conjunction with each country's personal values and ideals. The Global Information Infrastructure is a dynamic medium that requires legal guidance and assistance in all stages of development. As information technology advances, the law must change with these advances. It is the hope of The John Marshall Journal of Computer & Information Law that the legal insights provided by our authors in this issue and all past and future issues help to mold the legal doctrine of computer and information technology law affecting the dynamics of the Global Information Infrastructure.
One of the primary purposes of The John Marshall Journal of Computer Information Law is to focus on recent developments, on an international basis, in computer and information technology law. The themes that are developed in each issue of Volume Sixteen, present problems in computer and information technology law, and hopefully help answer questions in this dynamic field of law. The first issue of Volume Sixteen is a perspective issue on cyberspace governance, standards, and control. The lead articles of this issue discusses the challenge to develop international trademark law with regard to the Internet, Internet regulatory zoning of obscene content, Internet service providers' obligations under the Telecommunications Act of 1996, electronic commerce in Taiwan, and a commentary on NBA v. Motorola and STATS, Inc. The second issue of Volume Sixteen is a symposium issue on The Uniform Commercial Code ("U.C.C.") Proposed Article 2B. U.C.C. Proposed Article 2B is a legal framework for the licensing and transfer of rights in the intellectual property of computer technology. This issue is a detailed discussion of the problems facing the computer industry and the Proposed Article 2B drafting committee. The lead articles of this issue discusses generally, the law of the information age and the path of commercial law to cyberspace. Specifically, this issue discusses the treatment of consumers, express warranties and published information content, implied warranty of merchantability, and development contacts under the Proposed Article 2B. The third issue of Volume Sixteen is a perspective issue on privacy, information technology, and the Internet. The lead articles of this issue discusses issues of encryption and liberty on an international basis, legislation and decisions as to the control of the use of social security numbers as personal identifiers, and the mapping of legal metaphors in cyberspace. Additionally, this issue featured the bench memorandum, petitioner brief, and respondent brief on First Amendment and Freedom of Information Act issues associated with Internet blocking software in a public forum from the 1997 John Marshall National Moot Court Competition in Information Technology and Privacy Law. This issue, the fourth issue of Volume Sixteen, is a general issue that presents an array of topics. First, G. Peter Albert, Jr., an intellectual property practitioner and author of a treatise on intellectual property and information technology discusses the domain name registration system. Mr. Albert examines the dispute resolution policies of the leading proposals for the registration of domain names and proposes an alternative solution to "cybersquatting" and other trademark-related domain name issues. Keith Kupferschmid, an instrumental practitioner in Washington D.C. on intellectual property issues and the Internet discusses the fist-sale exception in view of copyrighted works on the Internet. Mr. Kupferschmid argues that the first-sale exception is not applicable to network transmissions and recommends that Congress take steps to limit the applicability of the first-sale exception, and that in order to receive the correct balance between the public's fair use of the work and a copyright owner's right to exploit is the grant of a rental right to the copyright owner is in order. Rinaldo Del Gallo, III, an intellectual property practitioner, discusses the dynamics associated with web site designers and the ownership of a web site under the guise of the work for hire doctrine and joint authorship doctrine. Caroline Uyttendaele, an associate research fellow at Katholieke Universiteit Leuven reviews and analyzes from a European point of view, the need for new free speech legislation regarding the Internet. Ms. Uyttendaele addresses the need for additional legislation protecting free speech and the relevance of the present restrictions on free speech. The student Comments in this issue discuss various important topics with regard to intellectual property and information technology issues. First, Laura McFarland-Taylor proposes adopting an internationally recognized standard of due diligence in reporting lost or stolen artworks utilizing the Internet. Second, Timothy Hofmeyer analyzes and examines the legal issues surrounding the patentability of cloned organisms, yet remains silent regarding the moral issues involved with the "hot topic" of cloning. Last, Steven Hanley on an international topic of Internet regulation, proposes that every country utilizing the Internet has a right when regulating the Internet to uphold its national values, and Internet Service Providers' shall work with each country's government to provide an Internet service that is in conjunction with each country's personal values and ideals. The Global Information Infrastructure is a dynamic medium that requires legal guidance and assistance in all stages of development. As information technology advances, the law must change with these advances. It is the hope of The John Marshall Journal of Computer & Information Law that the legal insights provided by our authors in this issue and all past and future issues help to mold the legal doctrine of computer and information technology law affecting the dynamics of the Global Information Infrastructure.
This essay continues with a discussion concerning the intersection between indigenous technological adoption/adaptation and the range of perspectives with respect to local communities' use of technology in general. Analytical instruments will be presented at the end of this article. First, however, the reader will have the opportunity to examine the 'views' of outsiders with respect to the debate surrounding sustainability, environmental management and territorial ordering. Responses to an on-line survey concerning the above issues together with my own comments, will add to the discussion. ; Gestión ambiental; Ordenamiento Territorial; Sostenibilidad; TIC; Usos ; 1 TECHNOLOGY IN NORTHWEST AMAZONIA (NWA) VIEWS OF VIEWS: SUSTAINABILITY, ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT AND TERRITORIAL ORDERING A contribution to a Political Ecology for Northwest Amazonia1 This essay continues with a discussion concerning the intersection between indigenous technological adoption/adaptation and the range of perspectives with respect to local communities' use of technology in general2. Analytical instruments will be presented at the end of this article. First, however, the reader will have the opportunity to examine the 'views' of outsiders with respect to the debate surrounding sustainability, environmental management and territorial ordering. Responses to an on-line survey concerning the above issues together with my own comments, will add to the discussion. Aims Initially there were two aims behind the construction of a website. One of was to overcome impediments to my personal mobility and direct access3. ICT facilitated communications with other interested people and helped solicit their views on indigenous management of the forest and their opinions with respect to the process of territorial ordering in Amazonia. The other aim was to serve the process of opening up political opportunities for NWA's inhabitants. Grassroots organisations all around the globe were (and are) establishing links through ICT. The indigenous peoples of Amazonia may attempt the same and this experience could, in the future, be an instrument of education for NWA. The introduction of such technology among indigenous peoples, if possible, will have impacts, which will to be judged as positive or negative, depending of the political interests of the observer and the moment of observation. It is argued here, that despite there being no indisputable positive or negative effects of technological transfer, it would be contrary to indigenous people's rights to self-determination to prevent the promotion of ICT among them. We wish to question conservative forces: if governments, corporations, NGOs and even international drug dealers and terrorist groups are using ICT to fortify their political positions, why should indigenous peoples be denied access to it? The access (or lack of it) of grassroots organisations to ICT facilitates (or impedes) the 1 The author wishes to thank: Jim Connor and Mark Bennett of Imperial College, the former for his advice on the use of Arcview-GIS and the latter for helping to write the cgi-script form for the website. Thanks are also due to: Stuart Peters from the University of Surrey for training in Web- Page design; Adriana Rico from Páginas.Net for valuable advice during the design process and Alvaro Ocampo for a detailed critique of Kumoro.com before it went live. I also wish to thank the Board of Puerto Rastrojo Foundation, which gave me permission to use their vegetation map as a base for the Yaigojé vegetation map that appears on the web-site. Finally thanks to all the people that took the time to fill out the on-line survey. Their contributions made this chapter possible. 2 This discussion was introduced in "Technology in Northwest Amazonia: Sketches from Inside" (Forero 2002b). 3 A restriction of one of the scholarships the author was granted as well as guerrilla incursions at the time, prevented the author from going back to NWA. 2 development of their rights to be informed (and educated) in accordance with the actual historical context of a globalising corporate economy and cultural hybridisation. For indigenous peoples, as well as for other ethnic minorities, financial resources to set up ICT are extremely limited compared to those of corporations, governments and even NGOs. The establishment of an ICT network for indigenous peoples' organisations in NWA remains a Utopia. But without a Utopian vision there is no aim for social mobilisation; this is something that was underlined by responses to the on-line survey. Fieldwork in NWA involved the author in the territorial ordering process, helping with the formation of indigenous people's organisations, and getting involved in communities' economic and educational projects. My work in NWA can thus be characterised as participatory action research (PAR) and one way of continuing to engage in PAR without going back to the field was to set up a website, wait for an opportunity to share my experience with the people of NWA and promote projects that would allow them to take over the website and use it for their own projects4. Deconstruction of an Internet generated discourse Elsewhere the author has dealt with descriptions and deconstructions of discourses of indigenous and institutional organisations, be they NGOs, churches, governmental or international. This process of deconstruction has included the author's own work among indigenous organisations and NGOs, which was one of the aims of "Indigenous knowledge and the scientific mind: activism or colonialism?" (Forero 2002a). I wish to explain the inclusion of governmental and non-governmental organisations within the category 'institutional'. There are great differences as well as important coincidences in governmental actions and the work of NGOs in developing countries due to the limited nature and poor quality of State-driven action in such nations. E.g. in Colombia, COAMA, the largest NGO network in NWA, has been involved in the political administrative reforms, and served as a consultant in matters of education, health and sustainable production. Furthermore, COAMA staff accompanied indigenous peoples in all these processes and without their intervention it is doubtful that many of the indigenous political organisations of Amazonia would ever have succeeded in their quest for legal recognition5. NGOs and governmental institutions may pursue similar political aims and share administrative structures. Inasmuch as small organisations are successful, (and usually this success is a result of strong personal commitment to a cause and personal knowledge of all members of the organisation), they tend to obtain more funds, which in turn forces them to become increasingly bureaucratic. As 4 At the time of writing (May 2002) the author was preparing to visit NWA at the invitation of indigenous leaders, including the Co-ordinator of an education committee who wanted to discuss the roll of ICT in education. 5 See Forero, Laborde et al. 1998 and the interview with the director of COAMA Martín von Hildebrand, in The Ecologist 2002 (Vol. 32 No.1-February). 3 organisations grow, individual members have fewer opportunities to get to know each other personally and maintain an accordance of principles, aims and political means. This is not to say that NGOs are condemned to be inefficient bureaucratic institutions, (which is not uncommon among developing countries' governmental institutions). But it is important to draw attention to the risk that when resources are pumping in and recruitment is growing there is more chance of becoming detached from grassroots sensibilities with respect to issues and less chance of correctly interpreting local developmental idioms. Views of Indigenous Environmental Management The design, production and publishing of a website on the development of a political ecology for NWA, taking the Yaigojé Resguardo as a study case, may seem a very simple task with little impact. But it proved to be a very delicate matter that involved exhausting work. The production of a map of the Yaigojé Resguardo, (which was to be included on the website) has been explained elsewhere, although it is worth mentioning something about the methodology involved. The author accompanied shamans (who were selected by indigenous leaders from the Apaporis) on several trips in which all the recognised sacred places of the Apaporis River and some of its tributaries where identified. The shamans learn the names of the places during their training. These names are recited in myths, chants and spells. The shamans carry, as they say, the map within themselves. It is impressive to see these men point to a place and give its name without hesitation. It is like this even when they have never been in that place before. It is impressive that this orally transmitted geography corresponds so precisely to the physical aspects that start to become relevant for people who, like the author, have different epistemological instruments for their interpretations of the world. While visiting the sacred places shamans spoke of trips they had made previously. In the case of shamanistic trips, visits did not actually involve physical journeys, but what were referred to as trips en pensamiento, en espíritu (in thought, in spirit). While accompanying them I recorded the geographical co-ordinates using a satellite guided geographical positioning system (GPS). The geographical co-ordinates thus generated were converted to plane co-ordinates and a map was generated using AUTOCAD software. Translations, drawings and reflections about this map-making process are included in a MSc thesis of the University of Warwick (Forero 1999). The work I will describe now, although partially derived from my work with the shamans is distinct in character and intention from that reported in Forero (1999). The use of technological gadgetry allowed me partially to reflect the Tukano world in a way that non-indigenous people could understand. And although this was a significant and, I believe, useful undertaking the real knowledge of the territory lies within the shamans with whom I worked. The fact that the 'indigenous territorial' aspects of the website are illustrated with maps is a by-product of the technology. A more significant value of the work (and the reason behind the shamans' wish to become involved in mapping) is that the maps were going to provide evidence for the legal process through which the ACIYA 4 indigenous organisation would claim rights over lands outside the recognised Resguardo Indigenous Reserve (Forero, Laborde et al. 1998). This work was successful and an extension to the Resguardo was indeed granted. Work on the website began by making a provisional outline of the desired end product. The original plan included six pages: Introduction (Home), vegetation map, traditional territorial map, discussion (an introduction to the political ecology of the Yaigojé Resguardo), bibliography (for those looking for references to NWA and the Yaigojé in particular), and a questionnaire that would generate the information from which this chapter has been developed6. The contrasting discourses obtained from the questionnaires Although I shall refer to percentages in this section, there is no intention of making any predictions based on statistical analyses. Neither is it suggested that the analysis of questionnaires can provide an objective account of outsiders' opinions with respect to the politics of the environment and people of NWA. The following notes are not representative in that sense and such was never the intention of the exercise. What is intended is that the reader gets an insight into the perceptions of survey respondents. What is important in a qualitative data analysis, like this, is to present differential tendencies. If discourses are constituents of reality then the confusing scenario of political confrontation in NWA should be linked to the visions and perspectives of all of us, including the views of people that have never been in Amazonia but nonetheless hold an opinion. And, if there is a marked difference between indigenous and exogenous perspectives with respect to sustainability and environmental management in Amazonia, which relates to whether people have visited NWA or not, this should be reflected in the answers to the surveys. The information generated from the on-line survey was collected between May and December of 2001. Eight hundred invitations were sent through e-mail. They were sent mainly to academics and organisations working on indigenous issues, conservation or sustainable development in NWA. One of these invitations reached COLNODO7 and the ICT network asked if we wished to submit the website in a weekly contest for the best new website, which we did and subsequently won! This meant that COLNODO subscribers were notified and invited to visit the site. But we have no idea how many hits were derived from COLNODO invitation. What we know is that during these 8 months we received 51 completed survey forms. This is a 6.4% response rate to the original 800 invitations8. 6 The survey form is in Appendix 1and, a summary of the technical work involved in the construction of the web-site is in Appendix 2. 7 "COLNODO is a Colombian communications network serving organizations dedicated to community development. It is operated by the non-profit organization called Colombian Association of Non-Governmental Organizations for Email Communication" (http://www.colnodo.org.co/summary_english.html). For a critical review of COLNODO work the interested reader could consult Gómez, R. 1998. 8 This response rate is rather low relative to postal questionnaire surveys, but we are unable to assess it relative other on-line surveys. 5 For the purposes of the analysis respondents (R) were divided into two groups: those claiming to have visited NWA (VA – 29% of R) and those claiming not to have visited the region (NVA – 71% of R). With respect to occupation, 68% of R come from the academic sector, including five anthropologists (almost 10% of R) all of whom had visited NWA. In contrast, although there were the same number of environmental managers as anthropologists answering the questionnaire, none had visited NWA. With respect to gender, the percentage of male (53%) and female (47%) respondents is similar across both VA and NVA groups. In terms of age, there were four groups: 1) 18 to 24, 2) 25 to 34, 3) 35 to 50, and 4) over 50. For R the percentages were: 8%, 47%, 35% and 10% respectively. The majority of respondents belong to the second group, between 25 to 34 years of age. However with respect to age groups the composition of VA and NVA groups differs: 56% of the NVA group belong to this second age cohort (25-34), while the majority of the VA group (47%) is between 35 and 50. Additionally, 13% of the VA group are over 50. 61% of the NVA group are between 18 and 34 years of age, while 60% of those that have visited Amazonia are over 35. A comparison of age among the survey respondents thus shows that those that have visited Amazonia (VA) tend to be older than those that have not (NVA). To distinguish among the views held by survey respondents we have to present the responses to each of the questions of the survey. We have made some associations of responses with the intention of outlining the different tendencies that we identify, but the reader might identify others. Before we do so a word about the view of respondents with respect to the website itself should be said. Website evaluation An evaluation of the web-site made by users was included in the questionnaire. Respondents were asked to rate the site between four categories: poor, fair, good and excellent. These categories were chosen as follows: 0, 2, 32 and 15 respectively. Two of the respondents did not offer a rating for the site. Additionally, respondents had the opportunity to suggest improvements. Some respondents suggested changes in design: modification of fonts and colours (some changes had already taken place). There were those who asked for more pictures, a photo album, more links and the construction of a chat room. With respect to the content, some wanted more ethnographic data, another more on political ecology, others asked for better visibility of the maps, while others called for additional links to related sites, and/or more information in general. One suggestion was to make the website less personalised, while another expressed interest in knowing more about the author's research project. Others asked for an enhanced bibliography. Some changes had already taken place by the time these comments were analysed but further changes are still being undertaken at the time of writing. With respect to the questionnaire, two people suggested larger windows to facilitate vision and to be able to comment largely, in contrast, another suggested encouraging more 'yes/no' responses. An important suggestion was: "Perhaps it is now appropriate to include some questions on communication 6 and information flows" (S52). Although not sought explicitly, information was gathered with respect to the use of ICT in the territorial ordering process of Amazonia. One of the respondents suggested that in future the website should be used by indigenous peoples of the Yaigojé. This has been the intention of the author, which has made a visit to Yaigojé (summer 2002) with intention to advance in that direction. Access to ICT for the indigenous peoples of the Yaigojé Resguardo is very limited but present. Future modification of the site will respond to indigenous peoples' feedback. During the visit few indigenous people gave their opinions on the website but several discussions on the roll of ICT in developmental processes took place9. Q1 - Are development and sustainability compatible? A clear response to Question 1 was that this depends on the definition of both terms: "It is impossible to answer this question as it is, as both terms are open to interpretation… " (S26). The question could have been and was read as: Is sustainable development attainable? Respondent S26 continued: "I think sustainable development is possible but hard to achieve in an environment of often conflicting interests and values (economic vs. environmental vs. cultural.)… " One respondent (S22) did not answer this particular question, and two others seemed to be confused (S38 and S41). Forty respondents (78% of R) answered that they were or could be compatible, although there are differences in the way they perceived this compatibility. Development first There were few respondents that failed to question the meaning of 'development' as concept or practice: the developmental project. These responses somehow postulated that certain environmental concerns should be acknowledged and dealt with in order for the development processes to continue: "Yes… . Development as the integration of western technologies or increase of income per capita, can be carefully done by implementing appropriate technologies into the productive activities of the communities. Sustainability defined as a continuous productivity level over the long term." (S2); "Yes. It is only a question of integration of environmental considerations in all we do and adjustment of behaviours accordingly." (S12); "Yes, because there can never be sustainability without development. People have, first to develop for them to have a sense of sustainability." (S13); "Yes, I do. The point is how you can reach a determinate "state" of development without undermining financial, ecological and human capacities in a determinate site (or taking into account their characteristics)." (S40) SD: human - environmental security There were others that perceived the compatibility or the possibility of sustainable development as the chance to diminish human/environmental security risks: "Yes of course in the long run - otherwise life is not possible." (S18); 9 The author is currently preparing a report that will summarise some of these discussions. 7 "Yes. Both are necessary for the survival of the area." (S21); "Si. Solo las acciones en el hoy nos pueden garantizar acciones en el mañana. (Yes. Only by taking action now we can guarantee we could act tomorrow)." (S23); "Yes, development should always be sustainable otherwise there are costs that are not taken into account. i.e. cost of pollution" (S39); "We don't have any choice. We have to make development and sustainability compatible as it's the only way we can survive and at the same time preserve the earth for future generations." (S42) Pessimism, in the sense that without SD life will no longer be possible, was to be repeated in the responses to all of the survey questions. Sustainability is an aim The majority of the respondents that believed development and sustainability to be compatible or capable of becoming compatible, were also of the opinion that the goal of sustainable development had not yet been achieved. Some of them discussed requisite conditions for achieving sustainability. They either underlined the importance of accepting sustainability as a guiding principle for development policy and interventions or/(and) exemplified ways in which sustainable practices might be instituted: "They have to be. I think they are because they have to be. I am optimistic that eventually it will be seen as natural to have sustainable development, but the problem is when this attitude kicks in." (S3) "Depends on how you define the two terms. If you mean that human quality of life can improve while maintaining the natural resource base, I think this is possible but very difficult to achieve." (S5) "Yes, but development in qualitative and not in quantitative terms." (S8) "Yes… there can be sustainable development in an ecological sense of the word - which means installing 'best ecological practice' in planning development." (S24) "No solo lo creo sino que estoy seguro que ambos pueden ser compatibles. Un desarrollo sin considerar ciertos indicadores de sustentabilidad/ sotenibilidad no es posible o viceversa. Uno y otro deberan de ir al parejo tratando de limar los conflictos que a menudo surgen cuando se pretende no un desarrollo pero un crecimiento economico sin considerar la parte social/cultural o ecologica. (Not only I believe that the two can be compatible, I am certain. Development without considering certain indicators of sustainability is impossible or vice versa. Both should go hand in hand, trying to solve the social, cultural and ecological problems that often arise when economic growth rather than sustainable development is the goal)." (S 25) "Sim, no alto rio Negro onde trabalho a ideia e essa: implementar um programa regional de desenvolvimento indedgena sustentado. (Yes, in the Upper Black River, where I work, the idea is precisely to implement a regional programme for sustainable indigenous development)" (S29) "Yes they are. The problem is with the material and energy growth and its compatibility with some environmental standards, like critical thresholds and so on." (S35) "Yes. The only way is by avoiding rapid over-development and having good planning."(S37) ".El concepto de desarrollo sostenible lo veo mucho mas como algo a lo que se quiere llegar, es una nocion implementada por parte de las politicas gubernamentales y ong's donde lo que se 8 procura con estos es el aprovechamiento al maximo de los recursos con un minimo impacto ambiental y social. (I see the concept of sustainable development as goal towards which we heading. It is an idea implemented through governmental and non-governmental policies which aim at maximum exploitation of resources with a minimum of environmental and social impacts)." (S48) "Yes, because they represent the best option to keep for human life." (S51) The need for local definitions Among the respondents that considered sustainability and development compatible if certain conditions were met, there is group of responses that emphasised the need for local definitions of 'sustainability' and 'development', or 'sustainable development': "They can be compatible providing that development is targeted at the right level i.e. small scale and in-keeping with the natural resources and environment." (S5) "Depende de las condiciones y del desarrollo para quién? Por lo tanto el desarrollo es sostenible si es buscado y logrado por la misma comunidad local (It depends on the conditions and on the question 'Development for whom'? Development can only be sustainable if it is sought and implemented by the local community itself)" (S20) "Yes but mainly if made through indigenous methodologies in their territories in Amazonia" (S27) "Yes. There is work done in northern Scandinavia where the "sammi" (lapps) have been given economical support and encouraged to create their own parliament. They have programs protecting their way of life, language and customs. The Norwegian broadcasting company NRK sends news in the language and coastal dialects. All this, at least for Norwegian sammi (lapps) has been key factors in late developments where communities have developed economically achieving great sustainability, contributing, not only to their well being, but to the sustainability of the inhospitable sub-artic regions." (S31) "Yes - but only if there is an 'appropriate' deployment of tools, techniques and processes of development in line with local community needs." (S52) Semantics and the economic imperative Interestingly, one respondent was very pessimistic about the possibilities for sustainable development even when it was sought and pursued at the local level. This respondent brought into the equation the idea that people are driven by monetary benefits to deplete their environment, even though they know that such practices are unsustainable: "To a certain degree, yes. I think that monetary considerations will always outweigh humanitarian concerns and it is very hard to convince people who are seeking a living from sometimes-meagre resources that it is in their own good to give consideration to long-term sustainable use of their resources. It is usually easier and cheaper to move on to the next area when one area has been depleted." (S17) This last argument derives from a rationality that considers poor people to be collaborators in their own misery. In this particular response there was no questioning of the developmental project or the social structures within which people are stimulated to act regardless of the future; but it did address 'monetary considerations' as the driving force. 9 Those responses that argued that the concepts are incompatible claimed an intrinsic contradiction in "sustainable development": "Development of any kind cannot sustain anything." (S4). Instead of blaming the people (needy or not), the proponents of incompatibility pointed their fingers at 'the system'; contemporary capitalist structures, the current developmental project and the prevailing economic model are seen as unavoidably contrary to sustainable practices: "No because development is premised upon economic gain, and capitalism is inherently unsustainable" (S10); "The problem with sustainability is that the economic model is not compatible with social, economic and ecological aspects at the same time and proportion. The neo-liberal model promotes the economic aspect leaving as secondary the social and ecological." (S19); "No, because development does not imply a recognition of limits or the necessity to preserve the natural and human resources used to achieve it. It is an economic concept, which has bases in the apparently unlimited uses of resources… " (S47); "… Si lo entemos [desarrollo] como crecimiento economico, por supuesto que no son compatibles. Ya que el crecimiento economico, tal y como lo plantean los economistas, excluye de raiz criterios sociales, culturales y ambientales requeridos para la sustentabilidad." (If we understand development as economic growth, of course they [sustainability and development] are not compatible. This is because economic growth, as economist have brought it up, excludes from its bases the environmental, cultural and social requirements of sustainability)" (S34) S.D. inconsistent with the present There are less radical rejections of the compatibility, which do not portray sustainable development as a contradiction itself but rather as inconsistent with current economic and ecological trends. The point such respondents make is that the necessary conditions for sustainable development are currently, rather than inherently unattainable: "… The current model of industrial development, where 'development' means material economic growth, is unlikely to be sustainable on a long term basis for the majority of the world population." (S1) "Present development of our world is clearly not sustainable" (S33) "Yes, they are compatible. But in a different social and economic order, not in the one the world is living now… " (S36) "Yes, if we change the way development is understood, for instance, development is associated to living styles resembling to those Europe and USA have, which are a lot related to consumption. But we could live in a healthier and more compatible way with our environment if we change our pattern of consumption and the generalised idea of development nowadays, it would be turning it into "only use what I need and get from nature, exclusively this, not until I just can't get anymore from it", 'cause I over pressed the place, to obtain more benefits. So, at last, this could be possible but in the long term, I hope not when there's nothing left to do." (S45) 10 Greening politics Some responses expressed doubts about the compatibility of sustainability and development. These doubts arise from the apparent use of "sustainability" as a green rhetoric, the aim of which is the continuation of projects that degrade the environment or human rights: ". usually development translates into cutting down natural habitats without regard to "sustaining" cultures" (S32); "In theory 'yes' but much depends on the definition of the terms and societies' acceptance of equal human rights and obligations to others." (S7) "Los conceptos de desarrollo y de sostenibilidad resultan ser bastantes amplios y ambiguos. En la mayoria de los casos cuando se plantean proyectos de desarrollo se trata de relacionarlos directamente con proyectos que resulten ser favorables para el medio ambiente. Como si un concepto llevara implicito otro, sin embargo creo que lo que se esta haciendo desde hace algunos años es precisamente disfrazar los proyectos de desarrollo para que sean aprobados bajo el nombre de mantenimiento del medio ambiente." (The concepts of sustainability and development are very ambiguous. In the majority of cases, there is an attempt to portray development projects as environmentally friendly[, a]s if one concept implied the other. However, I believe that what has been happening for the last few years is a camouflaging of development projects, in order to get them approved under the heading of environmental management) (S48). Reflections on responses to Q110: If "all development is not 'absolute' but will have a beginning and an end" (S24) then, "[d]evelopment of any kind cannot sustain anything." (S4). The impossibility of re-establishing high quality energy after it has been transform into low quality energy (or entropy) is a characteristic feature of closed systems, this would leave us with a world in decline where there is no possibility of sustaining anything. It could be argued that this is the case, as we cannot even guarantee perpetual solar energy flow. But this is perhaps taking the concept of sustainability too far, leaving us with no possibility for discussion. The central political discussion arising from the different responses revolves around the contradiction between those arguments of compatibility that leave the development project unquestioned and those that reject any possibility of compatibility because of a profound questioning of development. Between the two, the picture is blurred, undefined, open and elusive. There does not appear to be any significant correspondence between the two opposite groups of respondents in relation to whether they have been in Amazonia or not. Three out of five of the respondents claiming that there is absolutely no compatibility between development and sustainability have been in Amazonia; but so have two out of four of the respondents that left the development project unquestioned. However, it may be of some significance that none of those that accepted 'sustainable development' are related to social sciences. Those respondents with academic backgrounds in the social sciences all fit into groups 10 A schematic summary can be found in Table 1, Appendix 3. 11 that see sustainable development as a principle, something to be defined locally or as a reformist greening of politics. None of them were found in the group arguing for absolute incompatibility. The middle ground, where the picture is most blurred, came from the majority of respondents by whom it was argued that sustainable development may be possible but that they were unsure about how it might be achieved. Although these responses varied from those expressing suspiciousness (those pointing out the rhetoric of sustainability) to hope: "They have to be. I think they are because they have to be". This acceptance of a possibility of sustainable development, despite the semantic contradiction and current political rhetorical manipulation of the term, reflects a process of thinking and acting that is deeply rooted in Utopian beliefs. This 'sustainability' will happen in the future, in another time, when local communities take control of their lives and their resources, when environmental protection is taken seriously, when today's actions reflect our responsibility toward the future, etc. According to one of the respondents even continuous increases in productivity will be possible, when the proper technology has been developed. Q2 - Is there a relationship between indigenous reserves (IR) and protected areas (PA)? In Colombia IR are called "Resguardos Indígenas" or "Resguardos de Tierras". The term resguardo, literally means protection. Its meaning is not too different from that given to natural conservation areas of different grades: áreas protegidas, protected areas (PA). Both, IR and PA, emphasise the need for an area to be specially protected. Some of the respondents of this question pointed out an implicit relationship between IR and PA perhaps departing of this meaning: "… In a general sense, indigenous reserves are protected areas; they are protected from outside influence for the benefit of the indigenous people… " (S1); "Yes there are relationships. Both have natural systems and environmental quality that requires some level of conservation and protection" (S9); "Yes , for obvious reason. Because the protected reserves are a birth child of indigenous reserves and because we do not want to lose the nature environment the relationship should be maintained." (S13); "Yes, indigenous reserves are protected areas" (S28) As in the case of Q1 (Do you think that development and sustainability are compatible?) some respondents pointed out that it would depend on what we understand by the two terms: "Depends on the sort of protected area or what we mean with protected area… " (S25). "There could be" (S38); "It could be, but I am not sure" (S46); "… this has to be context specific" (S1). Five respondents simply said "yes" (S37, S18, S22, S43, S50) and one simply said "no" (S15). However many of the respondents did go on to qualify the relationship in some way. 12 Harmony or the need for it Some of the affirmative responses portrayed indigenous peoples as the guardians of the environment while others offered concrete examples of this viewpoint: "Si. Las culturas indigenas han demostrado que sus culturas han vivido armonicamente con su entorno durante miles de años" (Yes. Indigenous peoples have demonstrated that their cultures have lived in harmony with their environment during millennia). (S23); "Empirical evidence through statistical analysis has shown (particularly in Colombia in the north west region of the Sierra Nevada) that there is a direct relation between conservation and indigenous reserves. So, the answer is "yes, I do think so". (S40) There were those that referred to the need for a harmonic relationship because: 1) the environment should be protected for the benefit of indigenous peoples: "… indigenous reserves are related with spaces or areas that the government leaves for indigenous people and protected areas are where the local authorities or government provide the ($) resources in order to protect them" (S19); "Existe una relación, historica y cultural, respecto a su territorio, esto debe ser respetado y protegido para las mismas comunidades indigenas" (There is an historic and cultural relationship with respect to their territories. This should be respected and protected by indigenous communities for their own sake (S20). 2) the protection is fundamental for biodiversity conservation: "… Podria ser que se proteja un area porque existe cierta flora o fauna que esta en peligro de extincion. Por ejemplo, muchos animales que viven en la selva solo se aparean una vez al año en cierta temporada y si estos son interrumpidos por presencia humana su decendencia podria verse aun mas en peligro de extincion… " (It may be that an area is protected because there are endangered flora or fauna. For example, there are many rainforest animals that mate once a year or seasonally; if they are interrupted by human activities their progeny could be further endangered) (S25); "… development there should be restricted for the sake of conservation" (S33) 3) sustainable practices could be developed based on indigenous peoples' experiences: "Yes. By protecting areas where almost all indigenous people are more and more confined, there will be a way to preserve indigenous experiences in order for these experiences to contribute to a sustainable development." (S11). Utopia There were also those sorts of answers that reflected a feeling of hope or a sense of Utopia, in which a harmonic, positive relationship was acknowledged as desirable but not yet achieved: "I imagine IR to equate with PA in some way. Perhaps naively. IR is implicitly protected from external development forces, but not necessarily internal." (S3); "There can be. If people are continuing a way of life that has been sustainable in the past and are able to develop sustainably (… ) there is no reason why both should not coexist." (S6); "Most indigenous reserves must be also protected areas. How to effectively do it? I don't know." (S36); "In countries with mindless and irresponsible politicians and business people, it should be mandatory that 'indigenous reserves' must be synonymous with 'protected areas'. (S42) 13 Contamination and cultural imposition Some respondents signalled the risk of contamination, this is of indigenous peoples being influenced by a mestizo culture and therefore driven to break the presumed harmonic relationship with the natural environment. This may be seen as a lost opportunity, that of the rest of humanity to learn from indigenous experiences or, that of given indigenous people to assert managerial control: "Yes, as indigenous populations tend to live in harmony with nature these areas tend to require protection from the outside world. (S12); "… I also think it is difficult to put it into practice since indigenous people want to be part of the economic system and therefore there is a risk of depletion. Anyway who is better to protect certain areas than the people who have lived there for hundred of years!!!" (S39); "Yes, in fact, so far as I know, many of our indigenous people live in these protected areas, where most of them have been able to live in a sustainable way, I say most of them, because others are affected by the mestizo men that live nearby or want to get something from that place due to its economic importance, affecting these natural areas." (S45) It was pointed out that both types of jurisdiction, IR and PA, derived from a cultural-historical process, in which self-determination was not accounted for: "Yes, a very imperialistic one - especially in the Americas (including Canada). It is an old regressive link between the two, in the 60s and 70s this paternalistic viewpoint saw indigenous culture as static --which is wrong!" (S24); "Yes, they both seem to be defined by the ruling 'white' government." (S26) A respondent that had visited Amazonia (VA) added that there is resistance to this imposition, at least as far as indigenous peoples of Colombia are concerned: "yes-especially when indigenous management systems are practised in spite of the models of dominant society in Colombia" (S27). Similarly, another VA respondent suggested that in Colombia there are no friendly relationships between IR and PA: "It depends from country to country, but in Colombia no" (S10)! Analytical responses The analysis provided by some of the respondents tended to localise the relationship: to put it into the historical process. The analysis underlined the main problem for a "non-confrontational" relationship between IR and PA regimes. As they are designations that came about without public participation and from a rationality that is especially alien to indigenous peoples, when IRs and PAs overlap, competition for management arises. These type of answers either acknowledged that the relationship happens through overlap, or mentioned the difficulties of hitting indigenous rights and conservation target simultaneously: "Freedom of choice for all people, in terms of lifestyle, cultural heritage can translate into giving management control to indigenous people in protected areas. However the balance between sustainable economic development for indigenous people and at the same time protecting the environment is a difficult topic to discuss at a macro level. Individual environmental and socio-cultural circumstances need to be fully accounted for and explicitly articulated." (S7) "Yo creo que existe una relacion estrecha entre reservas indigenas y areas protegidas alrededor del mundo. Ya que estas dos figuras juridicas en muchos casos (p.e. Colombia) se encuentran translapadas." (I believe there is a close relationship between indigenous reserves and protected areas around the world. It derives from the fact that in many cases these two jurisdictions overlap) (S34). 14 "There is a relationship when they overlap, which I think happens often." (S44) "Los resguardos y las reservas indigenas han tenido la tendencia a considerarse y definirse como areas protegidas, sin embargo me parece importante tener en cuenta que al establecer los limites territoriales entre los resguardos quedan zonas intermedias que no pertenecen necesariamente a algun resguardo, y esto hace de un modo u otro que tambien se presenten roces con diferentes actores. Por la misma razon que al no estar circunscrito en un resguardo aparentemente se consideraría como un area no protegida… " (It has been the tendency to consider the resguardos and indigenous reserves as protected areas. However, I think it is worth considering that when the resguardo boundaries are established, there are zones in-between not ascribed to any resguardo. And this makes it somehow possible for different [political] actors to get confrontational. This happens as a consequence of the non-ascription of the in-between zone, which is not considered as protected area… ) (S48) However it came about and assuming that both jurisdictions are somehow competing, some respondents argued that IR should be more effective, as it gives responsibility to the people for their own lives: "Yes, although I think indigenous reserves serve to protect the environment/area better. This is because they are protected by local people who value the resources and use them in a traditional and more sustainable way. Protected areas can be designated/run by Governments and this can remove the responsibility from the indigenous peoples." (S5); "Yes. I think that indigenous reserves do offer more protection than protected areas because it gives local people more incentive to use sustainable practices. They can see it being in their own interests" (S17) In contrast, one respondent argued: "Maybe there is, but I don't believe in reserves" (S35). And a second respondent (VA) added that poverty have driven indigenous peoples to behave unsustainably: "I think it is possible. However, some indigenous areas are completely degraded because they are selling their natural resources to survive." (S53). This response (S53) is related to one of those made to Q1: "To a certain degree, yes. I think that monetary considerations will always outweigh humanitarian concerns and it is very hard to convince people who are seeking a living from sometimes meagre resources that it is in their own good to give consideration to long-term sustainable use of their resources. It is usually easier and cheaper to move on to the next area when one area has been depleted." (S17) Both answers (Q1-S17, Q2-S53) echo a neo-Malthusian argument. It implies that a 'tragedy of the commons' is happening in Amazonia and elsewhere as result of overpopulation. The politics involved "No. Indigenous reserves and protected areas (for nature conservation) are two different political land use strategies. If the government is assigning an Indian reserve then they should respect the use the indigenous people are making of the terrain according to traditional use or to improved technologies. Areas for Nature conservation must be treated separately and with a different priority. We cannot make the indians responsible for the disappearing of the diversity. The government has to be responsible by applying appropriate conservation and management regimes" (S2) This response makes an argument for the need to differentiate between IR and PA as diverse political strategies that pursue different aims. The first would aim to 15 comply with Indigenous Peoples Rights, particularly that of self-determination. The second political strategy would aim at biodiversity conservation. The respondent acknowledges indigenous social change as indigenous management depends on both, tradition and technological improvement. Interestingly, the analysis provided does not try to conceal the confrontational nature of the relationship; nor does it neither place much hope in conciliation. On the contrary, it advocates for a distinction. If there is some hope or sense of utopia in the response it comes from solutions provided by technological improvement. Which is something this particular respondent had already stressed in Q1: "… . Development as the integration of western technologies or increase of income per capita, can be carefully done by implementing appropriate technologies into the productive activities of the communities. Sustainability defined as a continuous productivity level in the long term." (S2) Non-conclusive comment-Q211 Nowadays, the establishment or enlargement of IRs (Resguardos in Colombia) and PAs requires the interested proponents to follow long protocols, the fulfilment of precise administrative procedures and of legal conditions. One aim of the process is to allow different stakeholders to participate and to assure the fulfilment of fundamental rights to all citizens in equal conditions. In Colombia, like in many other parts of the developing world, when the "juridical figures" were established these procedures were not necessary, therefore, many IRs and PAs were established without participation of all interested parties. It is not surprising that some of the respondents refer to the confrontation or competition of regimes that began with their imposition. It could be of some significance that none of the respondents that claimed the need to harmonise IR and PA have been in Amazonia. In contrast, the two respondents that pointed out that these two regimes are conflicting in Colombia have been there. The analytical response that called for clear differentiation between the two also came from the group of people that had visited Amazonia (VA). From the set of answers given to Q2 it is clear that different and contrasting narratives ascribed to with respect to environmental management. For some of the respondents indigenous peoples are guardians of the environment, victims of colonialism or in risk of a cultural contamination that will force them to adopt maladaptive strategies that would threaten conservation strategies. For others, indigenous reserves are untrustworthy designations: the environment should be preserved against development and human intervention, be it indigenous or otherwise. Therefore indigenous peoples should not be in charge of environmental management. Yet, another political perspective is derived from hopes of compatibility between the two regimes, which although pursuing different aims are seen as relevant for environmental and human security at the same time. Thus, the third perspective could be characterised as dialectic or iterative. From this (last) perspective indigenous experience could help the development of conservation strategies; and, 11 Schematic summary: Table 2, Appendix 3. 16 at the same time, the revision of environmental and conservation management strategies could be vital for the survival of indigenous peoples. Hope or Utopian visions also have a place here: the development of technology is seen as a key component for adequate environmental management. Technological improvement would allow both compliance with indigenous peoples' rights and biodiversity conservation. We are sketching a continuum from our comment on Q1, suggesting that the narrative of conciliation 'reflects a process of thinking and acting that is deeply rooted in utopia'. Q3 - Do you think that the concepts of protected areas (PA), indigenous reserves (IR) and sustainable development (SD) are useful for environmental management today? Two respondents say that the concepts should be context specific: "Yes, but which of them is useful depends on context… " (S1). "As I said before, all these terms have to be defined properly in the first place before they can be applied." (S2). There were two respondents that simply said 'yes' (S14, S22), while one answered: "yes, if it works" (S4). S4's response suggests that concepts are instruments, and not surprisingly many answers referred to the "applicability" of these three concepts. Environmental indians and contamination risk Some respondents reiterated the idea, already expressed in Q1 and Q2, that indigenous peoples are practitioners of SD or conservation managers: "… Indigenous reserves are important because they allow the preservation of a way of living in sympathy with the environment long gone in most areas… " (S12); "Claro que si. Las culturas indigenas son un ejemplo de convivencia y explotacion sostenible del entorno en que viven" (Yes of course. Indigenous cultures are an example of coexistence with the environment they live in and of sustainable exploitation.) (S23); "Yes because indigenous people are the 'shepherds' of the landscape and they have a first-hand understanding and experience (handed down from previous generations) of ecosystem processes. Sometimes indigenous customs and habits reflect an understanding of nature's processes that can be exemplary in the planning of management plans… "(S41) One response re-enforced an idea presented in Q2, that indigenous sustainable practices are in risk as the younger generations begin to adopt western lifestyles: "… , but this knowledge is also in danger [endangered],… , shamanism is related in many cases to the management of the natural resources, but I have listened to the indigenous people from the community that I'm working in, that they're not interested in receiving this knowledge from their parents, and day by they they're a lot like us in their agricultural practices." (S45) Principles as instruments Various responses made reference to certain conditions that would have to be fulfilled in order for the concepts to be useful. This perspective, where the concepts are understood as political instruments, could be useful if a 'real' or 'truth-value' definition of them were accomplished. This truth-value would come from using the political instrumentality of a concept only if it were to reflect a set of principles such as intergenerational equity, empowerment, and participation. 17 And, in the case of participation, special emphasis were given to the incorporation of indigenous people, their knowledge and ways of dealing with the environment: "The concept of protected areas will only be successful if indigenous peoples are involved, therefore this would seem to indicate that indigenous reserves would be the best way forward of the two" (S5) "… indigenous reserves need to be redefined according to the wishes of the people who will be living in them,… (S6); "… If sustainable development means development with the means which exist and with the participation of the people concerned… " (S11); Yes. Exercising indigenous knowledge should not be limited to reserves but integrated into the management plans along with scientific knowledge more widely. (S26); "Yes… Any protected area, etc. must actively incorporate the participation of indigenous people" (S41) The idea of intergenerational equity is attached to that of resource reserve for the developmental process: "Yes… The sustainable development concept relating to the obligation of the present generation to leave enough natural assets and capital for future generations to enjoy at least the same quality of life we enjoy today must be at the heart of environmental management activities." (S12) "Yes, because the natural environment that we believe is endangered should be protected as a reference in future years to come and because of this a sense of environmental management is very important as the same environment becomes a resource for development" (S13) "Yes. We need to protect the area and its people and provide for sustainable development. (S21) "… pero estoy cierto que las areas protegidas independentemente del interes en prervarlas desempeñan un papel importante en el manejo de ambientes naturales para la captura de CO2, conservación de recursos biogenéticos/biodiversidad/ y como elementos de estudio para futuras generaciones… " (… but I am certain that, independently of the interest in preserving them, protected areas play a roll in the management of natural environment for CO2 sequestration, conservation of biodiversity/genetic resources and as study subjects for future generations (S25) "yes, otherwise development will go against our own endurance. I think we have to consider the possibility that we are not the most powerful force in this world." (S38) Risk and Protection Following this idea is that of concepts (as political instruments) being useful if they could provide and enforce protection (S13, S21 above). In this case either the environment is seen at risk (endangered species or ecosystems) or both indigenous peoples and their environments: "Yes. Protected areas are important as pools of natural resources not affected by human activity. Indigenous reserves are important because they allow the preservation of a way of living in sympathy [tune] with the environment long gone in most areas." (S12); "I think they are vital. Until everyone has a responsible attitude to environmental control certain protections have to be enforced." (S17) Some of the responses expressing a need for environmental protection have a sense of impending catastrophe: "Yes, but they are loaded concepts so we have to be careful in using them… sustainable development is the only way we will survive, but is usually glibly applied." (S6); "in a limited sense perhaps.but what we need to accomplish is protection of all that there is left, without cutting and taking land around the so called protected area. stop the modernisation process wherever it has not already reached into" (S32); "Yes, because they are the only source to preserve life on earth." (S51) 18 Protection but of cultural diversity: "… They may contribute to 'capturing' and saving fragile cultures and 'unknown' languages." (S31) Although acknowledging the need for protection, some respondents made it explicit that IRs were not effective, as the policies derived from such concepts (regimes) would increase risk instead of attenuating it: "… in terms of indigenous groups if they become circumscribed to a specific protected area then this will prevent persistence of nomadic lifestyles etc. and as a result the protected area may become 'unsustainable' as people are becoming circumscribed to a specific reserve. I guess this also answers the question on indigenous reserves, however, the indigenous reserves of N. America should be used as an example of the problems of tying people to such reserves,… " (S10) "… 'indigenous reserves' are not so useful - most of indigenous social problems have been caused by the colonisers, and are being reproduced through generations. Keeping indigenous people enclosed in such areas, and introducing paternalistic rules and laws is not healthy for any society. It instils racism in a society, and will not ensure that indigenous practices of environmental management will be maintained - that depends on the indigenous group and how they choose to manage their environment… " (S24) The need for integration and its impediments Some emphasis was put on the idea that there is or should be a link between the concepts (political instruments): "Yes all concepts are useful as they each permit different aspects of the economic/ecology debate to enter into the wider public arena. Ultimately for there to be sustainable solutions to environmental problems there needs to be a holistic approach adopted… " (S7) "… environmental development will not be meaningful without taking into account the interrelation between 'indigenous reserves' and 'sustainable development'" (S11) "Yes, because all areas are linked with each other very closely" (S18). "Yes. Exercising indigenous knowledge should not be limited to reserves but integrated into the management plans along with scientific knowledge more widely." (S26) "… Lo que creo es que tanto las reservas indigenas, como las areas protegidas deberian orientarse hacia un desarrollo sostenible. Bien sea que estas dos figuras se translapen o no. Si entendemos el desarrollo sostenible como un proceso que involucra criterios sociales, culturales, economicos, y ambientales." (… What I do believe is that indigenous reserves as well as protected areas should direct their attention towards sustainable development, whether or not the entities [juridical regimes] overlap. If we understand sustainable development as a process that involves social, cultural, economic and environmental criteria.) (S34) However, quiet a few responses pointed out the problems that prevent this integration from taking place: 1) Incompatibility of interests between IR and PA: "… Protected areas are useful, but they raise the debate as to whether one should protect an area and exclude people from it so that a certain species/ archaeological site/community can survive or whether people should have access… " (S10); "It is quite difficult to harmonies those concepts, specifically among indigenous people. They are convinced that 'sustainable development' is an imperialist concept, and the first idea they have -as far as they hear the concept- is that they are going to be exploited by others… " (S40) 2) The prevalence of economic efficiency and profit at the expense of anything else: 19 "… El desarrollo sustentable que ha sido cada vez mas un objetivo importante en varios paises del mundo. Pero encontrar los balances correctos ha sido y es dificil, particulrmente cuando las sociedades y gobiernos estan sometidos a un proceso de globalizacion y de efeicientizacion economica. He ahi los conflictos permanentes de lograr un desarrollo verdaderamente sustentable que considere no solo los aspectos economicos, pero politicos, cultrales, sociales y ecologicos o ambientales. (Sustainable development has become an increasingly important objective in several countries around the world. But to find the correct balances has been and continues to be difficult; in particular as a result of societies and governments being subjected to economic efficiency within the globalisation process. There are permanent conflicts in the way of obtaining a real sustainable development that involve not only the economic aspects, but also the social, cultural, ecological and environmental criteria " (S25). "… too many people think of 'sustainable' as meaning economic sustainability and not environmental sustainability." (S30). "… While protected areas and indigenous reserves serve to maintain environmental quality, the concept of sustainable development is often disregarded for the sake of profits and globalisation." (S33) 3) Political manipulation: "I think there have been problems with these concepts for two reasons: First, they mean different thing for different people, second, they have been used and to serve particular interests. There are several and opposite definitions of 'sustainable development' and it's a difficult concept. 'Indigenous reserve', used as a general concept does not describe usefully the complex realities and 'protected areas' have been used to serve particular interests over time so I think it is seen suspiciously by a lot of people." (S44) "I think so, but these concepts are used a lot by politicians, and then the meaning can be manipulated". (S46) "… The big problem is not related to the concepts alone, it is related to the way in which these are applied according with particular interests and purposes. Many times the terms are used by different groups or organisations in order to pretend to be environmental friendly or responsible, when the real purposes reveal an opposite target or interest." (S47) "… Muy seguaramente estos términos se manejan como deben ser en el plano académico teórico, mas no ocurre lo mismo en el ambito práctico donde lo que prevalece son los interese de los diferentes actores que trabajan en este campo, lo que lleva inevitablemente a que se presenten situaciones de tension entre estos y se deje de lado el objetivo primordial en cuanto a la conservación y le manejo ambiental" (For sure, theoretically and within the academic circles these concepts are managed as they should be. Although, in the practical scenario privilege is given to the particular interests of those different [political] actors who work in this field. Thus, it is unavoidable that tensions will arise between these [political actors], which leave aside the fundamental aim of environmental management and conservation) (S48) 4) Semantics, the concepts mean too many things to too many different political actors (S44 above): "… 'Sustainable development' is not so useful for environmental management, as the concept is too contested - it means too many different things to different people." (S24); "As I said, the problem is that there are many definitions of those terms and it makes it difficult to determine if they are useful in one place compared to other places" (S50) Dynamism The perspective of 'dynamism' reflects a perception of mutating meanings as an advantage. Under this perspective 'contested' means 'in change', which is seen as part of a learning process, which is in tune with the idea of local definition of concepts (emphasised above): "Ultimately for there to be sustainable solutions to environmental problems there needs to be a holistic approach adopted, where people can better appreciate that their lifestyle has much in 20 common with others - even if they are in an OECD country and cannot appreciate the day to day lifestyle of someone in a less developed country. … . Therefore the concepts listed can provide an opportunity to raise the awareness of the majority of the world's people." "Yes, there is plenty that can be learned from these three concepts and also applied" (S37) "A lot, I believe there are a lot of things we can learn from them, specially in this field of study,." (S45) "If these concepts are [understood or interpreted] under a dynamic and changing world (attached to contexts), which mean that there is not a unique definition or way to apply them, I think they are still useful for environmental management." [original: understanding or interpreting… ] (S47) The need for new concepts-Q3 Contradicting narratives can be appreciated through the reading of these responses. There is a group of respondents that are uncritical of the concepts or the policies derived from them (like S37, S45 above and): "Yes, they are important to efficient environmental management" (S28); "Yes. An understanding of the mechanism of these terminologies is essential for effective environmental management … " (S9). Another group could be made out of those responses that reflect suspicion or are definitely critical of the concepts (S10, S24, S25, S30, S33, S40, S44, S46, S47, S48, S50 above). And, besides the group of respondents that express conditionality or hope (see above), there is a group of responses that, while critical of the concepts, acknowledge that at present they are all we have: "… which of them is useful depends on context… If an ethnic group is to be allowed to determine the course of events within its own territory, then the territory must be reserved for them until such time as they develop complete autonomy or decide to integrate more closely with wider society. Sustainable development may seem a rather broad, unspecific term, but it does at least draw attention to the unsustainability of conventional development… " (S1) "… The concept of sustainable development is gradually getting better developed and, even if it is not strictly attainable, gives decision-makers something to work towards… (S5) "I don't agree with the concept of SD as it is a contradiction in terms, but at present there are few better alternatives… " (S10) One respondent actually moved forward in the critique, pointing out that the concepts were built on preconceptions and identifying the need to generate new concepts that would integrate the useless categorical divide of nature and society: "I think they are old fashioned, and generated by the Anglo-Saxon culture. We should move towards an increased compatibility between human activities and nature, making it therefore not necessary to talk about reserves, or natural areas." (S35) Non-conclusive comment-Q312: The majority if not the totality of respondents took 'concepts' as 'politics'. They discussed the history of these politics, their adequacy and sufficiency. It is very interesting that while the conduct through which political ideas become policies is supposed to be complex, it is obvious for the respondents that there is more than theoretical debate going on in the process of policy making. There is a prevailing, sometimes automatic or non-reflexive awareness that narratives pursue the aims that drive the policies and politics that are transforming the environment. 12 Schematic summary: table 3, Appendix 3. 21 In continuity with the results of Q2, only 1 out of five respondents of those who argued for the need to integrate the concepts had been in Amazon; while the two respondents that argued the case of 'incompatibility of interests' had been there. Of those which suggested that these concepts –political strategies- are useful for environmental protection or that this is the last chance –catastrophism- for life, none had visited Amazonia. It may be of some significance that none of the five respondents that suggested that IR might be a better strategy than PA have been in Amazonia, while one person of the two that argued that IRs are ineffective had been there. The responses correspond to several narratives that can be identified. One of them is that of 'confidence in science and trust in political instrumentality' derived from the (traditional definitions of) concepts outlined. Another narrative is that of 'natives as heroes and outsiders as villains', which is reflected in the suspiciousness of concepts based in untested assumptions and in mistrust of the governmental policies derived from them. In summary there is a status-quo narrative and a counter narrative. Yet a third type of narrative could be identified, that of 'critical understanding'. Q4 – Should environmental managers (EM) get involved in the territorial ordering process (TOP) of the Amazon? One of the respondents simply answered yes (S4). One was unsure (S52), perhaps suspicious? One considered the question was tricky (S32), and three of them put the question into question. Two of these responses asked for the term 'environmental manager' to be defined: "Difficult to answer. Define the roles, mandate and empowerment of the environmental manager… " (S31); "What do you mean by environmental managers?." (S6). The third one was more critical: "this sentence is colonialist as if indigenous peoples of Amazonia were not in fact environmental managers" (S27). With a similar intent, one respondent argued that indigenous people were better-qualified environmental mangers: "Las comunidades indigenas han sido las mejores administradoras del territorio ancestral, eso debe ser respetado y replicado en zonas donde la intervención humana 'civilizada' ha afectado las condiciones ambientales. (Indigenous communities have been the best managers of ancestral territories, this should be respected and should be replicated in areas where 'civilised' human intervention has affected environmental conditions) (S20)" The response of Indigenous peoples as better managers had been expressed in Q1, Q2 and Q3. Another three responses reinforced the ideas of catastrophism, the need for urgent environmental protection and to stop development (S32, S33, S42). Perspectives EMs are the ones: "Definitely" (S12); " … They have in many cases a better view for the long-run." (S18); 22 Yes. Who else is better suited to do so?" (S21); "Environmental Managers should get involved. They are best able to ensure protection of ecosystem" (S28); "Por supuesto que si. Ya que el ordenamiento territorial de un territorio (en este caso de la Amazonia) debe tener como objetivos el desarrollo sostenible." (Definitely. Territorial ordering (of the Amazon in this case) should have sustainable development as an objective) (S34); "Because they are the ones that can understand the balance that must exist between economic development, traditional culture and environment." (S36); " They should, how can they do whithout?" (S46) "Yes, because they can contribute to better territorial ordering in the region" (S53) EMs and scientists figure out the solutions and take the decisions: "Deben estar involucradas todas las personas del planeta, pero con mas razon los 'decision makers', que a fin de cuentas, toman las acciones concretas sobre nuestro futuro medioambiental. (All people from the planet should get involved, but the 'decision makers' have more reason to be there, after all they are the ones that take the concrete actions in respect to our environmental future) (S23); "Yes, but along with some other scientists, not only because of the importance of the Amazon from a global point of view, but specially for the importance for the people living there." (S35); "Yes, always considering multiple disciplines result in a better understanding and so better solutions." (S38) But taking into account the other opinions: "Yes, although indigenous peoples will also play a major part and without them any agreements between Governments and environmental managers will not work… " (S5); "Not always, because it is necessary to take into consideration lay people's opinions too." (53) Indigenous peoples direct EMs: "If they are asked to do so by indigenous peoples, I see no problem with this." (S1); "Territorial ordering should be primarily decided upon by the indigenous groups that inhabit them, … ultimately decisions need to come from the bottom upwards" (S10); "… The indigenous people should be in charge of the program at the ultimate level" (S14). " They should but they should make sure they respect the opinion of indigenous people and they should be very discreet in their approach and aim for cooperation." (S41) EMs have equal rights to participate as other stakeholders: " Of course. All actors should be involved in the process… It doesn't mean that they have to take decisions but they can evaluate the circumstances under different and also important perspectives." (S2); "What do you mean by environmental managers? But yes, I think they also have a stake in the fate of the Amazon, and have a right to make their voices heard. (S6); " Involvement - yes but only in collaboration and co-operation with the Amazonian people and those in the higher levels of bureaucracy and policy making … Environmental managers can make significant contributions in this area, given their depth of understanding of the issues (relative to the general public)" (S7); "Deveriam estar envolvidos no processo de re-ordenamento territorial, junto com edndios, ribeirinhos etc" (they should be involved in the territorial ordering process together with indigenous peoples, riverine inhabitants, etc." (S29); " I think they should be involved as advisors and technical support but I support the idea of a non-technical management, where decisions are taken by the different stakeholders based on the technical advice and the social, cultural and economic factors." (S44) 23 But this intervention should be avoided within indigenous territories: "Not in indigenous reserves or territories which historically have been managed by indigenous communities. In other areas, should be taking part in dialogue of knowledge between cultures, people, communities, scientists and decision makers from private and government sectors, to order process on the amazon area." [Original text:… historically has been management by… ](S47) The apolitical EM: "Yes, but not for political reasons. It should be for the cause of sustainable use of our natural environment which is our heritage." (S9); " … Generally though I think that environmentalists like missionaries before them should not get involved in political processes as this can have a very negative reaction within the local community." (S17) "Yes, their knowledge will hopefully be of use in the ordering process" (S37) The political participation of EMs: "Yes, to counteract the interference of other external actors but hopefully to work with the indigenous people respecting their values and practices, not independently." (S26) EMs as facilitators of the dialog between IK and WS: "… without them [indigenous peoples] any agreements between Governments and environmental managers will not work. Environmental Managers should facilitate discussion… " (S5); "Territorial ordering should be primarily decided upon by the indigenous groups that inhabit them, environmental managers roles here should be as referees to help in the co-ordination of the process, but ultimately decisions need to come from the bottom upwards." (S10); "It's necessary for people involved in this field of study, that had already gained a conscience, and that are able to understand that we have to work with indigenous, not from our usual management vision, but theirs, trying to see the world like they do. In this way could be easier, perhaps to understand and give convincing and why not scientific arguments to the authorities (or people in charge of handling these affairs) about the different way they have already distributed their territory, which [in] most of the case (if not all) doesn't have our political distribution. (I.E, those groups that live between Colombia and Brazil boundaries) they don't have the same division of territories, because of this, they must be managed in a way more in concordance to their political organisation." (S45) Capacity, ability and quality of EMs: "Depends who the environmental managers are - if they are from the area and have a passion for the area, then why not. If they are drafted in from outside, and seen as the 'outside experts' then probably not - it usually causes friction within the area."(S24) "Define the roles, mandate and empowerment of the environmental manager. They may fall into different categories, of which I may name at least 4: 1. The conflictive manager. Created by a lobbying body. A good example is the body (forget the name) that is in charge of the Everglades in Florida. Their work is tainted by conflict of interest: the provision of water to cities and sugar cane farmers, at the same time maintaining the 'wet lands' as an ecosystem and controlling flooding! 2. The romantic. Exemplified by rich Europeans or North-Americans. Wanting to keep habitats, they may buy some land and resort to eco-tourism in order to keep their sustainability. I believe there are some German managed 'eco' destinations in Ecuador. Driven by an alternative way of life, they may not 'manage' the environment as they should. 3. The bureaucrat. A member of a government agency or NGO that may not be aware of local needs, responding always to policies made from a distance. Current legislation may be a hinder. "Los paisas", developed and colonised what is today Risaralda, Quindio, Caldas and 24 parts of Choco in Colombia, by using legislation that enabled them to cut and clear big forest areas to be claimed afterwards, creating the concept of the "colono". A colonisation process I witnessed in Caquetá some years ago. 4. The "grass roots" manager. Perhaps, the type who knows best the ecosystem and the power relationships that develop around it by the people involved with it. Usually their voice is not heard, mainly because of the threat they represent to some landowners or 'colonos'. If the law regarding claiming land that has been cleared is still existing, managing the environment is going to be a great task. One shall not forget that the 'colono' phenomenon represents one of the many socio-economical problems a nation like Colombia faces. … Management work usually develops around a policy. Trust among all participants is primordial. There ought to be some kind of legal-economical framework that will ease management work. If this is in place and all conflicts of interest reduced, then the territorial ordering process of Amazonia may become real." (S 31) Political risks, EMs tough job: "Yes, however the pressures on the person might be extreme. It would be preferable to have both on-site environmental managers and use some respected external managers as reference." (S15); "Yes, but bearing in mind that you should work with politicians and many kinds of 'parasitic' people which are thinking every day in the short term. It means that environmental managers are not enough for sustainable management and use of natural resource: their analytical models as well as their technical capacity is necessary, but they cannot work isolated, they require to work with others, despite the fact that 'the others' could (and should) think in a different way." (S40) Summarising-Q413 Like in the responses to Q1, Q2 and Q3, we can identify different and often contradictory perspectives. There were those that argued that environmental managers14 are the best qualified for the task and appeared somewhat perplexed by the question. Within that group there were those responses that assumed that decisions were taken by environmental managers or should be taken by them, although two expressed that others' opinion should be considered to a lesser extent. In the other direction were the responses that questioned intervention by EMs and considered it useful only when the decision-making process was led by indigenous peoples themselves. Yet, a third group was of the opinion that EMs should get involve in the same conditions that other stakeholders, such as indigenous peoples but, one respondent suggested they should not intervene in the management of indigenous peoples' territories at all. 13 See also Table 4, Appendix 3. 14 Called EMs in the survey to differentiate them from other experts and indigenous peoples. As it has been explained elsewhere (See "The march of the Manikins: Agroforestry practices and Spiritual dancing in Northwest Amazonia) indigenous peoples management of the environment departs from a different rationality and uses different instruments. What indigenous people from Northwest Amazonia call "management of the world" is not only a set of shamanistic practices but a way of living that combines social aims, aesthetic values, religious believes, and economic practices in a distinctive manner. Although acknowledging indigenous peoples from Northwest Amazonia are in fact environmental managers, the author has stressed that their "management of the world" incorporates many things, some of them of tremendous importance for environmental management more generally. 25 The other contrasting perspectives concerned the character of the intervention. While one group of responses were of the opinion that EMs should not get involved in politics, but have a technical approach, others thought that they should get involved to contrast and balance the political interests of other groups. A third group emerged, which advocated the intervention of environmental managers as conciliators and facilitators. Related to this roll of managers as advisers there was a group of responses showing concern with the capacity, ability and quality of environmental managers and, the possible risks that they have to face. Non-conclusive comment-Q4: As in responses to questions one, two and three, we can trace arguments and contra-arguments. One set of respondents portrays EMs as heroes. In this scenario they face a tough job, they are well trained, better able and indispensable for the process of territorial ordering; their politically risky job in which they have to make the decisions would be fundamental for diminishing environmental risk and even saving life on earth. (As in Q2 and Q3 none of those arguing conservation/catastrophism had been in Amazonia). A counter narrative is that provided by respondents arguing that EMs' participation should be directed by indigenous peoples (IP) or that the projects should be led mainly by natives, and that EMs should not intervene in the management of indigenous territories: in this case the heroes are indigenous peoples. A second counter narrative seems to be reflected by some of the respondents. In this scenario, EMs like IP should have equal rights to participate as different stakeholders, in this case decisions would come from a rational process in which dialog between cultures would take place. The participation of EMs would not be limited by their status/power but by their capacity, ability and their roll as facilitators or conciliators. Discussion European colonisation of Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Australasia from the late fifteenth century onwards, gave a tremendous boost to the volume of global transactions involving natural resources. Over the long run, trade in these resources, and in an increasingly diverse array of environmental services, has been expanding ever since. However, much of what is called globalisation in the twenty first century has more to do with developments in information technology since the late 1900s. The increasing speed of communications media and information transfer have proved fundamental in economic restructuring and the transformation of the world into a largely urban space (Castells 1996). In the globalised, twenty first century, local political decisions have little chance of being autarchic; international policy advisors inform local stakeholders about what is considered adequate or legal in accordance with international treaties, foreign protocols and political compromises. The local politics of environmental management is the concern of everybody: corporations, governments, international, regional and national NGOs, all of which compete for access to information and expansion of their scope of power in the political arena (Ambrose-Oji, Allmark et al. 2002). During the 1990s, and especially after the Río Earth Summit in 1992, one of the main topics of discussion was management of the global environment (Sachs 26 1993). Global targets for sustainable development were established at Río and similar processes were set in train at regional, national and local scales all over the world, following the guidelines set out in one of the policy documents agreed at Río: "Agenda 21". The official discourse that emerged from the Río process was replicated and many of the assumptions that informed the original discourse have been accorded a quasi-factual status by many people all over the globe (Sevilla_Guzmán and Woodgate 1997). The official discourse on globalisation emphasised the need for environmental management at supranational levels. At the same time, counter-discourse or anti-globalisation narratives have emerged. These emphasise the rights of indigenous people and local political actors to manage natural resources independently, in ways that allow them to make their own livelihood decisions and establish resource-use regimes that can provide the environmental goods and services that people need15. The management of the environment has always motivated debate and often led to confrontation. One of the main arguments of conservative conservationists concerns the 'vulnerability' of rainforest environments, and thus the need for their protection. Since the 1980s the problem of deforestation of tropical rainforests has been a global issue with special emphasis in South East Asia, the Congo basin and Amazonia (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001). In a 1998 analysis of 'rainforest' web-sites, Stott revealed four metawords within the conservation rhetoric: orientalism (the exotic other), climax (harmony), old age (ancient, undisturbed) and vulnerability (Stott 1999). Metawords such as these become key rhetorical devices so that even research and development project proposals tend to employ them, thus replicating assumptions that are no longer questioned. How is this metalanguage produced? What are the bases of its principal cannons? And why is it that semantic analysis tends to remain the preserve of scientists – or is it something that is also dealt with at a local level? Narratives can be traced back in time. Equilibrium disturbance (climax rupture) and environmental fragility (vulnerability) both played parts in Hardin's 1968 'tragedy of the commons' (Hardin 1998). The neo-Malthusian discourse of environmental catastrophe as a result of an increasing population (of 'poor people') lies at the heart of Hardin's tragedy. The conservative conservationist perspective on the management of the rainforest is based on mistrust of systems of environmental management in which property rights (over life and resources) are not yet marketable. From a conservative political perspective responsible environmental action can only be achieved through the clarification of property rights to allow the unfettered action of free markets for the negotiation of such rights. It is assumed that the tragedy of the commons is happening or will happen in rainforest contexts where private property rights are not yet the rule and where societies still practise communal environmental management regimes based on indigenous knowledge rationalities in which nature and society form an ontological continuum. For conservatives only free markets for environmental rights, good and services can guarantee sustainable development. Neo-Malthusian 15 The discourses that emphasise on the need of eco-efficiency, economic transnationalization and planetary ecological management, were named by Sachs as contest and astronauts' perspectives. And the counter-discourse arising from the desempowered communities of the South as the home perspective (Sachs 1977). 27 and neo-liberal assumptions are fundamental to this perspective on sustainable development. With the aim of promoting Agenda 21 at local, national and regional levels, a complex and sophisticated process of institutionalisation was embarked upon. Amazonia did not escape this process; governmental officials or conservationist NGOs replicated the dominant conservationist discourse at the local level in NWA16. This official discourse of deforestation with its main initiative of protection of the environment from people has been labelled 'hegemonic' (Stott and Dullivan 2000) or 'neo-Malthusian' and 'managerial' (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001). It should come as no surprise then that counter narratives have developed in Amazonia (and elsewhere), for many of which the principal intention is to contradict the conservative policies derived from this hegemonic discourse. The rights of indigenous people to define the course of their lives: their rights to manage natural resources and the environmental services used or supplied by the Amazonian environment have been key issues in these significant counter-claims against the official Amazonian territorial ordering politics and policies, which have involved environmental management that has been designed elsewhere. This counter-narrative pursues the principle and right of self-determination against the interests of political initiatives for global environmental management. The counter-narrative was not just a reaction to neo-liberal, neo-Malthisian conservative politics and conservation policies during the 1980s and '90s, however. In Latin America, all indigenous peoples' rebellions against the European empires were motivated by a call to reconstruct pre-colonial socio-cultural orders returning to territorial orders where the management of 'agroforestry' was undifferentiated from the sacred (Varese 1996:124-25). In modern, post-colonial states, indigenous peoples continued to struggle for the recognition of their territories. In today's NWA this struggle is related to governmental and conservationists policies of environmental management and the presence of armed groups opposed to political resolution of territorial ordering. Many of the Protected Areas (PAs) of NWA were created at a time when no legal procedure was established for public intervention in the designation of such areas. The official titles of the PA or IR (Resguardos in Colombia) have not prevented non-native invasion of lands or the expansion of illegal crop production inside either PAs or IRs. Conservationists and indigenous peoples alike have vacillated between alliances with, and the rejection of, the armed groups in charge of illegal crop production, depending on the political gains to be made and the risks involved in rejecting the proposals or achieving an alliance. The armed groups, on their part, have sought political alliances when such co-operation could benefit their military capacity or improve the managerial efficiency of their enterprises.17 16 With respect to the territorial ordering process, the Colombian Amazon controversy is discussed in Forero 1999, 2000; Forero, Laborde et al. 1998. 17 See Forero 2000, "Territoriality and Governance in the Colombian Amazon". 28 As far as local inhabitants were concerned, rainforest conservation policies arrived in NWA from another space and time. The legal establishment of protected areas took no account of the opinions or desires of the peoples already inhabiting NWA. Indigenous agro-ecosystems and the livelihood strategies of more recent colonisers were both ignored. The ideology expressed through legal frameworks was that of protection of the environment from people. The villains were local inhabitants and the regulations to be enforced were those of expelling people from the 'conservation' areas and maintaining their exclusion. The dominant discourse made no distinction between complex indigenous agro-ecosystems and the less sophisticated livelihood strategies being developed by recent immigrants. All of them were labelled as "slash and burn" agriculture (Myers 1980). Yet it has become increasingly apparent over the last thirty years that slash and burn is just an aspect of indigenous environmental management in Amazonia, which combines agricultural production, fish and game management, ritual prescriptions, and aesthetic developments18. It has even been suggested that movement towards "short cropping/long-fallow" cultivation patterns within indigenous Amazonian agro-ecosystems was an strategic response to alien invasion of territories and the introduction of metal axes (Denevan 2001: 115-31). Today, most ethnoscientists find it self-evident that the concepts of "chagras" (gardens) and "rastrojos" (abandoned gardens) are far too simplified to reflect the structure of cultivations over the short-, medium- and long-terms, in accordance with local knowledge of agro-ecological variation. It is obvious that indigenous environmental management has transformed Amazonian ecosystems for millennia; this was already evident to many of the nineteenth century European explorers19. Even the most knowledgeable people in the industrialised world have no precise idea of how 'vulnerable' rainforest is and few have accurate knowledge about the political conditions facing indigenous peoples or other human inhabitants of the Amazonian rainforest. With respect to NWA, even the most determined researcher would have problems accessing this information. It is often said that the rainforests of Amazonia are the 'lungs of the planet' (S.33), a metaphor used to emphasise the region's role in the carbon cycle, especially the absorption of CO2. This is somewhat ironic given that our own lungs actually consume oxygen and release CO2 during respiration. Indigenous people have been portrayed as villains or victims depending on the observer and the moment of observation. When portrayed as victims the picture is something like this: the wise guardians of the rainforest are obliged by violence to sell their natural resources or abandon their noble environmental practices. The role of violence in the functioning of extractive economies has been well documented. Violent coercion has been the dominant system in NWA for more than a century. Although indigenous people are no longer sold, 'debt-peonage' systems still dominate and exploit poor indigenous and immigrant inhabitants of 18 See Forero 2001, " The march of the Manikins: Agroforestry Practices and Spiritual Dancing in Northwest Amazonia". 19 See Forero 2002a, " Indigenous Knowledge and the Scientific Mind: Activism or Colonialism". 29 NWA. These people are employed for the harvesting, transport and commercialisation of coca base, cocaine and, the functioning of 'extractive economies' in general (Gómez, A. 1999). But there has been an indigenous response. This has sometimes taken the form of open rebellion and sometimes that of making strategic and tactical alliances in an attempt to obtain or preserve political power, to secure the acquisition of merchandise or simply to survive20. The counter-hegemonic narratives that we mentioned above have been labelled 'populist discourse': making it explicit that the victims are the indians and the villains the international organisations, sometimes allied to transnational corporations (like oil drilling companies) and the dependent and often corrupted governments that collaborate with these international organisations (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001: 687). For NWA there are reports that seem to corroborate these arguments; e.g. indigenous peoples and environmental campaigners have protested jointly in Ecuador and Brazil against the construction of massive pipelines planned to cross through both IRs and PAs in both countries. The pipeline construction projects in both countries have arisen following collaboration between national governments and international oil exploration companies and have provoked public feelings of outrage (Weinberg 2001)21 . " [In NWA] Governments, multilateral lenders, multinational corporations, private banks and other institutions may not be counting on the convenient disappearance of indigenous peoples who get in the way of their ambitious development plans, but they often act as if they are." (Rabben 1998:122) "We who live in indigenous communities are surviving in the midst of a war imposed upon us by different factions and by the very same Colombian state that historically abandoned the countryside and permitted our lands to be invaded by waves of colonizers. Today we are caught in the crossfire, menaced by killings and displacement, while the State manifests its presence in the air with planes that slowly kill our plants and animals, our subsistence crops, and our people." (Organizacion Zonal Indigena del Putumayo_ OZIP 2002) However, is it possible to claim that there is a policy of 'ethnic cleansing' for NWA? From one side the whole issue of national sovereignty has been put into question; the expansion of Plan Andino (formerly Plan Colombia), the USA's anti-drug strategy for Latin America, exemplifies the delicate situation in which some of the Latin American countries have entered the twenty first century. The military component Plan Andino is aimed to support economic measures, the famous and indeed infamous structural adjustment plans that have provoked strikes and rebellions22. Additionally, even if there were an official policy of ethnic cleansing, South American States, given their size and power, would find it difficult to implement 20 See "Indigenous Knowledge and the Scientific Mind: Activism or Colonialism" (Forero 2002a), and "Technology in Northwest Amazonia: Sketches from Inside" (Forero 2002b). 21 For recent (March 2002) press releases on this issue see www.amazonwatch.org and www.americas.org 22 See Forero and Woodgate 2002, "The semantics of 'Human Security' in Northwest Amazonia: between indigenous peoples''Management of the World' and the USA's State Security Policy for Latin America". 30 it. The poor, be they indigenous peoples or colonisers are in the middle of a territorial war linked to international networks of criminality; they have been displaced, kidnapped or killed regardless of their claims of neutrality. In the case of Colombia, although some military authorities have been linked to some of the worst of the paramilitaries' atrocities, it has not been proved that the State itself has a policy of ethnic cleansing. In the case of Brazil, in 1996 the national executive proclaimed Decree 1775, instructing a right to contravene which, contrary to 169 WTO international agreement on Indigenous Peoples' rights, gave other stakeholders the opportunity to challenge Indigenous property rights. Paramilitary groups associated with illegal evictions of indigenous peoples in Brazilian Amazonia have long sought such a 'charter'. At the same time, the decree left the definition of indigenous land rights to the will of the executive power itself (Ministry of Justice). But, as in the case of Colombia, it cannot be proved that there is a policy of ethnic cleansing. It has been suggested in the non-conclusive comments on the survey results, that many people's responses echoed hegemonic and populist narratives. Indigenous peoples were portrayed as heroes or victims, as well as scientists and environmental managers. However, quiet a few of responses cannot be associated with either populist or hegemonic narratives. There is a group of responses that reflect critical thinking and are willing to challenge such simplistic dichotomies. Thus, the concept of sustainable development has been questioned, suspiciousness of western, scientific and technological solutions was expressed, and there was little willingness to give environmental managers carte blanche to prescribe whatever measures they might see fit. Interestingly, this last group, while acknowledging the need for: new concepts and adequate guidelines for environmental management, and the difficulty of achieving conservation targets while complying with indigenous peoples rights, still consider the concepts of SD, PA and IR as useful or the politics derived from them as desirable. What is interesting is that the responses to this survey, which were made by outsiders (respondents were not inhabitants of Amazonia), reflect a tendency to picture the conflict over territory in ways that do not correspond to either of the two main narratives. We can say that inasmuch as outsiders see possibilities for political action outside hegemonic or populist approaches, so Amazonian insiders are organising and negotiating regardless of whether their political discourse echoes either conservative or counter-hegemonic politics of territorial ordering. As no significant statistical analysis could be derived from the survey it would be difficult to speak of tendencies. At first sight it seems that adherence to hegemonic, counter-hegemonic, utopic or conciliatory narratives reflects each respondent's intellectual background more than his or her witnessing of the situation of peoples and forests in Amazonia. However, certain coincidences among the responses to each question might be representative: - For Q1-SD, two out of four of the respondents that accepted the imperative of SD without question have been in Amazon, none of them is a social scientist (SS) though and the other two were environmental managers. None of the SSs 31 that had visited the region argued for complete incompatibility between sustainability and development. Instead, SSs were part of a third group acknowledging that the concept of SD might be of some use, given certain conditions. - For Q2 – the relationship between IRs and PAs, not one of those who argued for the need to harmonise the two concepts (5), or those that emphasised SD as a desirable aim that has not yet been reached (4), or those or that argued that IRs are better than PAs (2) had been to the Amazon (in total 21 % of respondents). Respondents that had visited Amazonia (VA) were among those that acknowledged a relationship between IRs and PAs and that the relationship can be both complementary and competitive. Two respondents from the VA group argued that a complementary relationship was not possible in Colombia and one of them pointed out that being political strategies with different aims they should be kept differentiated in order to avoid conflict. This result might indicate that people that have been in Amazonia are more aware of the problems of territorial ordering caused by the imposition of regimes based in alien concepts. - For Q3 – on the usefulness of the concepts, none the five respondents arguing that IRs might be better that PAs had been in Amazonia, while one of the two that argued that IRs are ineffective had visited. Only one out of five respondents that argued for the need to integrate the concepts had been in Amazonia, while both those that argued for an incompatibility of interests have. This result seems to confirm that people who have visited the area are more conscious of the problems caused when policies formulated elsewhere are imported to Amazonia. Conclusions All technological adoption/adaptation has diverse effects in the life and development of society. People living within the society that is adopting them, and the outsiders that are analysing cultural change perceive these effects in different ways. The assessments of 'usefulness' or 'risk' a society makes when adapting/adopting technologies are linked to the conscious and subconscious present and future scenarios into which the society places itself alongside other societies. If the rest of the world wishes to respect Amazonian indigenous peoples' rights of self-determination, they should not intervene in ordering processes of indigenous territories. The problem is that indigenous ways of dealing with the world might not be compatible with the ideas that foreigners have with respect to Amazonia, its peoples and its future. And, for good or bad, fairly or unfairly, each group has a way of intervening and exercising a certain amount of power to modify the global political agenda for the governance of Amazonia in function of their own particular interests. Replication of narratives is a common strategy used by all groups aiming to make alliances and enhance their power. However, the responses analysed here seem to indicate that a large group of people (at least from the academic sector) is 32 unhappy with the assumptions behind either populists or hegemonic discourses with respect to rainforest management, and seeking new ways of environmental policy making. This group of people acknowledged that political conflict has derived from policy formulated elsewhere, and derived from an epistemology alien to local inhabitants. There are varied political groups competing for the governance of Amazonia. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) facilitates analysis and political action. It is expected that better-informed indigenous peoples would be in a better position to make decisions with respect to the governance of Amazonia. At the present time, the indigenous peoples of Amazonia have very limited and precarious access to ICT. Thus, their perspectives on territorial ordering are less likely to be represented than those such as conservation agencies, multinational developers, insurgent and mafiosi groups, all of which have far superior access to ICT. 33 Appendix 1 PRIVACY POLICY: Email addresses will be used only to send out materials related to this survey. Aggregate survey results may be distributed, but all personal data will be kept strictly confidential. No information about individual users will be disclosed to third parties. 34 Appendix 2 Summary of Web-site technical work The most demanding work was designing the pages that would contain indigenous territorial maps. CAD versions of the map would have to be transformed into image files suitable for Web use. In order to do this ArcView- GIS (Geographical Information Systems) software was needed. A picture of the map could be easily generated in ArcView-GIS and to certain extent, editing and colouring could enhance some features. But such a map or, more precisely, such a picture of the bi-dimensional representation of the Tukano territory remained inadequate for publication in WebPages. "The pics were to heavy" (I would learn the ICT design jargon), meaning that the memory used to storage, loading and unloading of these pictures was vast. Besides dividing the map and generating pictures of several areas, these pictures needed transforming to make them 'lighter'. This meant that the pictures had to be edited and the storage format had to be changed in terms of the colour pallet and resolution (a maximum of 72 dpi). Most importantly, the pictures should look better! An early version of PhotoImpactTM was used to change the colours and other features as well as to design the icons that would be used to identify the hypertext links between pages. However, the software was not appropriate for the task and the 'pics' were still too heavy. The design was poor, too rigid, with inappropriate colours and, worst of all the 'weight' of the maps would not allow for easy loading of the images by potential users. To change the maps (pics) again, PhotoshopTM was used, while major design transformations were achieved using FireworksTM software. For the actual montage and edition of the whole web-site Dreamweaver3TM was used. A similar process was followed to generate the vegetation map, which was adapted from one of the Amazonian Vegetation maps generated by Puerto Rastrojo. The introduction to a political ecology taking as a case study the Yaigojé Resguardo, was originally a single text (like in the preliminary version) but following the advice of critical reviewers, this page was divided into six parts. 35 Appendix 3 Table 1 Q1- Do you think that 'development' and 'sustainability' are compatible? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Unquestioning the developmental project 2 1 PhD Student Biology 12 1 Environmental Engineer 13 1 Environmental Engineer 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) Yes, to diminish environmental risk 18 1 Student 21 1 Taxation 23 1 Designer 39 1 Postgraduate Student 42 1 Biologist Sustainable Development is an aim to be 3 1 Epidemiologist reached 5 1 Civil Servant 8 1 Accountant 24 1 Student 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 29 1 Anthropologist 35 1 Lecturer 37 1 Postgraduate Student 48 1 Anthropologist 51 1 Postgraduate Student Compatible if defined locally 5 1 Civil Servant 20 1 Lecturer: Ecotourism 27 1 Anthropologist 31 1 Postgraduate Student 52 1 Lecturer: IT & Development Possible but risk of economic imperative 17 1 Unemployed Incompatible a) Contradiction in terms 24 1 Student 4 1 PhD St. Environmental genetics b) Financial economic imperative 10 1 Student 19 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 34 1 PhD Student: Environmental Manager 47 1 PhD Student SD inconsistent at present time 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 33 1 PhD Student 36 1 Research Engineer 45 1 EM SD is green rhetoric 7 1 Student 32 1 Teacher 48 1 Anthropologist 36 Table 2 Q2 - Do you think there is any relation between 'indigenous reserves' (IR) and 'protected areas' (PA)? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Yes 37 1 Postgraduate Student 18 1 Student 22 1 Anthropologist 43 1 Anthropologist 50 1 PhD Student No 15 1 Consultant: Health & Safety Need to harmonise IR and PA to protect a) For (IP) Indigenous Peoples' benefit 19 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 20 1 Lecturer: Ecoturism b) Protection of Biodiversity 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 33 1 PhD Student c) SD based on IP experiences 11 1 Consultant: Rural Development. SD as Utopia 3 1 Epidemiologist 6 1 Lecturer Ecology Env. Management 36 1 Research Engineer 42 1 Biologist IR and PA are different political strategies 2 1 PhD Student - Biologist IR and PA are colonisation strategies 10 1 Student 24 1 Student 26 1 Student Indigenous resistance to IR/PA strategies 48 1 Anthropologist IR and PA overlapped 7 1 Student 34 1 PhD St. Environmental Management 44 1 Postgraduate Student Environmental Indian 23 1 Designer 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) Environmental Indians contaminated 12 1 Environmental Engineer by mestizo culture 39 1 Postgraduate Student 45 1 Environmental Manager IR are Inefficient 35 1 Lecturer 53 1 Journalist IR more effective that PA 5 1 Civil Servant 17 1 Unemployed 37 Table 3 Q3 - Do you think that the concepts of 'protected areas' (PA), 'indigenous reserves' (IR) and SD are useful for environmental management today? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Depends on the context 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 2 1 PhD St. Biologist Yes 4 1 PhD St. Env. Genetics 14 1 Economist 22 1 Anthropologist Indigenous Environmental 12 1 Environmental Engineer 23 1 Designer 41 1 PhD Student Indigenous Environmental in contamination risk 45 1 EM Concepts: Principles and instruments a) Participation: IR better than PA 5 1 Civil Servant 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 11 1 Consultant: Rural Development RD 26 1 Student 41 1 PhD Student b) Intergenerational Equity: resource reserve 12 1 Environmental Engineer for Development 13 1 Agriculturist 21 1 Taxation 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Dvnt. 38 1 Gardener (MSc) Risk and Protection a)Environmental Protection (EP) 12 1 Environmental Engineer 17 1 Unemployed EP and catastrophism 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 32 1 Teacher 51 1 Postgraduate Student b) Of cultural diversity 31 1 Postgraduate Student IR as ineffective 10 1 Student 24 1 Student Integration of concepts or the need for it 7 1 Student 11 1 Consultant RD 18 1 Student 26 1 Student 34 1 PhD Student Env. Mgment. Difficulties for integration a) Incompatibility of interests 10 1 Student 40 1 Project co-ordinator (SD) b) Financial economic effectiveness' imperative 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture Devent. 30 1 Postgraduate Student 33 1 PhD Student c) Political manipulation 44 1 Post. St. Environment 46 1 Lecturer 38 47 1 PhD Student 48 1 Anthropologist d) Semiotic blur 24 1 Student 50 1 PhD Student Education: Dynamism of the concepts 37 1 Postgraduate Student 45 1 Environmental Manager 47 1 PhD Student 39 Table 4 Q4 - Should or should not environmental managers (EM) get involved in territorial ordering process in Amazon? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Yes 4 1 PhD St. Evolutionary Genetics In fact they are 22 1 Anthropologist Unsure 52 1 Lecturer: IT & Development 32 1 Teacher Question into Question 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 31 1 Postgraduate St Indigenous Peoples as EM 27 1 Anthropologist Yes, for Env. protection (catastrophism) 32 1 Teacher 33 1 PhD Student 42 1 Biologist Yes, EM are the ones (better able that IP) 12 1 Environmental Engineer 18 1 Student 21 1 Taxation 28 1 Lecturer 34 1 PhD student 36 1 Research Engineer 46 1 Lecturer 53 1 Journalist EM provide solutions/ take decisions 23 1 Designer 35 1 Lecturer 38 1 Gardener Yes but listening to others 5 1 Civil Servant 53 1 Journalist If Indigenous Peoples direct EM or projects 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 10 1 Student 14 1 Economist 41 1 PhD Student EM have equal rights to other stakeholders 2 1 PhD St. Biology 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 7 1 Student 29 1 Anthropologist 44 1 Post. Student Not inside IP territories 47 1 PhD Student Yes, if apolitical EM 9 1 Environmental Manager 17 1 Unemployed 37 1 Postgraduate Student Yes for political counteract 26 1 Student EM as facilitators 5 1 Civil Servant 10 1 Student 45 1 Environmental Manager Depends of capacity, ability & quality of EM 24 1 Student 31 1 Postgraduate Student EM tough job: political risk 15 1 Consultant: Health 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) 40 References Adger, W. N., T. A. Benjaminsen, et al. (2001). "Advancing a Political Ecology of Global Environmental Discourses". Development and Change 32: 681-715. Ambrose-Oji, B., T. Allmark, et al. (2002). "The Environmental State and the Forest; of Lookouts, Leopards, and Losers". In The environmental state under pressurence. A. P. J. Mol and F. H. Buttel. Oxford, Elsevier. 10: 149-69. Castells, M. (1996). "The rise of the network society". Cambridge, MA, Blackwell Publishers. Denevan, W. M. (2001). "Cultivated Landscapes of Native Amazonia and the Andes". 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Part two of an interview with Settimio "Babe" Pellechia. Topics include: His children's education. The Italian traditions Babe's family tries to keep. Memories from Lincoln School. How Italians in Leominster were treated while Babe was growing up. Social clubs in the Leominster area. Babe's experience in World War II. His thoughts about September 11th. The Italian Colonial cooperative grocery store. Pride in being Italian. ; 1 SETTIMIO: … did very, very good from the hill. But no, we felt that he lacked the basic knowledge at the very beginning in schooling. The first three years were completely lost. But I think it was no fault of his. He couldn't see, and we didn't know it. We didn't know that he couldn't until one day we had an exam for some reason. He had glasses and he said, "Now I can see the blackboard now." We said, "Why didn't you say that before?" He said, "I thought everybody saw it," you know. So that could have been part of it, too, that he just didn't get it. We believe in education: my daughter had paid for her own education, my daughter went to Smith, and she got a graduate from Harvard. So education is the number one priority. We didn't have it. Isn't that something else? Going through, paying for all that education? LINDA: It is. It's remarkable. So it sounds almost as if it wasn't an option for them to work at the motel or… SETTIMIO: No, no. They had to go to school. They had, definitely. My daughter -- my son-in law -- my daughter always, because she was, she graduated out of Smith with a 3.9, so she just ate up school, and as far as I could -- she just -- I used to help her do her spelling, she insisted. You know, there are three columns of spelling and I'm supposed to bring them down. So what I would do is one night I just went in diagonal and I go back, and she said, "Dad, you missed a word." I said, "Well then, that's enough for me." The only thing that I didn't do with her, which was mean, was on math. She had to struggle for math. And one day she did her homework and she did -- everyone was wrong. 'Cause I always used to help her. So just one night I said, "I'm not going to let her get away with that." So it was all set [unintelligible - 00:02:08]. The next night she comes home crying, she said, "You made me get a zero!" I said, "No, you got the zero yourself. You didn't put anything into it." So then I would help her, but she would check. And if I knew she didn't find [unintelligible - 00:02:22], which was, I think even though that she got a zero, it helped her, I think. 2 LINDA: You were talking about Lincoln Terrace and how people had pigs and chickens and gardens. Did you and your wife do that also? SETTIMIO: My wife? LINDA: You and your wife. Did you keep gardens and chickens? SETTIMIO: With all that we had to do? No. LINDA: I could have guessed. I just wanted to know the different generation. SETTIMIO: Nope. My wife always liked that work that she did out there, and I liked what I did. You know? LINDA: Have you kept many of the traditions alive in your family? The Italian traditions? SETTIMIO: Naturally it kind of falls apart. We do a big Christmas meal. We [unintelligible - 00:03:23] children come over, or if they can't make it, because there are times they couldn't make it, [unintelligible - 00:03:29] Thanksgiving. But [unintelligible - 00:03:32] when my mother-in-law was living, we spent a lot of time with her on weekends and so forth. That was strictly all-Italian, you know. Her mom lived to be 99, and she did all the things like that. She was -- she could crochet a bedspread in one month, she'd do a whole bedspread. [Unintelligible - 00:04:00] doing her own cooking, 99 and doing her own cooking and everything. So that's it, but we've got the tradition with that. We got close to her like that. Actually, my parents were gone. You know, they died long before that. LINDA: Who was your closest friend growing up? SETTIMIO: My closest friend when? LINDA: When you were growing up in Leominster. SETTIMIO: In Lincoln Terrace we were all friends; all the guys were very friendly. We all went together. In fact, being in school, in Lincoln School, when I was in sixth grade, I had all I could do to get Cs in spelling and English and anything like that. You know, I just worked hard and I just gotta get a C. But in math I was always a straight A. So at the end of the year, when the principal would ask who was the smartest one in the class, and by all means, I wasn't the smartest, but all of Lincoln Terrace would vote for me, 3 so she got sort of mad. She said, "Now I know Settimio knows math, but we've got people smarter than him in all subjects. Now, we'll have one more vote. We will not have any election this year," she said. That's how close people were. LINDA: So you were going to school at…? SETTIMIO: Lincoln School. LINDA: So was it mostly Italians there? SETTIMIO: Yeah, that school was. LINDA: Do you remember the teachers? SETTIMIO: Mrs. Blunt was the Principal, Mrs. Taylor was the fifth grade, Mrs. Benz was special. I think the others were the younger ones: Mrs. Heinz and Mrs. Lane was there. I think they had newer ones too. But I have to say I don't think they were fair to the Italian people on different things. I like to see justice and so forth, and I don't think there was any justice in that school for the Italian people. LINDA: Can you give me an example? SETTIMIO: Hmm? LINDA: Can you give me an example? SETTIMIO: Just remarks they'd make and so forth. [Unintelligible - 00:06:25] school system. LINDA: That's right. There's a lot of Italians there. A lot of Italians were in education. So you were giving me an example, or you were about to give me an example of how you thought maybe some of the teachers weren't fair at Lincoln School? SETTIMIO: That's the feeling you'd get. Describing something now would be difficult, but in one case, even my brother, the teacher asked, "What makes a good centerpiece in every Italian home that had a bottle of wine on the table?" And he said that he got expelled for a week. They asked the question, and that was his honest answer. So that the -- that was one case that really stuck out when they did that. 4 LINDA: So it sounds as though the teachers really didn't know anything about the culture or the tradition. SETTIMIO: I don't think they cared either. LINDA: They didn't need to care until one became a principal. SETTIMIO: Like I said, I went there six years, and I'm not talking -- mostly the higher up, two old ladies were what they were by then. So old that you could just see it, remarks, much like my remarks and so forth that they… LINDA: Well, speaking about ethnic differences, did you notice anything in Leominster growing up? SETTIMIO: I noticed while we were growing up that people of Italian descent had a rough deal as far as city hall, the banks, especially. They never got a fair shake. Never during that whole time. The difference today is that almost all of our politicians are Polish or Italian, like when you see almost any principal, all but one is Italian. So that's the biggest difference that I can see that's happened. I had a banker tell me when I was billing up and the president of the bank said to me -- I wanted to get some money, to borrow some money, and he says, "You know, you can spoil a baby by giving him too much candy." I said, "I really didn't come here to get candy. I came here to get money." He said, "Well, you've done well. You should just stay where you are," and let it go like that. That's the banker telling me, so I says, "Well, I didn't come here for your opinion either." I said, "I'm still looking for money." So with that, he said, "Well you've got money in this bank." So while I'm sitting at the time, I just saw the door of the bank had gold leaf at that time, Capital, and so forth, Reserve. So I said, "Could you explain to me why the bank would need a reserve?" He said, "Well, you've got to draw," he says, you know, "on the money," he says we've gotta -- I said, "You're asking me to do something you yourself believe in? You want me to take my reserve of my savings and go with other reserves?" With that, he finally gave me the money. 5 But that's funny with banks, with banks I always find it funny you've got to have an answer for everything because they just try to talk you out of things. That's what they do. When I built the motel, that was the time when -- this is the other bank, Savings Bank -- they said, "We'd like to loan you the money. We feel you can do it, but we don't know about your wife. What would she be able to do?" I said, "My wife is able to -- I can prove to you -- my wife was all upset thinking I'd get the loan." He said, "Well, yeah." But I says I've got so much insurance policy, and the whole loan would be paid up with insurance policy. "Is that good enough, sir?" Security, and I got the money. So you had to play with them at that time, and I still think it was because of who we were. LINDA: When did you see that start to change? SETTIMIO: Hmm? LINDA: When did you see that start to change? SETTIMIO: They started dying off and the Italian population kept increasing. They all knew that group for what it is there. We've got to look at [unintelligible - 00:11:31]. I'm sorry I keep… LINDA: That's okay. SETTIMIO: In 25, 30 years we'll probably learn the same thing with the Spanish people. If they fill out the note they're going to be allowed to do what we did, and I hope they do as well as we did. LINDA: Did you see your children go through any of the hardship that you went through? SETTIMIO: No. No. They don't know what hardship is. LINDA: But they're successful anyway? SETTIMIO: Hmm? LINDA: But they are successful anyway? SETTIMIO: Yeah, yeah. They are, yeah. LINDA: Why do you think that is? SETTIMIO: Well, of course they knew they would always have whatever they need from us, and then we always ingrained in them to go out and do better and 6 keep doing things, like -- my daughter didn't take that much, she absorbs education. She was very, very good at that. My son, we had to kind of push him a little bit, but he's glad now that we did that because he notices a difference. LINDA: So did you feel it was equally important for your daughter to have an education? Did she go to Worcester Academy too? SETTIMIO: No. She didn't need it. She graduated with all these kids [unintelligible - 00:12:56] while we lived in Sterling. So, National Honors Society. She got it all as far as marks. LINDA: Would you like to tell me a little bit about the clubs that you had joined? SETTIMIO: The one was -- we mentioned the Italian Society on there. I'm somewhat disappointed it wasn't what it was supposed to be. I really thought what I wanted was a culture society, where we have -- where they teach Italian, where they have Italian plays and Italian speakers, and it didn't turn out that way. They spent a lot of money and made a big place out of it. It's almost -- which they hardly use it, but you need somebody coming in to pay for the bills. So I just call it a glorified ballroom now. So that wasn't -- I didn't like that too much. LINDA: I didn't take the information. Were there any clubs that you had joined in your younger years, or ones that your father and mother had belonged to? SETTIMIO: No, because they faded out. My father belonged to a couple of clubs but they pretty much starting fading out by the time we would be ready for that. I was really active in a lot of other things, charitable things. I've been Director of the Red Cross. I spent 22 years in a hospital as a cooperator trustee and on the executive board. I was President of the [unintelligible - 00:14:46] Club, which is a men's Rotary Club in Sterling. And then I did my bit as far as charity work and so forth. I felt someone's been very, very good to me, and that's why I got into the charitable end of it, to help out.7 LINDA: You see that continuing with this next generation? Do you see that volunteer, that commitment to give back to the community in the next generation? SETTIMIO: I really don't know. I hope they do. I know I really felt -- and I used to say I like that the hospital I fought for was doing something for the benefit of the people. I would always say so, you know. They were going to do certain things, and I said, "This would be better and cheaper." And that's all I could contribute until it started getting away -- I finally left when we got an administrator that just liked to spend money. So after 22 years I said, "You don't need to spend money. Anybody could spend money." So I resigned at that time. The Historical Society, I've been a Director there for years. I'm still on there right now. LINDA: How did -- has faith played an important part of your life? An important role in your life? SETTIMIO: What was that? LINDA: Faith? SETTIMIO: Absolutely. Absolutely. You've got to have faith, you have to be charitable, gotta be fair to one another. That's all really, really important, I feel. LINDA: Think that's an Italian cultural …? SETTIMIO: I've always thought of it that way, yep. See, but oftentimes you take some of the older people, I say that they probably could have done even better, but because they had to work to get to where they were, they just didn't have time for some of those things. So I think they would have been a lot better off, a lot better. I know that. Yeah. LINDA: Another question: getting back to the banks and maybe how they weren't fair enough, did the Leominster Credit Union play a big part in our helping, let's say, Italians in Leominster? SETTIMIO: Italians in Leominster? They were sympathetic to the Italian calling I'd say, but whether they helped or not I don't know that part. Credit-wise, I know they didn't help us in the building. Nobody had the opportunity to 8 sell them anything. And I said this to [Seth] at the time. He was [unintelligible - 00:17:46] he called me up, said, "Some people want to see you. You've got to make money." So the last time I said, "Do you even realize, Seth, that the only way that people will give you money is they've got to earn it?" He had taken me to this bank in New Haven. Not once did they even entertain taking in a bid from me. I said, "You won't be able to get money anymore." The Credit Union did this. I was a little bitter. But they had the opportunity, which I didn't like. I didn't think that was fair; that was -- probably that's one of the things that bothers me most about as long as you belong to when all our lives you got the big jobs. You work hard to get it. I know that my father, it never bothered him how much time he spent figuring jobs as long as he had the opportunity to bid on it. But when they didn't even give you that opportunity, and if you're high you just say "We can get it done cheaper," and that's the end of it. But don't just ignore them. Or even at the hospital, one time we got some bids for some work and a friend of mine asked, he wanted to bid the job. I said, okay, so I talked to the board, I said, "This, also, would like to bid the job." I says, "He's a low bidder. You'll want to give a job." He became the lone bidder and they didn't give him a job. You know, that night, I told them at the meeting, I said, "I don't think this -- I've done this all my life and I don't believe in it. You shouldn't have had him bid if you didn't want to give him the job, because it takes time and money to do that bid. It just isn't fair." LINDA: Just two more things: what was your hardest experience in your life? SETTIMIO: Three years in World War II. That was quite difficult. LINDA: Would you like to explain a little bit? SETTIMIO: Huh? LINDA: Would you like to explain a little bit or share a story? SETTIMIO: No, we're always a family in our own home, and to be away like that. And then under the conditions that you had to live in that you would think you 9 did. But you said the worst thing, that's doing that, although it turned out, I came back, no problems. But even then I worked -- I had to fight to get -- to the top. Now, I was in heavy artillery and, my job was handling 96-pound shells, and of course I just felt that there were better things in life than handling 96-pound shells. There was no future in it. So I hung out with the boys in the survey section, there were eight of them. They did the computing, running the transits, computing for these -- because we had this survey, anything you did on it. And I learned anything that there was to learn on it, and when OCS came, that's officer's training, they get anybody to go that likes to go, and of course the survey is supposedly the brains of the battalion, there's six of them that left for OCS. So I asked permission from -- through the first sergeant and my captain that I'd like to get on survey. And he was nice to me, real nice. He took me a bunch of papers like this here, and they had all these on all circled around, and then they put parts between them. And he said, "I'm going to shake this, and all the cards that fall out, if your name's in there, you can get on survey." My name didn't fall out. And he said, "Now let's see why." Ninth grade -- you have to be a minimum of a high school graduate to get on it, because it required trigonometry and you don't get trigonometry in the ninth grade. You get algebra but you don't get trig. So I said, "But I can do it." He said, "I can't promise you nothing." He said, "You stay with your shells." I still kept there, I started doing it, and I became the -- I became the chief computer -- the [unintelligible - 00:22:24] operator, which wasn't all too good with all the shell people in back now that I'm on the front-line. If we can see the enemy, they can see us. So the payoff. LINDA: I just want you to end with asking you about how you feel about September 11th, what's happening in the country now. SETTIMIO: Terrible, the whole thing is real, real uncalled for. I don't know why you'd have to do something like that. You know, it's murder -- it just gets 10 me that they, that they [unintelligible - 00:23:05] for the world and shelling them and killing civilians. What did they do? Kill 10 people, there's a big [unintelligible - 00:23:16] about it. They killed almost 6,000, let alone the damage. The damage can always be fixed, but lives -- life is gone, you know. Once it's gone, it's gone. So I don't know what the -- what's going to happen. We got to do something to -- somewhere along the line though we've changed. We used to -- every year, immigrants had to register at the post office. Why did they discontinue that in this country? I don't know if you remember that, do you? Every year you had to go to the post office if you were an immigrant, your address, what you're doing and so forth. So they actually were [unintelligible - 00:23:59] they knew where all -- if they still had that, they would know that these guys, number one, that their visas had gone past and so forth. LINDA: I often wonder what the veterans of let's say World War II feel about the men going to fight now, because at least you knew who the enemy was. SETTIMIO: You don't know who the enemy is in this. This is what they -- you have to fight their game, which isn't -- there again, it's not fair. [Unintelligible - 00:24:37] we fought the Germans. We knew what they did. They were in front of us, we were on one side, you knew what you were doing. But to have somebody you can -- somebody in your home and you got terrorists and just get information, the next day you could be gone. LINDA: Anything else you'd like to share? SETTIMIO: Huh? LINDA: Is there anything else you'd like to share with us? SETTIMIO: One of the other things I thought is -- you see that package right there? That little one right there? You organize this; you're at the grocery store. He closed his grocery store so the Italian Colonial could start. LINDA: What was the Italian Colonial? SETTIMIO: Huh?11 LINDA: I don't -- what was the Italian Colonial? SETTIMIO: A grocery store. LINDA: A grocery store? SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:25:28] be one up there and they became a cooperative. They all bought shares, and he moved his grocery store right next to the other one with all the stuff that we had, you know. We wanted to leave once they start that. LINDA: Well… SPEAKER 3: They were all Italians that got together and formed this cooperative, Colonial -- SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:25:54]. SPEAKER 3: And when they finally disbanded, they all formed their own little corner stores [unintelligible - 00:26:03]. LINDA: So what was they -- where did they get -- would they be growing their own produce and bring it in, and… SPEAKER 3: Some of them did that. SETTIMIO: Oh no, they bought it. They bought everything, like a legitimate store [unintelligible - 00:26:20] -- I keep moving this don't I? LINDA: That's okay though, that's not important. SETTIMIO: Yes it is, or you wouldn't have it. LINDA: Or I wouldn't touch it. You're right. SETTIMIO: No, but the -- he was very instrumental in helping on getting this Italian Colonial, because he -- number one, if he can close his store, [unintelligible - 00:26:40] but… and then the other thing was bringing the Italian Colonial, you know, the Lincoln Hall in Leominster, which is now Saint Anne's Church, they started the Lincoln Hall, I believe, when -- in 1926, I believe it was. And it was -- the main purpose of it was to naturalize as many Italians as they could. They wanted to move their building because at that time all the different Italians that come from different parts -- Italy was not unified at that time. 12 It wasn't unified until I think in 1961, '56 or something like that, but all these people -- if one club was running the hall, the other clubs wouldn't go. One of those things that they -- that's why the Lincoln Hall failed, contrary to what their remarks they made in the book in the office at Saint Anne's. They said they foreclosed on them -- they foreclosed because none of them would join it. They shouldn't have lost that, you know. LINDA: So why is it they wouldn't join? SPEAKER 3: Parts of Italy, [Forgia, Saladini, Graphinio] had their own [unintelligible - 00:28:05]. SETTIMIO: You could almost [unintelligible - 00:28:08] Boston and then New York and then somebody in Chicago. If the guy in Chicago is on the organization we don't want nothing to do with it, and New York we don't if we're doing it, they don't want to, and that's what happened to that Lincoln Hall, which we can't -- that was one of the bad things the Italian Colonial let go. We don't -- otherwise we wouldn't have Saint Anne's now. So everything turned out pretty well. LINDA: Like who was Lincoln Hall -- who was affiliated with Lincoln Hall, which group? SETTIMIO: All the Italians. LINDA: Oh, so it was a mixture. SPEAKER 3: The functions they would hold there, if one little group was holding a dance or a social event, the other groups stayed away. SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:28:51]. This is a letter that was written in 1929, as much of it is in Italian, I don't know if you can understand it. But what it is that unless the people joined and paid their dues, they're going to lose the hall. They didn't do it, so… SPEAKER 3: Sounds like your brother, your brother. SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:29:24]. LINDA: So you said they were trying to naturalize as many Italians as they could. So Italians from any region? SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:29:34].13 LINDA: In Leominster or any region? SPEAKER 3: Yes. Danny [Cato]? SETTIMIO: Huh? SPEAKER 3: Danny Cato was on this Italian American [unintelligible - 00:29:45]. SETTIMIO: This is the bleeding Italian Americans in Massachusetts. LINDA: Oh, that's an honor. That's your father, right? SPEAKER 3: Mm-hmm. LINDA: So Ann, do you have anything to add? Can you think of anything? SPEAKER 3: Oh, you were speaking about that cooperative grocery store. Is that where some of the people, when they sold out, they would open up their own store like Chet's Grocery, [unintelligible - 00:30:24], all those little stores? SETTIMIO: Nemo had a little store too. SPEAKER 3: Who did? SETTIMIO: Nemo also. SPEAKER 3: Nemo? SETTIMIO: Yeah, it was very lucrative. You hear [unintelligible - 00:30:35]. I'll just tell you a little story about that. My father wanted to get it going good and at the time [unintelligible - 00:30:43] made cash registers, and he had six-drawer cash registers, so each clerk would have to punch their own if they bought it. So my father suggested that the salesmen should go there and sell it, and maybe it would keep them honest, you know, they'd have their own cash box. So at the last minute, my father told the salesman the night of the meeting, he says, "Now don't get alarmed, I'm going to vote against it." He says, "You called me, and now you're going to vote against it?" He said, "If I vote for it, they won't buy it." They bought it, they never used it. LINDA: So the coop -- did different people sell different things? SETTIMIO: Oh no, it was all -- it was a regular store but it was just owned by a cooperative. SPEAKER 3: It was owned by all of them.14 SETTIMIO: This is interesting too, nothing to do with Leominster, but [unintelligible - 00:31:33] they had in Boston in 1492 when Columbus -- it was unbelievable what they did [unintelligible - 00:31:43] try and list it on that. But you see where they -- just the parade and all -- look the way they decorated their buildings. LINDA: Wow, this is to celebrate Columbus Day? SETTIMIO: Yeah, it's unbelievable. It's all parades and all that. There's a state house. It's so unusual. There were no Italians -- I went through this. I couldn't find an Italian name, but it was a big deal for Columbus. Now, in 1992, nothing was done. LINDA: Wow. I know with my children in school, nowadays there's a big discussion whether or not you should even celebrate Columbus Day. SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:32:28], mm-hmm. SPEAKER 3: But October is the Italian Heritage Month and they have functions going on almost every day, either here or in Boston or some other place where there are Italians. LINDA: That brings up something interesting though. Did you -- when growing up, did you feel proud of Christopher Columbus and that he was an Italian? Do you remember? SETTIMIO: We felt proud of anyone that was Italian. [Unintelligible - 00:33:00] proud of any American that's done unusual things. I don't feel too proud when they name a building for some politician that got paid all his life and had to -- 15, 20, 30 years they name a building after him. What did he contribute actually as far as for the benefit of the people? But we still keep doing that, you know. SPEAKER 3: There are a lot of things -- there are a lot of Italians that have contributed to the world as we see it today, as we know it today, in the arts and the music, and… SETTIMIO: Did you read the one that I had -- the Italian [unintelligible - 00:33:45]? Did you ever see that one? Yeah? LINDA: No, no… where did this come from? From an Italian American?15 SPEAKER 3: I think I saw this on the board at the Italian Center in Leominster. LINDA: Do your children consider themselves Italian American? SPEAKER 3: Oh yeah. SETTIMIO: I hope so. I know my daughter; she spent more time in Italy than she does here now. Sabbaticals and so forth. In fact she's going there for -- she just got a grant to go there with the grade eight students, give a lecture over there. [Unintelligible - 00:34:30] also, you know, different parts of Rome and Florence and [unintelligible - 00:34:36]. SPEAKER 3: She has a doctorate in Italian. She has a doctorate in Italian History. SETTIMIO: She can read even the old script Italian. She's really -- she spent a lot of time there. She spent six years in Florence, so she can really -- in fact my daughter's very thin and so forth. We went up to visit her one day and went to the grocery store, and I saw my daughter do something that she never did. She literally, with her little frame, pushed a big Italian lady in the line. I said, "Linda, where did you learn that?" She said, "Dad, I'll be at the end of the line all day if I didn't do that." That's what they do. So she learned she's got to get in there. SPEAKER 3: Make her way. LINDA: Where does she teach? SETTIMIO: University of Delaware. LINDA: Oh. SETTIMIO: Yeah. LINDA: Have you -- you ever gone back to Italy? SETTIMIO: Oh yeah. I've been there three times. My wife keeps going, but she goes a little more than I do, because women like to travel more than men. My wife likes to travel. She's been to Jerusalem three times. She's been to Kenya; we both went to South America. LINDA: Did you ever go back to the village of your father? SETTIMIO: Went back up to where my mother was born and where my father was, and also where she was born. You know that. LINDA: Well, thank you.16 SETTIMIO: That's all? We're done? LINDA: It was a long time, two hours. Aren't you tired? It's tiring. SETTIMIO: I just tried to accept what I'm going to do every year what my father did from 19-, from when he came here up until he passed away. I want to make it complete. [Unintelligible - 00:36:47] yeah. That's one project I got to do. The other project I got to do is I got a lot of movie pictures that I took, and I want to put those on VHS and break them down. I got the floods of '38, and I got parades and all that sort of stuff, and I got also Saint Anne's -- the opening of Saint Anne's dedication. SPEAKER 3: Very good history. SETTIMIO: I have a library, and I'm a collector [unintelligible - 00:37:23] stuff. I'm proud of a lot of it too. I got all the directories going back -- that's why it was so easy to do this. I have all these downstairs, these books. I also have it on Fitchburg, I go back Fitchburg 1880, and I keep buying local history, whatever I can get, or anything that originally was made in Leominster, so forth. [Unintelligible - 00:37:51] LINDA: It's interesting. SETTIMIO: The only thing is time is running out. LINDA: Oh, it seems like you come from a long line. It seems like people live a long time in your family. SETTIMIO: Well, they try to do it. Whether they make it or not, I don't know. Time will tell. LINDA: Well, don't give up. SPEAKER 3: Don't give up. SETTIMIO: Oh, no. SPEAKER 3: You have a lot of good work here. SETTIMIO: Huh? SPEAKER 3: You have a lot of good things here. LINDA: Did you mention to me that you had your mother's -- maybe your grandmother's wedding dress? SETTIMIO: Yes, I have it.17 SPEAKER 3: Your mother's or your grandmother's? SETTIMIO: My mother's. SPEAKER 3: Your mother's wedding dress. LINDA: Wow. SPEAKER 3: That was 19 -- what? What year? SETTIMIO: They got married what would be the year 1902, I think, or something like that. LINDA: Wow. SETTIMIO: Would you like to see it? LINDA: I'd like to. SETTIMIO: I think it's in the closet. LINDA: Okay, hold on. This is the end of the interview. /AT/pa/rjh/es
Part two of an interview with Dorothy Giadone Poirier. Topics include: What the customers were like at the furniture store. Her father's involvement in social clubs. How Dottie was treated as a child by other children. Her friendship with Peter Levanti's daughter. Traveling back to Italy. How her mother spent her leisure time. What her parents would think of Fitchburg today. ; 1 SPEAKER 2: I remember one time a customer came in and said, "That sofa's down the street for $500 less." And I said, "I don't think so, sir." He said, "Are you calling me a liar?" I said, "No, sir,"—Broyhill—and I said, "I'm the only store in this immediate area. The next would be Worcester that carries Broyhill, and I know that they don't have Broyhill. Sit in this and then go sit on the one down the street," and so he did. He said, "I want the sofa, but I don't want you to wait… I don't want you to waste [unintelligible - 00:00:47]." "I don't care as long as you buy it." We're working on commission. But what happened -- I tried to explain to him. I said to him, "Sir, you know what it is? There are a lot of furniture companies out there. They copy, and there's only a few companies that sell material. So if Company A is excellent and Company B is just mediocre and they buy the same material and they steal the frame, the look of it, then it looks the same, but until you sit on it, you can't tell the difference, and there's a big difference because the other one will sit like a board and this one's like you sank in it." "I want it, but I don't want you to wait." SPEAKER 1: Now, the older generations, do they buy furniture frequently, or do they tend to keep…? SPEAKER 2: They tend to keep what they bought. Like I said, I had a customer that had… I mean, they still -- I have 20 years. I had another customer that's just recently I went out, she says, "I couldn't find anything I liked better so I had it recovered, and it cost me more than going out and buy a new sofa." And to have -- you tend -- if you have a good customer and you're good to them, you tend to keep them and, you know, they'll change. They always need something different. A bedroom set will last for -- you know, most people keep the bedroom set. 2 They'll change their living room and kitchen because that's something that's used by the whole family. If you don't have children and you'll have it again, then you keep your living room set forever until you really get sick of it. But I mean, I could, you know, keep my living room set longer than my sisters. They had kids, I didn't. Not that kids are destructive, but you use it differently. You know, lifestyles change. SPEAKER 1: Getting back to your father and his political side, did he… was he involved at all with the Italian Citizen's Club? SPEAKER 2: I don't know if they had Italian Citizen's Club. They had the Sons of Italy. He was involved with that because he was -- and then they had they called the PP club, and that was [unintelligible - 00:03:14] Club… SPEAKER 1: What is that club? SPEAKER 2: Well, I don't think it existed. Well, maybe it does. It's that club that was anybody from [unintelligible - 00:03:23], which was where he was born, they were coming and they had a small club that they would make pizza. They would -- and this was years ago. Then they would have -- you know how they have the [unintelligible - 00:03:38] they have their feast days? Well, when it was the feast of -- they call it the Madonna del Cava -- they would have a feast day and they would have a parade, and they would march up to Saint Anthony's and have a Mass and they would have an Italian band playing music, and they don't do that, they haven't done that in years. But they used to have that, and then someone would carry the statue. They have -- believe it or not, and most of the time they were little boys dressed up in angel suits, and then they would walk and they would pin dollar bills onto this statue that had streamers. But I forget, you know, they haven't done it for years so I forget. They still do that down the [unintelligible - 00:04:28].3 SPEAKER 1: But he was part of that club? SPEAKER 2: Yes. SPEAKER 1: As a member? SPEAKER 2: Yes. And he was also a member of the Marconi Club because my mother was a [unintelligible - 00:04:36]. It was her region, and the people in that region, if they were [unintelligible - 00:04:47] they had this -- the club is still letting, and I don't know how they interpret the people there because most of the people that started it have deceased and their family don't run it at all anymore. SPEAKER 1: Do you think these clubs were important, let's say to your parents? SPEAKER 2: I think it was more important to the people, not so much to my parents because my father was involved with so many other things. He kind of -- not that he ignored them. He kind of drew away from them as he got busier in the community and the store, because then the store was bigger and he was busier and he was involved in politics. He always stayed -- he was always active in the Sons of Italy up until the very, I think until he died, because he was president of that many times. So you can be… they called it Venerable, which is the president. You could be president for I think two terms, and then after you have to resign. You know, you can't run again. And then after two years you can run again. So he was The Venerable many times in the Sons of Italy. He was Chamber of Commerce president a couple of times. He was active in Rotary. In fact, they would sponsor kids coming here, you know, from other countries or other parts of the country, and we would put them up, you know. Two or three times we had people, you know, stay with us for, you know, a weekend or a week just to [unintelligible - 00:06:33]. SPEAKER 1: From Italy? SPEAKER 2: No, no from his Rotary.4 SPEAKER 1: Oh, from the Rotary. SPEAKER 2: Yeah. They had -- they would sponsor something. I don't know if they sponsored Up With People one time, and we had someone staying with us or two people staying with us for I want to say a week, and then we had to pick them, take them and pick them up, and so we did that a couple of times. We just brought people home. I mean, I would come home at night, and I would make noise and they'd say, "What are you doing?" I'd say, "If I make enough noise my mother will get up and cook us breakfast." And she would. And then I'd say, "Well Ma, I'd got to go to work tomorrow so I got to go to bed," and I'd leave her with my friends, and I'd go to bed. SPEAKER 1: And did you ever consider getting involved in politics yourself? SPEAKER 2: The only time I got in politics is because my father would say, "Okay do this, do this, do this," but no. SPEAKER 1: Marty was telling me this was Peter Levangi's… SPEAKER 2: Yes, yes, daughter. SPEAKER 1: How exciting it was when her father won. SPEAKER 2: Oh yeah. SPEAKER 1: Do you remember anything about them? SPEAKER 2: Yeah. She was a character, because Marty's funny. As kids, she had the car one time, had a heavy foot. One time we're coming from Worcester, you know, the [unintelligible - 00:08:05] underpass through, they have I-90 as you're coming from Worcester. She was going so fast that she couldn't make that underpass; she had to go straight. I don't know how -- but God, thank you. "Marty, slow down." But that was like talking to the wall. One time my girlfriend's kicking her, she goes, "My varicose veins. My varicose veins." She goes, "So slow down." Another time she got stopped and she goes, "You know who my father is?" She said, "I never said…" I said, "Marty you did."5 SPEAKER 1: So she said she didn't say it, huh? SPEAKER 2: Yeah. "Do you know who my father is?" SPEAKER 1: Well, did you feel privileged though, you know, and… SPEAKER 2: Well, you know we didn't think… she said people were jealous of us… I didn't see that. Maybe I closed my eyes -- I don't know. She said people picked on us. I said, "No one picked on us." She goes, "Yeah, they didn't like us because they thought we had money." I didn't think we had money. I just took things for granted. I mean, I said that because my father worked… we had a business, and her father had a business, and people could see things because you have a business that you have money. They don't think that… you got furniture and they don't think you have to pay for it. They think you know it came from the sky. So people perceive things differently. I remember when my father and mother bought this house in Leominster, they said, "Oh, there's a swimming pool there." I said, "No, there isn't." "Oh yeah, there's a swimming pool." I said, "Well, it must be invisible or they covered it up because there's no swimming pool there." The people thought there was a swimming pool, but there wasn't. "Oh yeah." I said, "Did you see it?" "No, no I just…" "Well, we just bought the house. There's no swimming pool there." Paula, they have a sister that was my sister Sandra's age, and they went to school together, so it was nice. Their youngest sister is Paula, and my sister Sandra went -- when they had St. Anthony's—and St. Anthony's didn't exist when we were growing up—they were one of the first or second class to graduate from there, because I think it's now -- or if it was what it was just recently because they are both around 55. 6 So let's see, I'm 50… yeah, 55. So they got picked on more because, again, her father was a… by then I think he was a state representative, and my father's store naturally was bigger, because -- I mean, like I said, I was fortunate enough that I didn't have all this nice stuff that my sisters had. So they would pick on them because they thought they got a big store, your father's got a Cadillac, you know. SPEAKER 1: So when you say, "they" the children… SPEAKER 2: Yeah, because they were mostly Italians there, and kids can be cruel. Again, my sister had the same friends she's had since she was a kid too, so it didn't bother her that much. But there's always a few that, you know, say things that because they didn't have it, they would assume that you were luckier. But that's not true, so. And I never -- I never treated my friends any differently. I mean, they didn't have as much as I had growing up. But I mean, whatever we had that was everything, you know -- my father and mother never said don't take your friend. We always had an open house. I mean, we'd be out, "Hey Dottie, want to go to a party?" I go, "Yeah, where?" "Your house." So we would all pile down, and we had a big family room downstairs. So my mother and father never says don't take your friends or you can't do… SPEAKER 1: So when after Peter Levangi lost, that was a hard time… SPEAKER 2: That was a hard time for her, but you see, back then I don't think we were as friendly. Like I said, she went to high school, and I didn't say this, but she went to Fitchburg High. I went to St. Bernard's, so you're kind of, you know, drift apart a little. So those years we weren't as close as we are today because she didn't go to St. Bernard's. And then she, I guess, after high school we got close again, and then she got married young, and I -- you know, she was like 22 or 7 23, I think, when she got married. They had babies. We were single and going out, and you know, doing nothing, and then things changed. You get together again, but basically, you know, we were always in each other's company, but not as -- so when her father lost I forgot what, you know, the reaction was -- I forget. But then he ran for senator. So he was senator for a good many years. I'll never forget one time I got stopped and I lost my license for… my father wouldn't do anything to fix it [unintelligible - 00:13:35]. So instead of losing it for a week, I think I only lost it for three or four days, because by the time I called them it was, you know, he got it back as soon as possible. SPEAKER 1: Did you go to your father? SPEAKER 2: The? SPEAKER 1: Losing it for a week, weren't you going a little fast? SPEAKER 2: Yeah, I was. I was probably doing an 80 in a 65 or 50. Well, I don't know if it was 65. I had a heavy foot, too. I had a heavy foot, so… SPEAKER 1: Have you considered leaving Leominster? You said earlier that maybe after going to [unintelligible - 00:14:17]. SPEAKER 2: After the [unintelligible - 00:14:19] I said I'd go to New York to work for a few years, but I never -- after that, you know, I'm basically a coward. I know like some people they'll say they'll go to lunch and have lunch by themselves. You think I'd even go and have a cup of coffee at a restaurant by myself? No, no. That was more talk than it was actually to do something. I think of I had another friend to do that with; I probably would've done it. But to do it alone I don't think so. SPEAKER 1: Did you work after closing up shop? SPEAKER 2: No. I haven't worked in eight years. Well, not as good as my husband's pension.8 SPEAKER 1: Okay. Do you have any regrets? SPEAKER 2: Any regrets? The only regret that I had is that I didn't work somewhere else for a few years, but not regret working at the store, no. Basically, I enjoyed it, you know. Like a lot of fun there and you meet a lot of nice people. SPEAKER 1: Did your father ever go back to Italy? SPEAKER 2: Yes. SPEAKER 1: To visit? SPEAKER 2: Yes. He did. When he worked he had… I think he went with this… one time, appliances, if you bought X amount of appliances, they would give you different types of things. And this one year, they just went to Italy, and ET was in [unintelligible - 00:15:52], and so he hired someone to take him out to on a bus or whatever. He took a train or whatever. He got there, and when he got there, it was [unintelligible - 00:16:08] is a poor town. He left everything he had. He only came home with the suit he had on his back. Then he would send things out to them periodically. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 00:16:22]. SPEAKER 2: Well you just don't see that, but since then I think it has changed tremendously, because a friend went a few years -- her parents were from the same provinces my grandparents were. So she went. She said, "There were people there, Dorothy." She says, "I thought, I wish your father was there." She said, "They looked just like your father." Yeah. SPEAKER 1: Did he travel back there with your mother? SPEAKER 2: No, no, no, no. He just went that one… and this lady that went -- my aunt went a couple of times, and there was a cousin, I think, or somebody's -- married to one cousin of theirs that came out here a couple of times. She went two or three times, and I don't think my grandmother ever went back. I don't think so. SPEAKER 1: Have you again?9 SPEAKER 2: No. In fact, when I worked I didn't have the time to do it because I was only getting a week here and there or whatever. And then I went to travel, Teddy passed away. So I was going to go to Spain this past… with us, me, and my girlfriend's brother died, and two days later our mother's house, she was burned out of her apartment, so she went to live with my girl friend, and so my girl friend didn't have any other siblings except [unintelligible - 00:18:03] you know, grandchildren. But you know how grandchildren are; they all have their own life. So she had no -- her mother had no, you know, no one to stay with, so she said, "I have to cancel out." So I said, "Well I think I will too," because we're going to be, you know, roommates. And then this September 11 happened, so things work out. My friends, two of my friends still went. SPEAKER 1: Did Gloria go? SPEAKER 2: No, Marty went. SPEAKER 1: Oh, Marty. SPEAKER 2: She was the one who went, and another friend [unintelligible - 00:18:32]. But they went and they end, but they ended up -- because they were traveling by air… SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 00:18:41]. SPEAKER 2: … yeah and they were out of business, and they had to stay I think in Switzerland three days before they got to Spain, and there's a big foul up. So I'm just glad [unintelligible - 00:18:57]. I'll tell you what. My husband, at his age, if he had gotten into the service, he would have gone there. That would've -- my father would just shake his head and say, "I can't believe this is even happening here." To this day I still I can't believe it happened. I mean, I had to shut this television off after a while because I think I was crying so much from, you know, different people talking of their, what happened, and then the funerals. And finally, I said I 10 can't cry anymore. I know that's something that I will never forget. I'm proud of my heritage. I'm, you know, I'm… I'm not ashamed to be an Italian. If anybody asks me if I'm Italian, yes I am, and I'm proud of it. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible – 00:19:58]. SPEAKER 2: No, no. In fact, my first husband was Italian. SPEAKER 1: Who was your first husband? Was he from Fitchburg? SPEAKER 2: No, Leominster. SPEAKER 1: Leominster? SPEAKER 2: Forget about him. SPEAKER 1: Forget him? SPEAKER 2: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: All right. I know your parents worked so hard. Did they have any leisure time? Actually, [unintelligible - 00:20:21]. SPEAKER 2: Yeah. My mother was stay-at-home. She… like I said, enjoyed her family and her friends and her… she always… she loved having the kids around, she loved cooking. Her leisure time was maybe, I don't know, going to visit a friend in Rhode Island. She had a friend out there she was close to and originally was here, but she had a daughter, and when we were both young, they lived… they were neighbors, and they always keep in touch with one another. So she would go to Rhode Island for a few days. That was her leisure time. She liked that. She loved cooking. She loved to -- you know what else? My mother had -- she loved to do puzzles. In fact, Alice was the one that would find different ones for her… I mean, a round puzzle, different puzzles to do. So she would like that. She loved doing that. And like I said she cooked a lot. She… I don't know, she always -- there's a lot of things to do to keep busy. SPEAKER 1: Did she pass away?11 SPEAKER 2: Had Alzheimer's, and for a while she was at home. And then towards the… we had to put her in the nursing home because it got to be bad, and my father was still alive. He died a year later, but my mother just died [unintelligible - 00:22:01]. SPEAKER 1: I think your father died in 1984. SPEAKER 2: Yeah, but my mother died 10 years later, in '90… no, she died in '92, because Teddy died in '94. But she had Alzheimer's. SPEAKER 1: What do you think they would think of Fitchburg now? SPEAKER 2: Well, my mother not so much because she was like a goomba, but my father would be disappointed in it. He would be -- it hasn't progressed like Leominster has. So he would be disappointed in it. Different decisions, different people moving out, different things not happening. I find that, you know, big companies like GE left. A lot of people, you know, it's not all those, you know, the Wallaces and the Crockers. The Crockers contributed a lot to Fitchburg. Wallace appeared he did, but he didn't contribute like Markus did. My father would be absolutely furious that Burbank was closed, absolutely furious. I don't understand. I do not understand how the city could sell something that didn't belong -- I mean, that was part of the city. To this day I don't know how that happened, and a lot of people don't. SPEAKER 1: So the city sold Burbank Hospital? SPEAKER 2: He sold it to Health Alliances. SPEAKER 1: Are they [unintelligible – 00:23:42] or anything? SPEAKER 2: No, no, no. SPEAKER 1: So what would the connection be? SPEAKER 2: Because he was, he was… even though we lived in Leominster, his heart still belongs in Fitchburg, and that was part of Fitchburg. So he would be -- my father did however, when Doctor Silver, they had General Hospital, he would help them out. He was on their 12 board of directors. But because my father was active in Fitchburg, he would have said that that has to stay in Fitchburg. To this day if you ask a lot of the people in my generation or a little older would still they all feel the same way about how did they take Burbank Hospital away, and no one can answer that. We were. Like I said, the Crockers, they donated most of that money for Burbank. A lot of things quietly, and then it was the paper mills. That's Leominster. SPEAKER 1: Leominster. SPEAKER 2: Yeah, that's Leominster. That's Doyle Field and, you know, they contributed a lot to Leominster. At one time Fitchburg, was larger than -- in population -- was larger than Leominster, but I… if I'm not mistaken on the last census Leominster was larger. SPEAKER 1: A lot of zoning problems lately or planning… SPEAKER 2: Taxes keep going up. So, I mean, I don't have any kids, and -- but I think they need a new school. I mean, Fitchburg built a beautiful school, but it's not big enough. I went and saw their opening at Fitchburg. One of their -- I guess they had an open house for a couple of days that you could see and, you know, and I asked one of the teachers [unintelligible - 00:25:57] and whatever and I says, "How much can it…" and she said, "We're already to our capacity." That wasn't good planning. A room that full -- I mean, their gym is better than some of the colleges that I've, you know, been too. Unbelievable. You know, I think that's… I think that they should -- I don't know. Is there anything else you'd like to ask me? SPEAKER 1: Not really, I don't think. SPEAKER 2: I think we did, and like I said, I've been blessed with a wonderful family, and you know, parents that loved us, and maybe we didn't think so growing up, but as you get older you realize a lot of things that they did for us because that's why they cared about us. But as 13 kids, you know, we don't understand a lot. They said youth is wonderful; too bad it's wasted on the young. SPEAKER 1: I guess that's it. SPEAKER 2: My pleasure, my pleasure. /AT/pa/lrr/es
In: Tromp , G H M 2001 , ' Politiek door de staten : doel- of waarderationeel handelen in het besloten overleg over de Wadden en het openbaar beraad over de ecologische hoofdstructuur ' , Doctor of Philosophy .
POLITICS BY PROVINCE: Goal-oriented rational action or value-oriented rational action in closed debate on the Wadden region and public consultation on the ecological infrastructure General This thesis is a study of political conduct, and of provincial politics in particular. It is based on three research projects. The first two research projects are empirical studies that examine, respectively, the functioning of the discussion platform for government bodies relating to the Wadden Islands area and the relationship between the regional press and provincial political organs. Each of these two projects is based on a defined problem, a theoretical framework, methodology and conclusions. Although both case studies deal with provincial politics, they are completely separate from each other. The third case study is theoretical. It seeks to clarify the rationalization theories of Max Weber and Karl Mannheim, and place the concepts of goaloriented rational action and value-oriented rational action in their theoretical context. This theoretical chapter produces a number of research questions that can be used as a 'rationality grid' to be applied to the two empirical case studies in order to determine what form of action, goal-rational or value-rational, characterizes provincial politics. Chapter One describes the background to the studies and gives a short introduction to the research themes. This chapter also presents a view of contemporary provincial politics and discusses the scientific position from which this thesis has been written, emphasizing the unique role of the sociological vision. How does the government manage the Wadden Sea? The first section examines the way in which the government manages the Wadden Sea. The study is based on an evaluation study of the functioning of the Coördinatiecollege Waddengebied (CCW) in the period 1987 to 1994. The CCW (a platform for administrative consultation between the government, the Wadden provinces and the Wadden municipalities) was set up in 1980 for the purpose of "ensuring coherent administration and an coordinated policy by the government, provinces and municipalities with regard to the Wadden region." The study is based on a bottleneck analysis; in other words, by identifying problems, concrete solutions can be proposed. The evaluation study employed a combination of two popular lines of research in organizational sociology literature – the 'whole-system approach' and the 'parties approach'. In the whole-system approach, shared values or a feeling of solidarity are what unites the organization. In the parties approach, the organization is seen as a coalition of parties with different interests and aims. The parties work together for their own benefit, or because negative sanctions force them to do so. Both approaches are integrated in the 'parties-withina-system' perspective, which focuses on the relationships between the parties and the organization as a whole. This integral approach was used to evaluate the functioning of the CCW because the CCW places great emphasis on shared values and responsibilities, which are the core elements of the whole-system approach. At the same time, however, the CCW is composed of different parties which all have their own tasks, powers and interests – the core elements of the parties approach. This perspective has been tailored to the evaluation of the CCW using the following criteria: shared values, support base, differing interests, power structure, sense of purpose, and success/failure factors. The study is based on qualitative interviews with participants in the CCW platforms, telephone interviews with councillors and members of the States General, dossier analyses and reconstructions from minutes from the CCW consultations on the following cases: enlarging the scope of the Nature Conservation Act; delegation of powers with regard to inspection and control; co-ordination of international activities, problems relating to 'traditional brown shipping'; the review of the Waddenzee II Key Planning Decision, and gas extraction in the Wadden Sea. This treatment of the original research report emphasizes a systematic description of conduct within the context of the administrative co-ordination of the Wadden region, which is usually of a closed nature. The main problem areas are the following: a lack of shared values due to the fact that the purpose of the Wadden consultation platform is given a different interpretation depending on the interests in question; by way of preparation for the Wadden consultations, a process of harmonization takes place within the various authorities, thereby creating an administrative support base. However, this process of preliminary consultation and feedback reveals the other side of the bureaucratic coin – this circuit is, administratively and politically speaking, strongly inward-looking; there are no substantial conflicts of interest between the layers of government. However, mutual suspicion exists with regard to the extent to which other parties are committed to the Wadden policy. Each party suspects that the other parties will ultimately allow economic interests to prevail; with regard to the delegation of authority, the balance of power between the government and the provinces is seen as unacceptable. The continuous lack of consensus, whether manifest or otherwise, is a barrier to discussion on a equal footing; there are various problems relating to the sense of purpose, including the role of the Chairman and the lack of a clear definition/delegation of tasks. This analysis shows that the problems are not related to the structure of the Wadden consultative platform but rather to its culture, and more specifically to the participants' perceptions of the role and responsibilities of the platform. In addition, there appears to be a distinct lack of leadership. The main conclusions are as follows: harmonization within the various Wadden authorities (government, provinces and municipalities) hampers harmonization between the Wadden authorities; the representatives from the three layers of government do not present the role and purpose of the consultative platform in a consistent and uniform way; the CCW is hampered in its work by an ongoing debate about how powers are delegated between the layers of government. Because the analysis of success and failure factors revealed that clearly defined relationships between the government authorities are essential for successful consultation, possible solutions aim to create that clarity. Recommendations have been laid down, for example, relating to the role of the Chairman, drawing up the agenda, and clearly defining the tasks of the various bodies. Although, as far back as 1995, the CCW largely acknowledged the problem areas and supported the proposals for improvement, none of the recommendations will actually be implemented before 2001. Politics and the press on the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe Section 2 describes a study of the relationship between the regional press and northern provincial politics. The basis for the study is the political decision-making regarding the establishment of the ecological infrastructure in the provinces of Friesland and Drenthe in the period 1989 to 1996. The conclusion of a survey of the relationship between the printed press and parliamentary democracy is that the main function of the press is to provide information, criticism and comment. The role of information-provider is examined on the basis of the following: actual report of a meeting of the Provincial Councils; a news report giving information about matters relating to the ecological infrastructure in both provinces; a background article describing the context, history and/or different interpretations of matters relating to the ecological infrastructure. The role of critic is examined on the basis of the following: editorial comment; a column in which one of the editors gives his opinion under his own name; opinions of third parties, in which a third party, who is not an editor, is given the opportunity to express an opinion. Using four recent examples, it is then argued that the central question relating to the relationship between politics and the press is one of management – who controls political communication or, put another way, is the relationship determined by 'party logic' or by 'media logic'? The study will compare decision-making on the ecological infrastructure (as this was perceived in decision-making meetings of the provincial councils) with reporting by the regional press in both provinces. The decision-making process of the provincial councils was reconstructed for this purpose. The result is not only an analytical reconstruction of the decision-making surrounding the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe, but also a chronicle of provincial political customs and morals. A quantitative and qualitative analysis subsequently shows how the regional press fulfils its role as information provider and critic. The quantitative analysis addresses the question of how often the press fulfils its role as information provider and critic with regard to decision-making on the ecological infrastructure. The qualitative analysis addresses the question of how the press fulfils those roles. It is argued that the quality of the information provided is determined by the degree of objectivity, but that the best measure of quality is a clear standpoint. These conclusions were used to formulate an 'ideal' against which the quality of informative and critical articles can be measured. A factual report is as objective as possible when: it deals not only with the decision itself, but also with the opinion-forming process; it gives the opinion not only of the representatives of official bodies, but also of opponents or those outside such bodies; the reporter does not give his own opinion. A news report or background article is as objective as possible when: it presents more than one perspective and/or quotes more than one authority on the subject. An editorial or column makes a constructive critical contribution when: the author adopts a clear standpoint; the context (history, background or current event) of that standpoint is given; the author describes how the standpoint was reached, and on which information or authorities it is based. Conclusions about the information function: in almost half of the cases, the regional newspapers do not report on provincial council meetings relating to the ecological infrastructure. The people who live in the province, but fall outside a given environmental or agricultural target group, will not become informed about the ecological infrastructure by reading their local newspaper. Neither will they become informed about the role of the provincial government in this; in the reports which do deal with meetings of the provincial councils, there is a lack of balance. Generally speaking, no effort is made in such reports to show the full palette of political colours represented in the provincial council; there is only relatively wide newspaper coverage on occasions when political emotions are running high. Examples are: Friesland in 1993, when an agreement was reached with the agricultural sector, and Drenthe in 1993, when an amended programme of intent for the soil-protection areas was introduced (the agricultural lobby also played an important role in this). This attention from the press can be explained by incident politics. Political groups hold widely different opinions; they make no effort to hide their differences and journalists are keen to pick up on this. Another possible explanation is that, in these cases, ecological policy is heavily influenced by the farming lobby, which itself is strongly supported by influential political groups; the news reports are usually brief and present an event from only one perspective, without a journalistic contribution from the author. This leads to the inevitable conclusion that press releases sent to the newspapers have been published without any further interpretation; the most common simple perspective is that which opposes the ecological infrastructure; there are very few background articles. Background articles that clarify the situation, and outline the problems confronting provincial politicians, are indispensable with regard to a far-reaching and complex plan such as the development of the ecological infrastructure of the two provinces; it is notable that most of the background articles are only written from one perspective, with very little informative context. On the basis of these findings, it appears that the way in which the regional press fulfils its role as information provider leaves room for improvement. Scant attention is paid to council decision-making and the quality of reporting also leaves something to be desired. Little can be said about how the press fulfils the role as critic because so few articles appear in this context. The question Who controls political communication? cannot therefore be answered because the press pays too little attention to provincial politics. Goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality: which form of rationality determines political action? Section 3 examines which form of rationality (i.e. goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality) occurs most in the closed discussions between government bodies in the Wadden study, or in public discussions on the ecological infrastructure from the study of the relationship between politics and the press. For this purpose the rationalization theories from the work of Weber and Mannheim were used. Both Weber and Mannheim recognise increasing instrumental and formal rationality (Weber) and functional rationality (Mannheim) in all areas of life, and a decrease in material rationality (Weber) and substantial rationality (Mannheim). Weber and Mannheim identify the rise and influence of a specific form of instrumental rationality, particularly within economic, legal and bureaucratic institutions. Within such institutions, actions are characterized by goal-oriented rationality. This means that the prevalent institutional pattern of norms and values that more or less prescribes how people should act within the institutions (role-related behaviour) places great emphasis on goal-rational behaviour. In order to establish whether this also applies in provincial politics and administration, a study was made of the conception of rationality in the work of Weber and Mannheim. The question of whether goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality is dominant is addressed by a secondary analysis of the material. The secondary analysis takes the form of a 'rationality grid' that is applied to the material from the two empirical studies. The grid has a coarsely meshed structure that can separate out goal-oriented and value-oriented rationality. Following the study of Weber and Mannheim's concepts of rationality, goal-oriemted rational action is defined in this study as action that is geared towards finding the most appropriate means to achieve a goal that is considered as given. When action is successful in terms of the defined goal, we speak of goal-oriented rational action and formal rationality. Success or effectiveness is therefore the measure for goal-rational behaviour. The essence of this concept is expressed in the following questions: is conduct geared towards resources and procedures within the given of administrative co-ordination or within the structured political (provincial) discussions? are the goals open to discussion? If action is a logical extension of or derives from a higher value or ideal, we speak of 'valueoriented rational action' and 'material rationality'. The extent to which an action is valueoriented is therefore the measure for value-rationality. In this study, value-oriented rational action is defined as action that is based on the assessment of the desirability of a given goal by means of a party-political value system. The essence of the concept, as used in the present context, is expressed in the following question: is the action geared towards assessing the desirability of a particular goal, based on a political value system? Conclusions: 1. With regard to discussion between government bodies on the subject of the Wadden region, the hypothesis was that, within the sphere of formalised and regulated administrative co-ordination in the Wadden region, actions are largely determined by goal-oriented rationality. The purpose of the discussion platform is, after all, to co-ordinate and realise goals defined elsewhere. The hypothesis is confirmed – the Wadden discussion platform is characterized by goal-oriented rational action. But this type of action is not related to the ultimate goal of the discussion platform but rather to another goal: the increasing of the influence and governance of the government layer in question. 2. With regard to the decision-making on the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe, the hypothesis was that political decision-making debates are characterized by the discussion of values to be lived up to and aims to be realised. It is therefore to be expected that such debates are mainly characterized by value-oriented rationality. However, the findings do not confirm this hypothesis. The discussions of the provincial councils of Drenthe and Friesland are certainly not goal-rational in nature, yet neither can they be described as valuerational. Actions are indeed geared towards assessing the desirability of a particular goal, but that assessment is not based on a political value system. It is not party-political principles that determine political conduct; it would be more true to say that conduct is based on notions of consistency in terms of policy and support.
{EM}INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF SCIENTIFIC UNIONS - ICSU{/EM}{/p} {P}{B}SCIENCE INTERNATIONAL Newsletter No. 69, December 1998{/B}{/P} {P}{B} Code Number:NL98004 {BR} Sizes of Files: {BR} Text: 145K {BR} Graphics: Line drawings (gif) - 32K{BR} Photographs (jpg) - 52K {/B}{P} {P}{B}WORLD CONFERENCE ON SCIENCE{/B}{BR} {I}Budapest, Hungary, 26 June - 1 July 1999{/P} {/I} {P}{B}Science for the 21st century: {I}A new commitment{/B}{/P} {/FONT}{P}{/P} {/I}{P}The main goal of this important meeting, which around 2,000 participants are expected to attend, is to bring together policy makers from both the political and the administrative world, and members of the scientific community at large, to reflect together on the future of scientific research, its impact on society and the demands of society on science.{/P} {B}{P}Vostok Lake, Antarctica{/P} {/B}{P}Dr Peter D. Clarkson Research,{BR} {P}A common perception is that Antarctica is a frozen continent and that is predominantly correct. In the more northerly coastal regions of the continent, particularly in the Antarctic Peninsula, summer temperatures may rise above 0C and, on warm sunny days, streams may flow from melting glaciers and snow fields. Not surprisingly, therefore, there are many small lakes and ponds that can lose their ice cover during the summer. What is surprising, however, is that the largest known lake in Antarctica is about twenty-five times the area of Lake Geneva in Switzerland (or somewhat smaller in area than Lake Ontario on the United States-Canada border, but it has a larger volume of water) and it is sandwiched between the bedrock of the continent and about 4 km of the overlying ice sheet.{/P} {P}{B}Harmful Algal Blooms{/B}{/P} {P}A new International Programme on Global Ecology and Oceanography{/P} {/B} {P}Elizabeth Gross,{/P} {P}The last two decades have been marked by an extraordinary expansion in the occurrence of the marine phenomenon we now call "harmful algal blooms". These blooms of toxic or harmful micro-algae, often inaccurately referred to as "red tides", represent a significant and expanding threat to human health and fisheries resources throughout the world. They take many forms, ranging from massive accumulations of cells that discolor the water, to dilute, inconspicuous populations that are noticed only because of the harm caused by the highly potent toxins these cells contain. The impacts of these phenomena include: mass mortalities of wild and farmed fish and shellfish; human poisonings and fatalities from the consumption of contaminated shellfish or fish; alterations of marine ecosystem structure through adverse effects on larvae and other life history stages of commercial fisheries species; and the death of marine mammals, sea birds, and other animals. On this last point, there is now a growing appreciation of the extent to which HABs impact resources other than shellfish and fish. Human illnesses and fatalities due to five syndromes associated with harmful algae are being recorded around the world in increasingly large numbers.{/P} {B} {P}The Fifth IGBP Scientific Advisory Council Meeting{BR} Nairobi, Kenya, {/FONT}{I}1 to 7 September 1998{/P} {/B}{/I}{P}Sheila Lunter, {/P} {P}Despite a postponement and a preparation that was marked by adversity, a successful Fifth Scientific Advisory Council (SAC-V) Meeting of IGBP was held in Kenya. Many African scientists attended the meeting, which had a total participation of some 170 scientists. SAC-V was hosted by the Kenyan National Academy of Science (KNAS), with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) generously offering the use of the conference facilities at their headquarters in Gigiri, just outside Nairobi.{/P} {P}{B}NEW RESEARCH PROJECT UNDERWAY{/P} {P}Health and the environment{/P} {/B}{/FONT}{P}Heike Schroeder, {/P} {P}Health has become one of the major new integrative global change research areas, and indeed the links between environment and health are becoming increasingly visible and complex. Extreme weather patterns highlighted by the recent El Niño cycle, emergent diseases, viral mutations and environmental degradation are all contributing to this development.{/P} {P}{B}DIVERSITAS/IBOY{/B} {br}An International Biodiversity Observation Year{/P} {P} H.A. Mooney, C.S. Adam, A. Larigauderie and J. Sarukhan.{/P} {P}{B}What is DIVERSITAS?{/B}{/P} {/B}{P}DIVERSITAS is an international programme of biodiversity science which was created in 1991. It is cosponsored by six international scientific organisations: the International Union of Biological Sciences (IUBS), the Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment (SCOPE), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), the International Union of Microbiological Societies (IUMS), the International Council for Science (ICSU), and the International Geosphere-Biosphere Programme (IGBP).{/P} {B}{P}DIVERSITAS - START - WCRP - IGBP - IHDP{/P} {P}Chair & Directors Forum{/P} {/B}{P}Heike Schroeder,{/P} {P}Global Change System for Analysis, Research and Training (START) and the Global Environmental Change (GEC) programmes held their annual Chairs and Directors Forum on 14-16 August 1998, in Bonn, Germany. The purpose of this Forum is to provide an opportunity for the programmes' Executive Directors and Scientific Chairs to exchange information on an informal basis and discuss new and ongoing activities and ways for the programmes to enhance collaboration and streamline their research efforts.{/P} {P}{BR} {I}{B}Spotlights on science{/I}{/B} {/P} {P}{B}The International Union of Crystallography{/B}{/P} {/B}{P}M. Dacombe{/P} {P}The International Union of Crystallography (IUCr) was formed in 1947 and formally admitted to ICSU on 7 April in that year. Its main objects are: to promote international cooperation in crystallography; to contribute to the advancement of crystallography in all its aspects; to facilitate international standardization of methods, of units, of nomenclature and of symbols used in crystallography; and to form a focus for the relations of crystallography to other sciences. It does this primarily through its publications, the work of its Commissions and Sub-Committees, and its triennial Congresses.{/P} {P}{B}International Union for Pure and Applied Biophysics {br}IUPAB{/P} {/B}{P}A.C.T. North,{/P} {P}Most biophysicists have probably had the same experience as me and been faced by a look of blank incomprehension after giving the answer "biophysics, "to the question "what is your subject?".{/P} {B}{I}Meeting reports{/P} {/I}{P}ICSU/CODATA{BR} 16th Biennial International CODATA Conference and General Assembly{/P} {I}{P}Habitat Center, New Delhi, India,{BR} Nov. 8 - 14, 1998{/P} {/B}{/I}{P}Report by Professor Paul G. Mezey, {P}{B}SATELLITE MEETINGS{BR} {/B}The Conference was preceded by two CODATA Task Group Satellite Meetings and Symposia, held at the Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi. On November 6 and 7, 1998, the CODATA Task Group for Data Sources in Asia-Oceania held a Meeting and Seminar, whereas on November 7, 1998, the CODATA Task Group for Data/information and Visualization held a Study-Tutorial Workshop on "Information, Visualization, and Management of Heterogeneous Systems". Both meetings were well attended. The high scientific level and the special Tutorial feature of the Data/Information and Visualization Task Group Symposium provided inspiration for future, similar meetings.{/P} {P}{/P} {B}{P}Electronic Publishing in Science {br}Report on a joint AAAS/ICSU Press/UNESCO Workshop in Paris{/P} {/B}{P}D.F. Shaw, {BR} {P}Forty-three participants accepted invitations from the joint organising committee and represented an international range of interests covering the Universities, Learned Societies, National Science Academies, National and Institutional Libraries and STM Publishers, as well as commercial information brokers and consultants.{/P} {B}{P}Dairy Foods in Health{BR} International Conference, Wellington, New Zealand{/P} {/B} {P}Specialists from 22 countries as far apart as Canada, Finland, Japan and Thailand attended the International Dairy Federation's Nutrition Week from 9-11 March 1998. The New Zealand hosts, the Milk and Health Research Centre of Masey University and the New Zealand Dairy Research Institute, welcomed 191 participants to an ambitious programme with leading nutrition scientists from all around the world. A dinner cruise was arranged on Wellington Harbour for participants. The kind weather and the festival atmosphere in Wellington combined to make the event enjoyable for all.{/P} {B}{I}{P}Calendar{/P}{/B}{/I} Details of forthcoming events from 1 January 1999 - 25 March 1999 {B}{P}ICSU/IGFA{BR} Global Change Research{/B}{/P} {P}The International Group of Funding Agencies for Global Change Research (IGFA) is an informal body of representatives of agencies and ministries of 21 countries plus the European Union responsible for the funding of global change research.{/P} {B}{P}{I}Science and technology{/I}{/B}{/P} {P}{B}Identification of science and technology priorities for Asian Regional Cooperation{/B}{/P} {P}B. Babuji{/P} {P}The following topics were presented for discussion:{/P} {LI}Country presentations on S & T status {/LI} {LI}Current and emerging global S & T senario {/LI} {LI}Identification of priority areas for Asian regional cooperation {/LI} {LI}Modes of cooperation {/LI} {LI}Resource mobilisation and way forward{/LI} {/P} {P}{B}Easing the burden on young scientists{/B}{/P} {/B}{P}Daniel Schaffer, {/P} {P}Two of the principal aims of the Third World Academy of Sciences (TWAS) are to promote the careers of young scientists in the developing world and to help scientific institutions in the South to strengthen their decision-making and research capabilities. These two goals came together in the TWAS Prize for young scientists.{/P} {P}{B}South's Centres of Excellence{/B}{BR} {/B}(New volume published){/P} {P}Daniel Schaffer,{/P} {P}The Third World Network of Scientific Organizations (TWNSO), in collaboration with the South Centre and Third World Academy of Sciences (TWAS), has announced the publication of the second edition of Profiles for Scientific Exchange and Training in the South. With more than 430 entries, the book represents a unique inventory of the capabilities and accomplishments of the most prominent research and training centres in the developing world.{/P} {B}{I}{P}news in brief{/I}{/B}{/P} {P}{B}Fields Medal and the Nevanlinna Prize {br}International Congress of Mathematicians, Berlin 1998{/P} {/B}{P}In physics or literature they have the Nobel Prize, and in mathematics there is the "Fields Medal". This highest scientific award for mathematicians was presented at the opening ceremony of the "International Congress of Mathematicians" to Richard E. Borcherds, Maxim Kontsevich, William Timothy Gowers and Curtis T. McMullen. The International Mathematical Union also awarded the "Nevanlinna Prize" for outstanding work in the field of theoretical computer science to the mathematician Peter Shor.{/P} {B}{P}Food Security {I}{br}What have Sciences to Offer?{/P} {/B}{/I}{P}David Hall,{/P} {P}The author of this report was asked to examine what opportunities exist for the sciences to play in ensuring food security in the next century. In parallel to this, would there be a role for ICSU members and scientists of varied disciplines to play, which would be effective and not duplicate existing efforts?{/P} {B}{I}{P}Electronic Journal Publishing{/P} {/I}{P}A Reader{/P} {/B}{P}To further support our work in the strengthening and development of the dissemination of research results, we are in the process of bringing together a series of articles and Internet documents which we have found interesting and insightful.{/P} {/I}{B}{P}INASP adds new section to its web site{/P} {P}{/P} {/B}{P}INASP Links and Resources "Access to Information"{/P} {B}{P}Discovery of Polonium and Radium{/P} {P}{/P} {/B}{P}An International Conference on {I}The Discovery of Polonium and Radium: its scientific and philosophical consequences, benefits and threats to mankind {/I}was organized by the Polish Government in Warsaw in September 1998.{/P} {B}{P}TREASURER OF THE IUBMB RESIGNS{/P} {/B}{P}Dr R. Brian Beechey, the Treasurer of IUBMB, has tendered his resignation as from 31 December 1998, citing his wish to pursue other interests.{/P} {B}{I}{P}Book Marketing and Distribution:{/P} {/I}{/B}{P}A practical handbook for publishers in developing countries and related training programmes{/P} {B}{P}New edition of ICSU's blue book{/B} {br}UNIVERSALITY OF SCIENCE:{/P} {P}{/P} {P}A new edition of the handbook of ICSU's Standing Committee on Freedom in the Conduct of Science SCFCS has been printed.{/P} {B}{I}house news{/P} {/I}{P}New Environmental Science Officer appointed at ICSU{/B}{/P} {P}Anne Lorigouderie joined the ICSU Secretariat as Environmental Sciences Officer in September.{/P} {B}{P}Qiu Wei joins us from CAST{/P} {/B}{P}Qiu Wei succeeds Zhang Hong, on secondment from the China Association for Science and Technology for another period of six months as of November 1998. {/P} {B}{P}Catherine moves on{/P} {/B}{P}After four years at the ICSU Secretariat, Catherine Leonard left in December. During her time at ICSU, Catherine's responsibilities have included administering the ICSU Grants Programme and editing the ICSU Year Book. {/I}{P}{B}ICSU Grants Programme for 1999{/B}{/P} {P}ICSU is pleased to announce that around one million dollars has been awarded to ICSU bodies under the ICSU grants programme for 1999. Almost half that amount has been allocated to category I grants in the $50,000 - $100,000 range for new innovative projects of high profile potential.{/P} {B}{P}Looking ahead to the millennium{/P} {P}{/P} {/B}{P}For 2000, ICSU is opening up its Category I grants programme to all of ICSU's Joint Initiatives - as it did for the 1999 Programme- and to all ICSU Scientific Associates.{/P} {B}Obituary{/B}{/P} {/I}{P}Lars Ernster 1920-98{I} {/P} {/B}{/I}{P}Lars Ernster died in his 79th year in November. Although born in Budapest he spent almost all his working life in Sweden and most of his academic life at the University of Stockholm. He began a close and long association with ICSU in 1969 when he was appointed Secretary of the Swedish National Committee on Biochemistry and this led to greater demands on his organizational talents when shortly after this he took over the Chairmanship of the Organizing Committee for the highly successful 9th International Congress on Biochemistry, which was held in Stockholm in 1973.{/P} {B}{P}New Directions in Chemistry{/P} {P}15-17 July 1999, Hong Kong{/P} {P}{/P} {/B}{P}The first IUPAC Workshop on Advanced Materials: Nanostructured Systems (IUPAC-WAM-1) will be held on the campus of the Hong Kong University for Science and Technology from 15-17 July 1999.{/P} {P}Copyright 1998 ICSU Press
DE LA TESIS DOCTORAL El documento base de este trabajo es el aprobado el 1-de marzo de 1996 por la comisión Europea que establece los criterios para la concesión de la ecoetiqueta a ropa de cama y camisetas de algodón o algodón-poliéster. Uno de los criterios, delimita el contenido de la fibra de algodón cruda en ciertos pesticidas. El trabajo realizado ha consistido en: -Recabar datos sobre la producción de algodón a nivel mundial: principales países productores, volumen de producción, sistemas de cultivo etc. -Recopilar datos de la legislación de diferentes países productores de algodón sobre uso de pesticidas en las diferentes fases productivas de dicha fibra. -Comparar el criterio en contenido de pesticidas sobre algodón crudo de la Etiqueta europea con la legislación de países productores sobre aplicación de pesticidas sobre algodón, estableciendo paralelismos y divergencias. -Establecer y optimizar, dentro de los recursos disponibles, el protocolo de análisis de los pesticidas limitados por la Etiqueta europea sobre algodón crudo, haciendo especial hincapié en las fases de extracción y purificación, para las cuales la Etiqueta europea no establece método alguno. -Realizar un estudio del contenido de aquellos pesticidas limitados por la Etiqueta europea sobre muestras de algodón crudo procedente de diferentes áreas productoras. El análisis de pesticidas se puede desglosar en tres fases bien diferenciadas: extracción, purificación y análisis de la muestra. La Ecoetiqueta de 1996, define la técnica de análisis propiamente dicho a emplear: US EPA 8270 pero no hace ninguna mención a los métodos de extracción, purificación y concentración de las muestras. Se focalizaron los esfuerzos en determinar un procedimiento de extracción, de purificación y de concentración que fuera el óptimo en cuanto a sencillez del material empleado y a volumen de solvente (datos que redundan en el coste final del análisis. Las conclusiones generales obtenidas son: - El documento inicialmente aprobado por la Comisión europea para la concesión de la Ecoetiqueta europea para artículos textiles, a nivel de pesticidas está sobradamente alejado de la situación real en cuanto a pesticidas limitados/empleados sobre algodón. - Existen discrepancias entre las legislaciones internas de los países miembros de la Unión Europea en cuanto a uso de pesticidas, existiendo un grupo de países europeos más permisivos. -Los pesticidas limitados por la Ecoetiqueta europea se corresponden con los más limitados a nivel mundial, en cambio en los principales países productores. China (1er productor mundial 22%), India (3er productor mundial 13%) y Pakistán (4º productor mundial 8%) presentan una legislación en la que se admite el uso de la mayoría de los pesticidas prohibidos por la ecoetiqueta europea. Estados Unidos (2º productor mundial 21%) permite el uso de algunos de ellos. - Se establece un protocolo de análisis de pesticidas sobre algodón considerado óptimo consistente en: Extracción con diclorometano de los pesticidas mediante un Soxhlet automatizado, con lo que se reduce el consumo de solvente (se recupera en un 60-70%) y el tiempo de análisis, presentando una recuperación de promedio superior al 80%.Purificación del extracto graso mediante un sistema de Florisil en el que se minimiza también el volumen de solvente empleado y que presenta una recuperación promedio de un 90%. Análisis del extracto graso mediante un sistema de CG-MS que presenta una elevada reproducibilidad de los tiempos de retención y que permite una cuantificación automatizada de muestras una vez establecidas las rectas de calibración pertinentes para cada analito a determinar. ; DOCTORAL THESIS SUMMARY STATUTORY CONTEXT The European Union countries have included the environmental protection in their main goals since the mid-80's. One of the most important keys for this new European policy is the Ecolabeling. This project is based in the law passed the 1rst. of March, 1996, which sets up the requirements to qualify with the Ecolabel bedlinen, cotton or cotton-polyester t-shirts. Later on, the Comision reviewed and amended the law whose last version dates of the 17th of February, 1999. The Comision sets up in this document a generic Ecolabel for textile products. The main modified points which affect this experimental project are: the number and the kind of pesticides to analyze: (1996) Aldrine, Captafol, Camphechlor, Chlordane, DDT, Dieldrine, Endrine, Heptachlor, Hexachlorobenzene and 2,4,5- T. In addition to Pentachlorophenol, with a different criterion. (1999) Aldrine, Captafol, Chlordane, DDT, Dieldrine, Endrine, Heptachlor, Hexachlorobenzene, Hexachlorociclohexane, 2,4,5- T, Chlordimerform, Chlorbenzilate, Dinoseb and its sales and Monocrotophos. In both documents the limit allowed for each pesticide it is 0.005 ppm when the methods sensitivity enables it. Analysis regularity Tests must be carried out 4 times a year. No kind of periodicity is specified. ECONOMICAL CONTEXT After the first version of the enacted law for the cotton and cotton-polyester manufactures ecolabeling was necessary a experimental project like this focused in the analysis of the cotton pesticides mentioned in the law. On one hand, there is an important European textile industry although the European Comunity countries (Greece and Spain excluded) produce almost no cotton. In the context of cotton textile industry most of the raw material is imported. On the other hand, the main cotton producer areas are in Asia (Pakistan, China, India), EEUU and the ex-URSS. In these countries the legislation about the use of the cotton pesticides waves from strict to almost inexistent. With regard to this, the European textile industry can find incongruent to try to make products which fulfil the ecological criterion, set up by the European Comision, (which have to be qualified with the Ecolabel), and the fact that they import the raw material from permissive countries. EXPERIMENTAL CONTEXT There is huge information abaut the difficulty to determinate the pesticides in solid material in an analylitcal context. That is the problem of the cotton fibre. The general method to analyze the quality and quantity of the pesticides consists of three steps: extraction, purification and later, gas chromatography analysis with electron detector de captura de electrones, en el caso de organoclorados (GC-ECD) o espectrómetro de masas (GC-MS). For the reason stated before this project consisted of: · Compiling topical information about the production of cotton in the world and about the use of pesticides in cotton growing, harvesting, transport in the main cotton producer countries. · Comparing the European legislation (Ecolabel, 1996) to the legislation of some producer countries to stablish parallelisms and divergences. · Stablishing a working protocol to analize the pesticides on yarn cotton which are limited by the Ecolabel. · Studying the pesticides contexts on yarn cotton samples from different producer areas for the evaluation of the imported cotton. Once again the main work guidelines are stablished, it is important to point out the research institutes where the development of the experimental protocol has been carried out. · Laboratorio de Control de la Contaminación del Institut d'Investigació Tèxtil i Cooperació Industrial de Terrassa (INTEXTER). · Universidad Nacional de Misiones (Posadas, Argentina) · Southwest Research Institute (San Antonio, Texas, EEUU). EXPERIMENTAL PROTOCOL The analysis of pesticides can be set aside in three different steps: extraction, purification, and the anlysis of the samples itself (we can consider the concentration of the samples as a fourth step as much important as the other ones). The basic law of this project, Ecolabel, 1996, explains the methods to make the anlysis: US EPA 8270 "Compuestos orgánicos semivolátiles por GC/MS:"(), but it doesn't mention the methods for the pesticide extraction from the samples. They talk, for the first time, about the extraction step in the document of 1999. In the document is recommended the ultrasonic and solvents but no conditions are specified. Considering the document of the beginning of the experimental project all the efforts were focused to determine the most favorable extraction, purification and concentration procedures in relation with the simplicity of the material used and the volume of solvent (both are noticeable in the analysis final cost). The different procedures carried out were: The following is the considered the very best analysis protocole: · Extraction from the yarn cotton samples (5 grams wighted on an analytical balance using an automatized Soxleth during two hours at 105ºC in at about 100 ml of DCM. One hour in "boiling" position and the other in "rinsisng" position. · Quantitative transference of extract to a 12 ml vial adding DCM 3 times to take away any residuum left from the Soxleth glasses. · Concentrate the extracts with nitrogenum placing los viales into warm water: 30- 35ºC. · Purification of the samples using Florisil, activated and moistened with about 10 ml of n-hexane, increase with the samples to be purifies and use a solvent to eluir it to a total of 25m l0% (v/v) acetona-n-hexano, just prepared. · Concentration of the extracts final volume which had been purified with nitrogenum placing los viale, when it's possible in warm water, 30-35ºC. Analysis using GC-MS US EPA 8270 from the final samples. ; Postprint (published version)
Die Dissertation ist ein Beitrag zur Debatte um die Revision des amerikanistischen Lektürekanons. Ihre drei Schwerpunkte sind die Geschichte und Mythologie der Karibikinsel Puerto Rico, die soziale Lage und das Image der Puertoricaner in den USA sowie die auf Englisch erschienene Erzählliteratur von Autoren puertoricanischer Herkunft. (1) Die spanische Kolonie Puerto Rico kam 1898 in den Besitz der USA und erlebte in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts einen rasanten ökonomischen Aufstieg, der mit wachsender Abhängigkeit vom amerikanischen Wohlfahrtsstaat erkauft ist. In freien Referenden bejahte jeweils eine knappe Mehrheit den Zwitterstatus ihrer Insel, die bis heute weder ein Staat der USA noch ein souveränes Land ist. Da jedoch der Kongress in Washington über die Zukunft des Commonwealth of Puerto Rico zu bestimmen hat, bleibt die Insel eine Kolonie der USA. Puerto Ricos Mythologie ist von Stereotypen geprägt, die sich zu einem negativen Klischee vom Nationalcharakter des Landes verdichtet haben. Die amerikanische Dominanz in Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur verstärkt die von vielen beklagte Schizophrenie Puerto Ricos. Die Chance einer Lösung des puertoricanischen Syndroms verspricht nur die nationale Unabhängigkeit. (2) Stereotype bestimmen auch das Bild von den übergesiedelten Puertoricanern, den Nuyoricans, in der Öffentlichkeit der USA. Das Negativimage der kaum assimilierten Gruppe wird von den Massenmedien verfestigt, obwohl seriöse Studien zeigen, dass frühere Immigranten ähnliche Probleme mit sich brachten. Die Mehrheit der US-Experten propagiert nach wie vor die allmähliche Assimilation der Übersiedler im Rahmen eines kulturellen Pluralismus. Bei den Puertoricanern geht der Trend seit dem Aufkommen des Multikulturalismus in Richtung einer hybriden, bikulturellen Identität, in ein Wort gefasst mit dem Begriff Nuyorican. Die Dissertation bietet eine Auswertung der auf Englisch erschienenen Literatur über die Puertoricaner in den USA unter 15 Aspekten: Kultur, Religion, Bildung, Sprache, Politik, Arbeit, welfare, Wohnverhältnisse, ethnicity, race, class, gender, Familie, Law and order und Migration. Am Beispiel von belletristischen Texten, Spielfilmen und Musicals wird gezeigt, dass die Puertoricaner in diesen Genres größtenteils wohlwollend dargestellt erscheinen. Das gilt auch für das Musical West Side Story, dem viele Kritiker zu Unrecht vorwerfen, die puertoricanischen Jugendlichen als Gangster zu stigmatisieren. (3) Die puertoricanische Prosa in englischer Sprache hat im Kanon der amerikanischen Literatur und in der Kritik bisher kaum eine Rolle gespielt. Vor allem die zahlreichen Neuerscheinungen der achtziger und neunziger Jahre werden hier erstmals auf historisch-soziologischer Basis analysiert. Allgemeine Trends der neueren Nuyorican-Literatur sind ihre Diversifizierung und Feminisierung. Größere Vielfalt gibt es heute bei den Schauplätzen, den Textsorten und den Themen. Das Thema gender steht nicht nur bei den Frauen, sondern auch bei männlichen Autoren oft im Mittelpunkt. Von den Autoren, die New York zum Schauplatz gewählt haben, ist Abraham Rodriguez, Jr. der bedeutendste. Rodriguez erzählt von Teenagern in der South Bronx, deren puertoricanische Ethnizität kein bestimmender Faktor mehr ist. So ist er der am weitesten amerikanisierte Autor der Nuyoricans. Die überzeugendste Interpretation des Migrationsprozesses bietet Esmeralda Santiago. Bei ihr steht die Kritik am traditionellen puertoricanischen Sexismus im Zentrum. Eine feministische Grundtendenz haben auch die in Puerto Rico angesiedelten, zum Teil magisch-realistischen Werke von Rosario Ferré. Die besten Werke von Rodriguez, Santiago, Ferré und weiteren Puertoricanern verdienen Anerkennung als wertvoller und zukunftweisender Beitrag zur amerikanischen Literatur. ; The thesis contributes to the debate about the revision of the American literary canon. Its first focus is on the history and mythology of Puerto Rico, the second on the social situation and image of the Puerto Ricans in the U.S., and the third on the prose literature by authors of Puerto Rican descent published in English. (1) The Spanish colony of Puerto Rico became a possession of the U.S. in 1898 and experienced a rapid economic rise in the second half of the 20th century, at the expence of growing dependence on the American welfare state. In free referendums the people of Puerto Rico have so far condoned the intermediate status of their island, which still is neither a state of the union nor an independent nation. But in fact the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico remains a colony of the U.S., as the real power to decide about its status lies with Congress. Puerto Rico's mythology has from the start been dominated by stereotypes, which have resulted in a negative cliché of its national character. The United States' political, economic and cultural hegemony has reinforced the alleged schizophrenic state of Puerto Rico. The only chance of healing this Puerto Rican syndrome is the island's national independence. (2) Stereotypes have also determined the image in the American public of the Puerto Ricans who have migrated to the mainland. The bad reputation of this hardly assimilated group is constantly being confirmed by the mass media, although serious studies prove that earlier immigrants had similar problems. Most U.S. experts still advocate the migrants' gradual assimilitation according to the ideal of cultural pluralism. Since the rise of multiculturalism, within the U.S. Puerto Rican community the trend has been going towards a hybrid, bicultural, Nuyorican identity. The dissertation assesses the literature about Puerto Ricans in the U.S. published in English from 15 key aspects: culture, religion, education, language, politics, work, welfare, housing, ethnicity, race, class, gender, family, law and order und migration. A critical look at books, movies and musicals by non-Puerto Ricans shows that in these genres migrants from Puerto Rico have by and large been portrayed benevolenty. This is true even for the musical West Side Story, which has often been wrongly blamed for stigmatizing Puerto Rican youngsters as gangsters. (3) Puerto Rican prose literature in English has so far played little role in the American canon and in criticism. This thesis offers the first analysis of the many new volumes from the eighties and nineties on a socio-historical basis. The overall trends of recent Nuyorican literature are its diversification und feminization. There is a greater diversity of settings, text types and themes. Gender is a central issue not only with the women, but also with a number of male authors. Of those writers who take New York as the setting, Abraham Rodriguez, Jr. is the most important. Rodriguez's books are about teenagers in the South Bronx whose Puerto Rican ethnicity is no crucial factor any more. Thus he is the most Americanised author among the Nuyoricans. The most convincing interpretation of the migratory process is Esmeralda Santiago's. Her main thrust is against the Puerto Rican tradition of sexism. The works of Rosario Ferré, some told in magic realism and all set in Puerto Rico, also have a feminist tendency. The best books by Rodriguez, Santiago, Ferré and a few more Puerto Ricans deserve to be recognised as a valuable and visionary contribution to American literature.
The article aims, on the basis of theoretical knowledge and accumulated information from the individual Lithuanian municipalities, to analyse the currently existing legislation and the actual situation in applying the principles and methods of municipal budget formation. It is, inter alia, designed to identify the major problems in this sector and, drawing on the useful experience of other countries, to offer solutions to these problems.The author of the article has drawn the following conclusions:1. The legislation regulating municipal budget formation, administration, accounting and its supervision is outdated and therefore requires an accelerated change taking into account the useful experience of other states, as well as the specifics of Lithuania.2. Public institutions responsible for the management of methodological issues of municipal budget formation fail to prepare in due time new normative acts, do not take a profound approach to the solution of existing problems and are not willing to contract the most-advanced experts and employ their expertise.3. The normative acts of Lithuania do not provide for the principles of municipal budget formation, which are well established in the finance theory. Some of the principles, however, are implemented, as other laws have binding, although indirectly, provisions on municipalities in this respect. On the other hand, most of the principles, even after legitimising them, could not be put into practice because of the currently existing relations between public authorities and municipal institutions, and the limited rights and possibilities of municipalities to increase their revenue.4. Financial resources and funds of municipalities which are necessary to carry out the functions prescribed to them by law are not balanced out, i.e. the actual rather than the formal principle of budget balance is violated.5. The level of estimated municipal budget revenue is determined by public institutions rather than municipalities themselves; the rights of municipalities to fix the tax derived revenues tariffs and local fees independently are minimal; greater autonomy is granted to municipalities in planning non-tax derived revenues and the potential in this field has not yet been fully exhausted.6. The municipal system provides for minimum conditions which allow the interested and active members of the community to participate in the drafting of the budget; as a rule, observations and proposals from the residents are desirable, yet, the majority of municipalities tend to publish the approved budget rather than a draft budget before it is approved and do not seem to search for more attractive ways ensuring a more lively interest and broader participation of the public in the budget drafting process; instead, most primitive forms are employed.7. Lithuania's legislation does not provide for the methods of municipal budget formation and their application. Therefore, municipalities, being short of both the necessary expertise and recommendations, draft budgets at their own discretion.8. The decision to give priority to a programme-based budget formation principle and implement it in the municipal system as of 2000, has raised serious doubts because of the shortage of professional proficiency of the personnel, lack of methods, high expenditure relating to the implementation of this method and the absence of well-functioning system of strategic management, which has not yet been developed.The solutions to the problems involve:1. The most expeditious change of legislation, which does not provide so far for municipal budget formation, implementation, accounting and supervision, to meet the present-day requirements and to be consistent with other legal acts. The best solution would be to draft and pass a special law on municipal budget, which would specify the sources of municipal revenues, the procedure for general and earmarked subsidising, set the mechanism for balancing out the financial capacities and required expenditures, establish the life cycle of the budget as well as the methods of budget formation etc.2. Drafting and adopting legal acts which would allow the municipalities to establish tariffs for local fees and fix local charges, provide for conditions and interest in increased municipal revenues and a more fair and transparent allocation of subsidies. It would enhance the municipal financial capacity, help to balance out municipal budgetary revenues and expenditures required to carry out the functions prescribed by law, i.e. to put into practice the principle of balanced budget - the most important principle today.3. Transition period is required for gradual implementation of the method of programme-based municipal budget formation, along with detailed and clearcut recommendations and measures for applying this method as well as prior training of municipal politicians and experts.Critical assessment of other methods of municipal budget formation and the possibilities of their application could lead to the selection of the most suitable ones and, in cases where the advantage of their application is evident, to their statutory provision.1. Lithuanian Municipalities' Association could take up a responsibility of regularly summarising and spreading the best practice of the Lithuanian and other countries' municipalities on:• the planning of long-tenn investments; establishing the procedure for drafting, consideration and approval of a budget; assessment of results of financial audit performed at municipalities;• the most justifiable ways for debating the draft budget in public. ; Remiantis straipsnio autoriaus turimomis teorinėmis žiniomis ir iš atskirų Lietuvos savivaldybių surinkta informacija apžvelgiama dabar Lietuvoje egzistuojanti teisinė bazė ir esama savivaldybių biudžetų sudarymo ir vadybos situacija, iškeliamos svarbiausios problemos bei pasiūlomi būdai ir galimybes tas problemas spręsti; be to, siekiama paskatinti specialistus teoretikus ir praktikus kritiškai įvertinti straipsnyje pateiktus teiginius, pasidalyti savo žiniomis ir patirtimi, pasiūlyti būdų ir priemonių spręsti aktualius savivaldybių biudžetų sudarymo ir vadybos klausimus.
El objetivo principal de esta investigación consiste en identificar y caracterizar las oportunidades comerciales que para el sector industrial del Valle del Cauca presenta la consolidación en el año 2005 del Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas – ALCA – especialmente con Estados Unidos y Canadá. Para lograr este objetivo se requirió, en primera instancia, revisar la situación de intercambio comercial entre Colombia y Canadá, y también Colombia y Estados Unidos a través de un mecanismo unilateral temporal como la Ley de Preferencias Arancelarias Andinas (Andean Trade Preference Act) – ATPA, para luego revisar el estado de las negociaciones según el capítulo de acceso a mercados del Borrador de Acuerdo ALCA. Además se hizo necesario evaluar la situación comercial del Valle del Cauca en el tema de comercio exterior para determinar la importancia de los productos o sectores productivos participantes. De este resultado se tomaron para análisis aquellos productos o sectores más representativos para los cuales se establecieron las posibles oportunidades comerciales que se perfilan si el Acuerdo se consolida y pone en marcha en la fecha propuesta. Este estudio se desarrolló en dos fases. La primera fase comprende la recolección de toda la información agrupada en dos grandes temas: Primero, la información existente sobre Colombia en el proceso de integración económica en América y sobre el Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas – ALCA – que incluye la revisión de la situación de intercambio comercial entre Colombia y Estados Unidos y Canadá a través de un mecanismo unilateral temporal como el ATPA, la búsqueda de antecedentes históricos, la evolución del proceso de integración hemisférica de acuerdo con los avances alcanzados en los Grupos de Negociación y, finalmente, la revisión del capítulo "Acceso a Mercados" del Borrador de Acuerdo ALCA. El segundo tema abarca la información existente en materia de intercambio comercial entre Colombia y el Valle del Cauca y los demás países de América donde se analizaron las estadísticas del comercio que han mantenido y se determinaron las expectativas que tiene el sector industrial del Valle del Cauca frente a la conformación del ALCA. En la segunda fase del estudio se hizo un análisis de la información obtenida en la primera fase para así realizar la caracterización de las oportunidades comerciales concretas identificando los productos o sectores más representativos de la industria vallecaucana en materia de exportaciones de la actualidad y seleccionando los que participan por lo menos con el 5% de la exportación vallecaucana identificando así el paretto en el tema. Igualmente se identificaron los sectores con potencial exportador según el Plan Estratégico Exportador Regional 2001 – 2010 del Valle del Cauca desarrollado por el CARCE. Al analizar los resultados obtenidos fruto de la investigación se identificaron ciertas conclusiones que resulta importante mencionar. Para que Colombia y el Valle del Cauca salgan airosos frente al gran reto que representa la consolidación del ALCA, es perentorio que el Gobierno, el sector privado, la Academia e incluso la sociedad civil estén concentrados en planes de trabajo compartidos y enfocados en estrategias bien definidas donde cada uno juegue su papel. Esfuerzos individuales aislados no garantizan el logro de los objetivos generales que busca la participación exitosa de Colombia en este proceso de integración, debe ser un esfuerzo coordinado. La obtención de ventajas comerciales competitivas y sostenibles en un mercado Americano ampliado por efecto del ALCA, depende del trabajo integrado y alineado bajo los mismos objetivos estratégicos de cada uno de estos actores en este nuevo escenario. Como complemento se identificaron unos factores que pueden considerarse como primordiales para alcanzar un desempeño satisfactorio ante la consolidación del ALCA por parte del Gobierno Nacional y el sector público, por parte del sector privado, por parte de la Academia y por parte de los Trabajadores como miembros de la sociedad civil. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey ITESM;Corporación Universitaria Autónoma de Occidente ; INTRODUCCIÓN 1 1. AMÉRICA Y COLOMBIA FRENTE A LA GLOBALIZACIÓN 9 1.1. CAMBIOS EN EL ENTORNO MUNDIAL 9 1.1.1. Del modelo proteccionista al modelo aperturista. 12 1.1.2. Globalización y regionalización. 14 1.1.2.1. La Unión Europea. 15 1.1.2.2. El Asia Pacífico. 15 1.1.2.3. Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN o NAFTA). 16 1.1.3. Integración económica. 16 1.1.3.1. Modalidades. 16 1.2. REGIONALIZACIÓN EN BLOQUES ECONÓMICOS 18 1.2.1. Convenios o acuerdos regionales en el mundo. 19 1.2.1.1. América. 19 1.2.1.2. Europa. 21 1.2.1.3. Asia. 21 1.2.1.4. África. 22 1.2.2. Integración subregional en América. 22 1.3. LA INTEGRACIÓN ECONÓMICA DE COLOMBIA 25 1.3.1. Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas – ALCA. 26 1.3.2. Organización Mundial del Comercio – OMC. 26 1.3.3. Asociación Latinoamericana de Integración – ALADI. 36 1.3.4. Asociación de Estados del Caribe – AEC. 39 1.3.5. Comunidad Andina de Naciones – CAN. 40 1.3.5.1. Ordenamiento jurídico. 41 1.3.5.2. Beneficios de la integración andina. 42 1.3.6. Colombia – CAN – Argentina. 45 1.3.7. Colombia – CAN – Brasil. 46 1.3.7.1. Antecedentes de las relaciones comerciales Colombia – Brasil. 47 1.3.7.2. Resultados del Acuerdo para las exportaciones colombianas. 48 1.3.7.3. Contenido del Acuerdo de Complementación No 39. 49 1.3.7.4. Los principales aspectos normativos. 49 1.3.8. Colombia – Chile. 50 1.3.8.1. Acuerdo de Complementación económica No. 24 entre Colombia y Chile. 51 1.3.8.2. Acuerdo sobre Inversiones. 53 1.3.9. Colombia – Cuba. 54 1.3.10. Colombia – Guatemala. 56 1.3.11. Colombia – Honduras. 56 1.3.12. Colombia – Nicaragua. 57 1.3.13. Colombia – Costa Rica. 58 1.3.14. Colombia – El Salvador. 58 1.3.15. Colombia – Panamá 59 1.3.16. Colombia – Paraguay. 61 1.3.17. Colombia – Uruguay. 62 1.3.18. Tratado de Libre Comercio del Grupo de los Tres – G-3. 63 1.3.18.1. Programa de desgravación. 63 1.3.18.2. Acceso a mercados. 65 1.3.18.3. Sector automotor. 65 1.3.18.4. Sector agropecuario y medidas fitosanitarias y zoosanitarias. 65 1.3.18.5. Reglas de origen. 67 1.3.18.6. Salvaguardias. 67 1.3.18.7. Practicas desleales de comercio internacional. 68 1.3.18.8. Principios generales sobre el comercio de servicios. 68 1.3.18.9. Servicios financieros. 69 1.3.18.10. Entrada temporal de personas de negocios. 69 1.3.18.11. Normas técnicas. 70 1.3.18.12. Inversión. 70 1.3.18.13. Propiedad intelectual. 71 1.3.19. CARICOM – Colombia. 71 1.3.20. Mercosur – Comunidad Andina. 77 1.3.21. Colombia – Asia Pacífico. 79 1.3.21.1. Concejo de Cooperación Económica del Pacífico (PECC). 79 1.3.21.2. Concejo Económico de la Cuenca del Pacífico (PBEC). 81 1.3.21.3. Foro de Cooperación Económica del Asia Pacífico (APEC). 82 1.3.21.4. Conclusiones. 85 1.3.22. Colombia – Unión Europea. 87 1.3.22.1. Sistema de Preferencias Generalizadas – SPG. 87 1.3.22.2. SPG Andino. 87 1.3.22.3. Normas de Origen. 88 1.4. RELACIONES COMERCIALES ENTRE COLOMBIA Y ESTADOS UNIDOS 91 1.4.1. Perfil económico y comercial de Estados Unidos. 91 1.4.1.1. Información básica. 91 1.4.1.2. Indicadores sociales y económicos. 91 1.4.1.3. Comercio exterior. 93 1.4.1.4. Principales socios comerciales globales de E.U. 93 1.4.1.5. Estados Unidos: principal importador del mundo. 94 1.4.1.6. Origen de las importaciones de E.U. 96 1.4.1.7. Aranceles, regulaciones y normas. 97 1.4.2. Importancia de las relaciones comerciales con Estados Unidos 101 1.4.2.1. Origen de las importaciones de E.U. desde Latinoamérica. 102 1.4.2.2. Destino de las exportaciones de Estados Unidos. 103 1.4.2.3. Exportaciones de Estados Unidos hacia Latinoamérica. 103 1.4.2.4. Participación bilateral en el comercio mundial. 104 1.4.3. Situación actual del Sistema Generalizado de Preferencias – SGP. 105 1.4.4. Ley de Preferencias Arancelarias Andinas – ATPA. 107 1.4.4.1. Objetivos del ATPA. 109 1.4.4.2. Beneficios. 110 1.4.4.3. Exportaciones de Colombia a Estados Unidos (con ATPA). 111 1.4.4.4. Comercio bilateral entre países ATPA y Estados Unidos. 113 1.4.5. Nota del Arancel de Estados Unidos en relación con el ATPA. 114 1.4.6. Estado actual y futuro del ATPA. 116 1.4.6.1. Vencimiento del ATPA. 117 1.4.6.2. Nuevos productos del ATPA ampliado. 118 1.4.6.3. Iniciativas legislativas en el Congreso de Estados Unidos. 118 1.4.6.4. ¿Cómo exportar ahora bajo el ATPA? 121 1.4.7. Links. 125 1.5. RELACIONES COMERCIALES ENTRE COLOMBIA Y CANADÁ 126 1.5.1. Perfil económico y comercial de Canadá. 126 1.5.1.1. Información básica. 126 1.5.1.2. Indicadores sociales y económicos. 126 1.5.1.3. La economía de Canadá. 128 1.5.1.4. Comercio exterior. 131 1.5.1.5. Origen de las importaciones de Canadá. 133 1.5.1.6. Diez principales importaciones de Canadá. 134 1.5.1.7. Diez principales exportaciones de Canadá. 134 1.5.2. Reglamentación y procedimientos aduaneros en Canadá 135 1.5.2.1. Impuesto a las ventas. 136 1.5.2.2. Reglamentos específicos aplicables a determinados productos. 137 1.5.2.3. Importaciones controladas y prohibidas. 138 1.5.2.4. Cuotas y aranceles estacionales. 139 1.5.3. Logística. 140 1.5.3.1. Alternativas de transporte y puertos de entrada. 140 1.5.3.2. La relación contractual: Incoterms y otras garantías. 141 1.5.3.3. Documentos claves para importar en Canadá 146 1.5.4. Sugerencias para exportar exitosamente a Canadá. 149 1.5.4.1. Estrategia principal para aumentar la competitividad 150 1.5.4.2. La importación de los Precios. 153 1.5.4.3. El cumplimiento y la flexibilidad como ventajas competitivas. 153 1.5.5. Preferencias arancelarias. 154 1.5.5.1. Estructura de los aranceles. 154 1.5.5.2. Negociación de preferencias unilaterales. 156 1.5.5.3. Lista propuesta por la Comunidad Andina. 159 1.5.6. Links. 160 2. EL ÁREA DE LIBRE COMERCIO DE LAS AMÉRICAS – ALCA 161 2.1. ANTECEDENTES DEL ÁREA DE LIBRE COMERCIO DE LAS AMÉRICAS 161 2.1.1. Antecedentes remotos del ALCA. 161 2.1.2. Período de desintegración. 164 2.1.3. Primer antecedente directo del ALCA 166 2.1.4. Antecedentes recientes del ALCA. 170 2.2. EVOLUCIÓN DEL ACUERDO ALCA 171 2.2.1. Principios rectores de las negociaciones del ALCA. 173 2.2.2. Estructura y organización de las negociaciones del ALCA. 173 2.2.2.1. Presidencia de las Negociaciones. 174 2.2.2.2. Los Ministros Responsables del Área de Comercio. 174 2.2.2.3. Comité de Negociaciones Comerciales. 174 2.2.2.4. Grupos de Negociación y Comités. 175 2.2.2.5. Apoyos. 176 2.2.2.6. Declaración relacionada con los actos terroristas de finales del 2001. 177 2.2.3. Primera Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 178 2.2.4. Segunda Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 179 2.2.5. Tercera Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 180 2.2.6. Cuarta Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 182 2.2.7. Quinta Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 184 2.2.8. Sexta Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 185 2.2.9. La Cumbre de las Américas 2001 187 2.3. EL BORRADOR DEL ACUERDO ALCA 191 2.3.1. Consideraciones. 192 2.3.2. Grupo de Negociación sobre Agricultura. 192 2.3.2.1. Objetivos. 193 2.3.2.2. Reuniones. 194 2.3.2.3. Intereses de Colombia. 195 2.3.3. Grupo de Negociación sobre Compras del Sector Público 195 2.3.3.1. Objetivos. 195 2.3.3.2. Reuniones. 196 2.3.3.3. Intereses de Colombia. 197 2.3.4. Grupo de Negociación sobre Inversión. 197 2.3.4.1. Objetivos. 197 2.3.4.2. Reuniones. 197 2.3.4.3. Intereses para Colombia. 198 2.3.5. Grupo de Negociación sobre Acceso a Mercados. 198 2.3.5.1. Objetivos. 198 2.3.5.2. Reuniones. 199 2.3.5.3. Intereses de Colombia. 200 2.3.5.4. Texto oficial del Acuerdo. 200 2.3.6. Subsidios, Antidumping y Derechos Compensatorios. 200 2.3.6.1. Objetivos. 201 2.3.6.2. Reuniones. 201 2.3.6.3. Intereses de Colombia. 202 2.3.7. Grupo de Negociación sobre Solución de Controversias. 202 2.3.7.1. Objetivos. 202 2.3.7.2. Reuniones. 202 2.3.7.3. Intereses de Colombia. 203 2.3.8. Grupo de Negociación sobre Servicios. 203 2.3.8.1. Objetivos. 204 2.3.8.2. Reuniones. 204 2.3.8.3. Intereses de Colombia. 205 2.3.9. Grupo de Negociación sobre Derechos de Propiedad Intelectual. 205 2.3.9.1. Objetivos. 205 2.3.9.2. Reuniones. 205 2.3.9.3. Intereses de Colombia. 206 2.3.10. Grupo de Negociación sobre Política de Competencia. 206 2.3.10.1. Objetivos. 206 2.3.10.2. Reuniones. 207 2.3.10.3. Intereses de Colombia. 208 2.4. EL PROCESO DE NEGOCIACIÓN DEL ALCA 208 2.4.1. Estado actual de las negociaciones. 210 2.4.2. Futuro de las negociaciones. 211 2.4.3. Pautas y lineamientos acordados. 212 2.5. COLOMBIA FRENTE AL ALCA 214 2.5.1. El Plan Estratégico Exportador 1999 – 2009 de Colombia. 215 2.5.1.1. Objetivo Estratégico 1. 216 2.5.1.2. Objetivo Estratégico 2. 217 2.5.1.3. Objetivo Estratégico 3. 218 2.5.1.4. Objetivo Estratégico 4. 218 2.5.1.5. Objetivo Estratégico 5. 219 2.5.2. El Plan Estratégico Exportador 2001 – 2010 del Valle del Cauca. 219 2.5.2.1. Visión exportadora del Departamento. 219 2.5.2.2. Variables claves para el desarrollo del PEER. 220 2.5.2.3. Objetivos. 220 2.5.2.4. Proyectos prioritarios. 225 2.5.2.5. Entidades y empresas participantes. 229 2.5.3. Colombia y el ALCA en cifras. 231 2.5.3.1. Exportación de bienes. 232 2.5.3.2. Exportación de servicios comerciales 232 2.5.3.3. Inversión extranjera en Colombia 233 2.5.4. Objetivo e intereses de Colombia en el ALCA. 234 2.5.5. Rol de Colombia, los empresarios y la sociedad civil. 235 2.5.6. "Empresarios por el ALCA". 240 3. COMERCIO EXTERIOR DE COLOMBIA Y EL VALLE DEL CAUCA 243 3.1. INTERCAMBIO COMERCIAL DE COLOMBIA 243 3.1.1. Destino de las Exportaciones Colombianas. 244 3.1.2. Exportaciones Colombianas por Sector Económico. 246 3.1.3. Exportaciones por Sectores Económicos y Grupos de Destino. 249 3.1.4. Origen de las Importaciones Colombianas. 252 3.1.5. Importaciones de Colombia por Grupos Económicos de Origen. 253 3.1.6. Importaciones según Sectores de Origen 255 3.1.7. Balanza Comercial Según Grupos Económicos de Países. 258 3.1.8. Algunas Observaciones Preliminares. 260 3.1.9. Significado del ALCA para Colombia 262 3.2. EL VALLE DEL CAUCA Y SU POSICIÓN FRENTE AL ALCA 263 3.2.1. Importaciones del Valle del Cauca. 263 3.2.2. Origen de las importaciones del Valle del Cauca. 267 3.2.3. Exportaciones del Valle del Cauca. 268 3.2.4. Destino de las exportaciones del Valle. 273 3.2.5. Comportamiento histórico de las exportaciones vallecaucanas. 275 3.2.6. Exportaciones no tradicionales de Colombia y el Valle. 276 3.2.7. Balanza Comercial del Valle del Cauca. 278 3.2.8. El compromiso del empresario vallecaucano. 278 3.3. COMERCIO ENTRE COLOMBIA Y LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS 279 3.3.1. Balanza Comercial entre Colombia y los Estados Unidos. 279 3.3.2. Importaciones y Exportaciones por productos. 281 3.4. COMERCIO ENTRE COLOMBIA Y CANADÁ 282 3.4.1. Balanza Comercial. 282 3.4.2. Inversión extranjera. 283 3.4.3. Comercio bilateral. 284 3.4.3.1. Importaciones de Canadá a Colombia. 285 3.4.3.2. Exportaciones de Colombia a Canadá. 286 3.4.4. Perspectivas del mercado canadiense. 286 4. OPORTUNIDADES 289 4.1. OPORTUNIDADES FRENTE AL ATPA 289 4.2. OPORTUNIDADES EN EL MERCADO CANADIENSE 293 4.3. OPORTUNIDADES FRENTE AL ALCA 294 4.3.1. Papel del sector privado. 295 4.3.2. Oportunidades generales para el empresario. 296 4.3.3. Oportunidades para la industria del Valle del Cauca. 298 4.3.4. Sectores exportadores clave del Valle del Cauca. 300 4.3.4.1. Sectores representativos año 2001. 301 4.3.4.2. Sectores estratégicos del Valle del Cauca. 302 4.3.5. Análisis del sector exportador Vallecaucano 305 5. CONCLUSIONES 308 5.1. SOBRE LAS EXPORTACIONES DE COLOMBIA 308 5.2. SOBRE LAS IMPORTACIONES DE COLOMBIA 310 5.3. SOBRE EL VALLE DEL CAUCA 311 5.4. FACTORES CLAVE DEL ÉXITO 316 5.4.1. Por parte del Gobierno Nacional y el sector público. 317 5.4.2. Por parte del sector privado. 317 5.4.3. Por parte de la Academia. 318 5.4.4. Por parte de los Trabajadores. 318 6. RECOMENDACIONES 319 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 321 ANEXOS 324 ; Maestría ; The main objective of this research is to identify and characterize the commercial opportunities that the industrial sector of Valle del Cauca presents with the consolidation in 2005 of the Free Trade Area of the Americas - FTAA - especially with the United States and Canada. To achieve this objective, it was required, in the first instance, to review the commercial exchange situation between Colombia and Canada, and also Colombia and the United States through a temporary unilateral mechanism such as the Andean Trade Preference Act - ATPA , and then review the status of the negotiations according to the market access chapter of the Draft FTAA Agreement. In addition, it was necessary to evaluate the commercial situation of Valle del Cauca on the subject of foreign trade to determine the importance of the participating products or productive sectors. From this result, those most representative products or sectors were taken for analysis for which the possible commercial opportunities that are outlined if the Agreement is consolidated and put into operation on the proposed date were established. This study was carried out in two phases. The first phase includes the collection of all the information grouped into two main topics: First, the existing information on Colombia in the process of economic integration in America and on the Free Area. Commerce of the Americas - FTAA - which includes the review of the trade situation between Colombia and the United States and Canada through a temporary unilateral mechanism such as the ATPA, the search for historical antecedents, the evolution of the hemispheric integration process according to with the progress made in the Negotiating Groups and, finally, the revision of the chapter "Market Access" of the Draft FTAA Agreement. The second topic covers the existing information on commercial exchange between Colombia and Valle del Cauca and the other countries of America, where the trade statistics they have maintained were analyzed and the expectations that the industrial sector of Valle del Cauca has regarding to the formation of the FTAA. In the second phase of the study, an analysis was made of the information obtained in the first phase in order to characterize the specific commercial opportunities, identifying the most representative products or sectors of the Valle del Cauca industry in terms of current exports and selecting those that they participate with at least 5% of Valle del Cauca exports, thus identifying the paretto on the subject. Likewise, the sectors with export potential were identified according to the Regional Exporting Strategic Plan 2001 - 2010 of Valle del Cauca developed by CARCE. When analyzing the results obtained as a result of the investigation, certain conclusions were identified that it is important to mention. For Colombia and Valle del Cauca to succeed in the face of the great challenge represented by the consolidation of the FTAA, it is imperative that the Government, the private sector, the Academy and even civil society are focused on shared work plans and focused on well-defined strategies. defined where everyone plays their role. Isolated individual efforts do not guarantee the achievement of the general objectives sought by the successful participation of Colombia in this integration process, it must be a coordinated effort. Obtaining competitive and sustainable commercial advantages in an American market expanded as a result of the FTAA, depends on the integrated work and aligned under the same strategic objectives of each of these actors in this new scenario. As a complement, some factors were identified that can be considered as essential to achieve a satisfactory performance before the consolidation of the FTAA by the National Government and the public sector, by the private sector, by the Academy and by the Workers as members. of civil society.
En trabajos anteriores de este mismo autor se abordó el temade los galeotes para el ambito de la Corona de Castilla y para el periodocronologico de los reinados de 10s Austrias. En esta ocasión el estudio deesta temática se ha extendido además a la Corona de Aragón y a losreinados de los Borbones del Antiguo Rigimen. Como consecuencia de lapoliterritorialidad existente en la Monarquia Hispánica no hubo en susdominios un único derecho penal aplicable en todos los reinos hasta lapromulgación de los códigos penales de 1822 y 1848. En lo que se refierea la implantación de la pena de galeras hubo una génesis y una evolucióndistinta en cada territorio. En Cataluña se comienzan a enrolar forzadosen las galeras a comienzos del siglo XV. De tal forma que en 1438 esta penaesti plenamente establecida en todos los territorios de la Corona deAragon. Por lo que se refiere a Castilla, la pena de galeras fue introducidapor Fernando el Católico y mas tarde Carlos V, en 1530, la reguló plenamentey perfiló los delitos que se hicieron acreedores de la misma.Felipe II, por su parte, hizo un gran esfuerzo por aumentar el poderíode la flota de galeras. Por ello aumentó la duración de las condenas a galerasy amplió el número de delitos sancionables con ellas, tanto en la Coronade Castilla como en la de Aragón. En un principio no se estableció enninguna parte la lista de delitos sancionables con la pena de galeras, sinosimplernente se autorizó la conmutación de penas, corporales, destierrosy otras sirnilares por servicios de galeras. No obstante la revisibn de la legislacionpenal poner de relieve que con el paso del tiempo un buen número de delincuentes se fueron haciendo acreedores de trabajos forzados al remo:ladrones, blasfemos, bigamos, testigos falsos, desertores, huidos de prisibn,vagabundos, resistidores de la acción de la justicia, etc. Como las necesidadesmilitares fueron crecientes a medida que se fue desarrollando elproyecto hegemonista de los Habsburgo, se hizo imprescindible modificaralgunos aspectos de la pena de galeras: Se aumentó la duración de lascondenas, se introdujeron nuevos delitos en el catálogo de delitossancionables con pena de remo, etc. Aunque no todos los remeros erangaleotes, istos constituian la mayor parte de la fuerza propulsora de lamarina de guerra mediterrinea. La penuria de mano de obra forj6 enla Corona una concepción utilitarista de la penalidad. En el artículo seanalizan ademas los delitos castigados con galeras y la evolución seguidaen tiempos de los Austrias y de los Borbones. Se finaliza explicando comoera la vida diaria del forzado. El rigor del trabajo, la mala alimentación ylas pésimas condiciones de la estancia ocasionaban altas tasas demortalidad anual. Tras estudiar los tres siglos que aproximadamentecomponen la Edad Moderna, se llega a la conclusión de que con el transcursodel tiempo no se dulcificó la penalidad. Los ilustrados fueronconscientes de la necesidad de humanizar las penas, pero sus logrosquedaron circunscritos al campo de las ideas en el siglo XVIII, preparandoel terreno para que el gran cambio se produjera en el siglo XIX. ; Previous studies of this author have dealt with the topic ofconvict oarsmen in the Crown of Castile during the period of Habsburgrule. For this study the theme has been extended to the Crown of Aragonand to the reign of the Borbons of the Old Regime. As a consequence ofthe multiple territories which comprised the Hispanic Monarchy, no onelaw applied to all of the kingdoms until the promulgation of the PenalCodes of 1822 and 1848. Regarding the implantation of the condemnationto the galleys each territory had its own genesis and separate evolution. InCatalonia convict oarsmen were first enlisted in the galleys at the beginningof the fifteenth century. By 1438 this punishment was fully establishedin all the territories of the Crown of Aragon. With regard to Castile,condemnation to the galleys was introduced by Ferdinand the Catholicand later in 1530, Charlcs V fully regulated condemnation to the galleysand the types of offences that incurred this punishment.For his part Philip I1 made a great effort to increase the power of thegalley fleet. As a result he increased the duration of those condemned toconvict galley service and widened the number of crimes sanctioned by itboth in the Crown of Castile and that of Aragon. Initially neither territoryestablished a list of crimes that incurred condemnation to the galleys.Instead capital punishment, exile and other similar penalties werecommuted to convict galley service. Nevertheless, the revision of penallegislation highlighted that, as time passed, a good number of criminalsbecame liable for forced labour at the oar: thieves, blasphemers, falsewitnesses, deserters, prison escapees, vagabunds, those who resisted justice,etc. As military needs grew as Habsburg hegemony developed, it provednecessary to modify some aspects of the condemnation to the galleys: thelength of service of those condemned was extended, new crimes were addedto those punishable by forced labour at the oar, etc. While not all oarsmenwere convicts, they constituted a majority of the manpower that drove theMediterranean war fleet. The shortage of manpower forced the Crowninto a utilitarian concept of punishment. This article also analyses thecrimes punished by condemnation to the galleys and the evolution thattook place under the Habsburgs and Borbons. The article concludes withan account of the daily life of the convict oarsmen. The rigours of the work,the poor diet and the wretched conditions in which they lived producedhigh annual mortality rates. A study of the three centuries or thereaboutsof the Early Modern period points to the conclusion that the passage oftime did not moderate the punishment. Men of the Enlightment wereconscious of the need to humanize the punishment, but their achievementswere limited to the field of ideas of the eighteenth century, preparing theway for the great change that took place in the nineteenth century.
